Главная

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Kemal Atatürk^[2] (or alternatively written as Kamâl Atatürk,^[3] Mustafa Kemal Pasha^[a] until 1934, commonly referred to as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk;^[b] c. 1881^[c] – 10 November 1938) was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation.^[4]^[5]^[6]^[7] Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.^[4] Due to his military and political accomplishments, Atatürk is regarded as one of the most important political leaders of the 20th century.^[8]

Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I.^[9] Following the defeat and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey’s partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the decrepit Ottoman Empire and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place.

As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a modern, progressive and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk’s presidency.^[10] In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage.^[11]

His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous and unified nation.^[12]^[13]^[14] Under Atatürk, non-Turkish minorities were pressured to speak Turkish in public;^[15] non-Turkish toponyms and last names of minorities had to be changed to Turkish renditions.^[16]^[17] The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means “Father of the Turks”, in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic.^[18] He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57;^[19] he was succeeded as President by his long-time Prime Minister İsmet İnönü^[20] and was honored with a state funeral. His iconic mausoleum in Ankara, built and opened in 1953, is surrounded by a park called the Peace Park in honor of his famous expression “Peace at Home, Peace in the World“.

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk’s birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as “the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism” and a “remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction”.^[21]^[22] Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials and places named in his honor in Turkey and throughout the world.

Early life

Further information: Personal life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk The house where Atatürk was born in the Ottoman city of Salonika (Thessaloniki in present-day Greece), now a museum The reconstructed house of Atatürk’s paternal grandparents, in the Ottoman village of Kocacık (Kodžadžik in present-day North Macedonia)

Kemal Atatürk was born (under the name Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa which means “Mustafa son of Ali Rıza”) in the early months of 1881, either in the Ahmet Subaşı neighbourhood or at a house (preserved as a museum) in Islahhane Street (now Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood in Salonica (Selanik),^[23] Ottoman Empire (Thessaloniki in present-day Greece). His parents were Ali Rıza Efendi, a militia officer originally from Kodžadžik, title deed clerk and lumber trader, and Zübeyde Hanım. Only one of Mustafa’s siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in 1956.^[24] According to Andrew Mango, his family was Muslim, Turkish-speaking and precariously middle-class.^[25] His father Ali Rıza is thought to have been of Albanian origin by some authors;^[26]^[27]^[28] however, according to Falih Rıfkı Atay, Vamık D. Volkan, Norman Itzkowitz, Müjgân Cunbur, Numan Kartal and Hasan İzzettin Dinamo, Ali Rıza’s ancestors were Turks, ultimately descending from Söke in the Aydın Province of Anatolia.^[29]^[30]^[31]^[32]^[33]^[34] His mother Zübeyde is thought to have been of Turkish origin,^[27]^[28] and according to Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, she was of Yörük ancestry.^[35] According to other sources, he was Jewish (Scholem, 2007) or Bulgarian (Tončeva, 2009).^[36] Due to the large Jewish community of Salonica in the Ottoman period, many of the Islamist opponents who were disturbed by his reforms claimed that Atatürk had Dönmeh ancestors, that is Jews who converted to Islam publicly, but still secretly retained their belief in Judaism.^[37]

He was born Mustafa, and his second name Kemal (meaning Perfection or Maturity) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi, “in admiration of his capability and maturity” according to Afet İnan,^[38]^[39] and, according to other sources because his teacher wanted to distinguish his student who had the same name as him,^[40]^[41] although biographer Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal.^[42] In his early years, his mother encouraged Atatürk to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. When he was seven years old, his father died.^[43] His mother wanted him to learn a trade, but without consulting them, Atatürk took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi) in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled in the Monastir Military High School (in modern Bitola, North Macedonia). On 14 March 1899,^[44] he enrolled at the Ottoman Military Academy in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı^[45] within the Şişli district of the Ottoman capital city Constantinople (modern Istanbul) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the Ottoman Military College in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.^[44]

Military career

Main article: Military career of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Early years

See also: Vatan ve Hürriyet, Committee of Union and Progress, and Young Turk Revolution Atatürk on the day of graduation from the War Academy in 1905

Shortly after graduation, he was arrested by the police for his anti-monarchist activities. Following confinement for several months he was released only with the support of Rıza Pasha, his former school director.^[46] After his release, Atatürk was assigned to the Fifth Army based in Damascus as a Staff Captain^[44] in the company of Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) and Lütfi Müfit (Özdeş).^[47] He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers led by a merchant Mustafa Elvan (Cantekin) called Vatan ve Hürriyet (“Motherland and Liberty”). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and on 13 October 1907, was assigned to the headquarters of the Third Army in Manastır.^[48] He joined the Committee of Union and Progress, with membership number 322, although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On 22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways in Eastern Rumelia (Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi).^[48] In July 1908, he played a role in the Young Turk Revolution which seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and restored the constitutional monarchy.Atatürk (front row, second from left) with the Ottoman Turkish observers at the Picardie army manoeuvres in France, 28 September 1910

He was proposing depoliticization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to Tripolitania Vilayet (present Libya, then an Ottoman territory) under the pretext of suppressing a tribal rebellion towards the end of 1908.^[46] According to Mikush however, he volunteered for this mission.^[49] He suppressed the revolt and returned to Constantinople in January 1909.

In April 1909 in Constantinople, a group of soldiers began a counter-revolution (see 31 March Incident). Atatürk was instrumental in suppressing the revolt.^[50]

In 1910, he was called to the Ottoman provinces in Albania.^[51]^[52] At that time Isa Boletini was leading Albanian uprisings in Kosovo, and there were revolts in Albania as well.^[53]^[54] In 1910, Atatürk met with Eqrem Vlora, the Albanian lord, politician, writer, and one of the delegates of the Albanian Declaration of Independence.^[55]^[56]

Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France,^[57] and in 1911, served at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople for a short time.

Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)

Main article: Italo-Turkish WarSee also: Battle of Tobruk (1911)Atatürk (left) with an Ottoman military officer and Bedouin forces in Derna, Tripolitania Vilayet, 1912

In 1911, he volunteered to fight in the Italo-Turkish War^[58] in the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet (present-day Libya).^[59] He served mainly in the areas near Derna and Tobruk.^[58] The invading Italian army had a strength of 150,000 men;^[60] it was opposed by 20,000 Bedouins and 8,000 Turks.^[61] A short time before Italy declared war, many of the Ottoman troops in Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of Yemen Vilayet to put down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya. Britain, which controlled the Ottoman provinces of Egypt and Sudan, did not allow additional Ottoman troops to reach Libya through Egypt. Ottoman soldiers like Atatürk went to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt) or by the very few available ferries (the Italians, who had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to Tripoli). However, despite all the hardships, Atatürk’s forces in Libya managed to repel the Italians on a number of occasions, such as at the Battle of Tobruk on 22 December 1911.

During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Atatürk was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces; a limestone splinter from a damaged building’s rubble struck Atatürk’s left eye, causing permanent tissue damage, but not total loss of sight. He received medical treatment for nearly a month; he attempted to leave the Red Crescent‘s health facilities after only two weeks, but when his eye’s situation worsened, he had to return and resume treatment. On 6 March 1912, Atatürk became the Commander of the Ottoman forces in Derna. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Atatürk, Enver Bey, Fethi Bey, and the other Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to Ottoman Europe following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars on 8 October 1912. Having lost the war, the Ottoman government had to surrender Tripolitania, Fezzan, and Cyrenaica (three provinces forming present-day Libya) to the Kingdom of Italy in the Treaty of Lausanne (1912) signed ten days later, on 18 October 1912 (since 1923, historians have preferred to name this treaty as the “Treaty of Ouchy”, after the Château d’Ouchy in Lausanne where it was signed, to distinguish it from the later Treaty of Lausanne (1923) signed between the Allies of World War I and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in Ankara (at that time known as Angora).^[62]

Balkan Wars (1912–13)

Main article: Balkan WarsSee also: First Balkan War and Second Balkan War

On 1 December 1912, Atatürk arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and, during the First Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace under Binbaşı Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov‘s 7th Rila Infantry Division^[63] under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev‘s Bulgarian Fourth Army.^[64]

In June 1913, during the Second Balkan War, he took part in the Ottoman Army forces^[65] commanded by Kaymakam Enver Bey that recovered Dimetoka and Edirne (Adrianople, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire between 1365 and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern Thrace from the Bulgarians.

In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to all Balkan states (his office was in Sofia, Bulgaria) and promoted to the rank of Kaymakam (Lieutenant Colonel / Colonel) on 1 March 1914.^[44] While in Bulgaria, he met with Dimitrina Kovacheva, the daughter of Bulgarian general Stiliyan Kovachev (against whose forces he had fought during the Balkan Wars), who had recently completed her education in Switzerland, during a New Year’s Eve ball in Sofia and fell in love with her.^[66] The two danced at the ball and started to secretly date in the following days.^[66] Atatürk twice asked Dimitrina’s parents for their permission to marry her (the second time was in 1915, during World War I) and was twice refused, which left him with a lifelong sadness.^[66]

First World War (1914–18)

Main article: World War ISee also: Gallipoli Campaign and Middle Eastern theatre of World War I Cevat Pasha and Atatürk on the daily Tasvîr-i Efkâr [tr] dated 29 October 1915

In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the European and Middle Eastern theatres of World War I allied with the Central Powers. Atatürk was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the Fifth Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. He became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating where the Allies would attack, and held his position until they retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Atatürk served in Edirne until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of the XVI Corps of the Second Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign after the massive Russian offensive had reached key Anatolian cities. On 7 August, he rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.^[67] Two of his divisions captured Bitlis and Muş, upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.^[68]Atatürk with Ottoman military officers during the Battle of Gallipoli, Çanakkale, 1915

Following this victory, the CUP government in Constantinople proposed to establish a new army in Hejaz (Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi) and appoint Atatürk to its command, but he refused the proposal and this army was never established.^[57] Instead, on 7 March 1917, Atatürk was promoted from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the Czar’s armies were soon withdrawn when the Russian Revolution erupted.^[57]^[67]

In July 1917, he was appointed to the command of the Seventh Army, replacing Fevzi Pasha on 7 August 1917, who was under the command of the German general Erich von Falkenhayn‘s Yildirim Army Group (after the British forces of General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by Otto Liman von Sanders who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.)^[57] Atatürk did not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with Miralay İsmet Bey, wrote a report to Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian front. However, Talaat Pasha ignored their observations and refused their suggestion to form a stronger defensive line to the north, in Ottoman Syria (in parts of the Beirut Vilayet, Damascus Vilayet, and Aleppo Vilayet), with Turks instead of Germans in command.^[57] Following the rejection of his report, Atatürk resigned from the Seventh Army and returned to Constantinople.^[57] There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince (and future sultan) Mehmed Vahideddin during his train trip to Austria-Hungary and Germany.^[57] While in Germany, Atatürk visited the German lines on the Western Front and concluded that the Central Powers would soon lose the war.^[57] He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser Wilhelm II and his high-ranking generals in person.^[57] During the return trip, he briefly stayed in Karlsbad and Vienna for medical treatment.^[57]Atatürk in 1918, the Commander of the Yıldırım Army Group and an Honorary aide-de-camp of the Sultan

When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Atatürk to Constantinople, and after several meetings in the months July and August 1918, re-assigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.^[69] Atatürk arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was destroyed by British aerial bombardment during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918.^[70] Nevertheless, Atatürk managed to form a defence line to the north of Aleppo. According to Lord Kinross, Atatürk was the only Turkish general in the war who never suffered a defeat.^[71]

The war ended with the Armistice of Mudros which was signed on 30 October 1918, and all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire were granted ample time to withdraw. On 31 October, Atatürk was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. Atatürk organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in Antep in case of a defensive conflict against the invading Allies.^[57]

Atatürk’s last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the Ottoman troops left behind to the south of the defensive line. In early November 1918, the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved, and Atatürk returned to an occupied Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918.^[57] For a period of time, he worked at the headquarters of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city until 16 May 1919.^[57] Along the established lines of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies (British, Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied Anatolia. The occupation of Constantinople, followed by the occupation of İzmir (the two largest Ottoman cities at the time) sparked the establishment of the Turkish National Movement and the Turkish War of Independence.^[72]

Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)

Main article: Turkish War of IndependenceSee also: Military career of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk § War of Independence Atatürk (right) in Angora (Ankara) with İsmet Pasha (left)

On 30 April 1919, Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari (“Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan”) Mirliva Atatürk was assigned as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security.^[73] On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun. His first goal was the establishment of an organized national movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July, and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. But Kâzım Karabekir and other military commanders active in Eastern Anatolia followed Atatürk’s lead and acknowledged him as their leader.^[74]

On 4 September 1919, he assembled a congress in Sivas. Those who opposed the Allies in various provinces in Turkey issued a declaration named Misak-ı Millî (“National Pact”). Atatürk was appointed as the head of the executive committee of the Congress,^[75] which gave him the legitimacy he needed for his future politics.^[76]^[75] (see Sivas Congress)

The last election to the Ottoman parliament held in December 1919 gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the “Association for Defence of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia” (Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti), headed by Atatürk, who himself remained in Angora, now known as Ankara. The fourth (and last) term of the parliament opened in Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the Misak-ı Millî (“National Pact”). Atatürk called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament seated in Angora.^[77] – the “Grand National Assembly” (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Atatürk as the speaker; this act effectively created the situation of diarchy in the country.^[78] In May 1920, the power struggle between the two governments led to a death sentence in absentia for Mustafa Kemal by the Turkish courts-martial.^[79] Halide Edib (Adıvar) and Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) were also sentenced to death alongside Atatürk.^[80]Prominent nationalists at the Sivas Congress, left to right: Muzaffer (Kılıç), Rauf (Orbay), Bekir Sami (Kunduh), Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk), Ruşen Eşref (Ünaydın), Cemil Cahit (Toydemir), Cevat Abbas (Gürer)

On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, finalizing plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed as their heartland. Atatürk insisted on the country’s complete independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority on “Turkish soil”. He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The GNA army faced the Caliphate army propped up by the Allied occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the Armenian forces in the Eastern Front and the Greek forces advancing eastward from Smyrna (today known as İzmir) that they had occupied in May 1919, on the Western Front.^[81]

The GNA military successes against the Democratic Republic of Armenia in the autumn of 1920 and later against the Greeks were made possible by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the Kemalists from the Russian Bolshevik government from the autumn of 1920 onwards.^[82]Atatürk inspects the Turkish troops on 18 June 1922

After a series of battles during the Greco-Turkish War, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On 5 August 1921, Atatürk was promoted to commander in chief of the forces by the GNA.^[83] The ensuing Battle of Sakarya was fought from 23 August–13 September 1921 and ended with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, Atatürk was given the rank of Mareşal and the title of Gazi by the Grand National Assembly on 19 September 1921. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Atatürk’s successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Angora, but the proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Atatürk launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar in the Battle of Dumlupınar, and Turkish forces regained control of İzmir on 9 September 1922.^[84] On 10 September 1922, Atatürk sent a telegram to the League of Nations stating that the Turkish population was so worked up that the Ankara Government would not be responsible for the ensuing massacres.^[85]

Establishment of the Republic of Turkey

See also: Treaty of Lausanne (1923)A British cartoon of 1923 satirising Atatürk’s rule in Turkey

The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by İsmet İnönü of the GNA, refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty,^[86] such as the control of Turkish finances, the Capitulations, the Straits and other issues. Although the conference paused on 4 February, it continued after 23 April mainly focusing on the economic issues.^[68] On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by the Powers with the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey.

On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed.^[87] Since then, Republic Day has been celebrated as a national holiday on that date.^[88]

Presidency

For conceptual analysis, see Kemalism and Atatürk’s Reforms.

With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public’s lack of knowledge regarding Atatürk’s intentions, the public cheered: “We are returning to the days of the first caliphs.”^[89] Atatürk placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kâzım Özalp, and İsmet İnönü in political positions where they could institute his reforms. He capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so, he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state. This had a positive influence on human capital because from then on, what mattered at school was science and education; Islam was concentrated in mosques and religious places.^[90]

Domestic policies

Atatürk at the opening ceremony of the Samsun–Çarşamba railroad (1928)

Atatürk’s basic tenet was the complete independence of the country.^[91] He clarified his position:

“…by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence”.^[92]

He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economic aspects, establishing the new Republic’s backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century and were expressed more openly after the Young Turk Revolution.^[93]

Atatürk created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the “Six Arrows”, or Kemalism. Kemalism is based on Atatürk’s conception of realism and pragmatism.^[94] The fundamentals of nationalism, populism, and etatism were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were explicitly formulated for Turkey’s needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states.

Emergence of the state, 1923–1924

Atatürk in 1923, with members of the Mevlevi Order, before its institutional expression became illegal and their dervish lodge was changed into the Mevlana Museum. The Mevlevi Order managed to transform itself into a non-political organization which still exists.

Atatürk’s private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage.^[95] For instance, they made Ankara (as Angora has been known in English since 1930), the country’s new capital and reformed the Turkish postal service. Once a provincial town deep in Anatolia, the city was thus turned into the center of the independence movement. Atatürk wanted a “direct government by the Assembly”^[96] and visualized a representative democracy, parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.^[96]

In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and “direct government by the Assembly” could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as communism and fascism. Atatürk saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both.^[97] He prevented the spread into Turkey of the totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany, and Italy.^[98] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.^[99] Under Atatürk, the arrest process known as the Arrests of 1927 (1927 Tevkifatı) was launched, and a widespread arrest policy was put in place against the Communist Party of Turkey members. Communist political figures such as Hikmet Kıvılcımlı, Nâzım Hikmet, and Şefik Hüsnü were tried and sentenced to prison terms. Then, in 1937, a delegation headed by Atatürk decided to censor the writings of Kıvılcımlı as harmful communist propaganda.^[100]^[101]^[102]In 1924, during his speech in Bursa

The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Atatürk.^[103] The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.^[103] Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, served as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish Constitution of 1921.^[103] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Atatürk, then the President, occupied a dominant position in this political system.

The one-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the “People’s Party”, founded by Atatürk on 9 September 1923. (But according to the party culture the foundation date was the opening day of Sivas Congress on 4 September 1919). On 10 November 1924, it was renamed Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası or Republican People’s Party (the word fırka was replaced by the word parti in 1935).

Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925

Atatürk during the Republic Day celebrations on the second anniversary of the Turkish Republic, 29 October 1925.

The abolition of the caliphate and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements were not appreciative, and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.^[104]

Abolition of the Caliphate was an important dimension in Atatürk’s drive to reform the political system and to promote national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of Sunni Islam.^[105] Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and Atatürk and İnönü worried that “it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph.”^[106] Caliph Abdülmecid II was elected after the abolition of the sultanate (1922).

The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Atatürk said that there was no “religious” or “political” justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.^[107] He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when^[107] İnönü, Çakmak, and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.^[104] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Atatürk said:

“The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past”.^[108]

On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey’s unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.^[104] A “Caliphate Conference” was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate “a necessity in Islam”, but failed to implement this decision.^[104]

Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.^[104] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence. Meanwhile, Atatürk and the reformists continued their own way.^[109]

On 8 April 1924, sharia courts were abolished with the law “Mehakim-i Şer’iyenin İlgasına ve Mehakim Teşkilatına Ait Ahkamı Muaddil Kanun”.^[110]^[111]

Educational reform

The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were medreses based on Arabic, the Qur’an, and memorization. The second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the Tanzimat era. The last group included colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old medrese education was modernized.^[112] Atatürk changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions.^[112] He linked educational reform to the liberation of the nation from dogma, which he believed was more important than the Turkish War of Independence. He declared:

“Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way.”^[113]

In the summer of 1924, Atatürk invited American educational reformer John Dewey to Ankara to advise him on how to reform Turkish education.^[112] His public education reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public life through increasing public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of education in Turkey had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the “public culture”. The state schools established a common curriculum which became known as the “unification of education.”

Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the “Ministry of National Education“, a government agency modeled after other countries’ ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy subordinate to the department of religious affairs, one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum ended “clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire”, but was not the end of religious schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former position in secondary after Atatürk’s death.Atatürk with his Panama hat just after the Kastamonu speech in 1925

Western attire

Beginning in the fall of 1925, Atatürk encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.^[114] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.^[114] The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire’s modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Atatürk first made the hat compulsory for civil servants.^[114] The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Atatürk wore a Panama hat during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.

Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Atatürk never made specific reference to women’s clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern Western clothes. But it was Atatürk’s adopted daughters, Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan, who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: “The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty … This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society.”^[115]

Religious insignia

On 30 August 1925, Atatürk’s view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech. This speech also had another position. He said:

“In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey’s civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and admit that their disciplines have grown up”.^[116][117]

On 2 September, the government issued a decree closing down all Sufi orders and the tekkes. Atatürk ordered their dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of Sufism became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of Sufism, functioning as social associations, was permitted to exist.^[118]

Opposition to Atatürk in 1924–1927

Atatürk is greeted by marines in Büyükada (14 July 1927)

In 1924, while the “Issue of Mosul” was on the table, Sheikh Said began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said was a wealthy Kurdish tribal chief of a local Naqshbandi order in Diyarbakır. He emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Sheikh stirred up his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic law, Sheik’s forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır.^[119] Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. With the support of Mustafa Kemal, the acting prime minister Ali Fethi (Okyar) replaced with Ismet Inönü who on the 3 March 1925 ordered the invocation of the “Law for the Maintenance of Order” in order to deal with the rebellion. It gave the government exceptional powers and included the authority to shut down subversive groups.^[120] The law was repealed in March 1927.^[121]

There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes^[who?]. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) that Atatürk expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.^[122] He decided not to purge this group.^[122] After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kâzım Karabekir, along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Atatürk. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.^[122] The CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him,^[122] Atatürk said, “the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress”.^[122]

On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. Some of Atatürk’s closest associates who had supported him in the early days of the War of Independence such as Rauf Bey (later Rauf Orbay), Refet Pasha, and Ali Fuat Pasha (later Ali Fuat Cebesoy) were among the members of the new party. The PRP’s economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the state socialism of the CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of the CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.^[123] The PRP was not against Atatürk’s main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civil law, or as stated, “the needs of the age” (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).^[124] These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.

During 1926, a plot to assassinate Atatürk was uncovered in Smyrna (İzmir). It originated with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. What originally was an inquiry into the planners shifted to a sweeping investigation. Ostensibly, its aims were to uncover subversive activities, but in truth, the investigation was used to undermine those disagreeing with Atatürk’s cultural revolution. The investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including Karabekir, the leader of the PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, including Mehmet Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and İsmail Canbulat, were found guilty of treason and hanged.^[125] Because the investigation found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition was broken; this action was to be the only broad political purge during Atatürk’s presidency. Atatürk’s statement, “My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever,” was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.^[126]

Modernization efforts, 1926–1930

Atatürk at the 1927 opening of the State Art and Sculpture Museum

In the years following 1926, Atatürk introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire.^[127] For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law and restricted to matters of religion.^[127] He stated:

“We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us”.^[128]

Atatürk at the library of the Çankaya Presidential Residence in Ankara, on 16 July 1929

On 1 March 1926, the Turkish penal code, modelled after the Italian penal code, was passed. On 4 October 1926, Islamic courts were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Atatürk delayed the inclusion of the principle of laïcité (the constitutional principle of secularism in France) until 5 February 1937.Atatürk attending a class at the Law School of the Istanbul House of Multiple Sciences in 1930

In keeping with the Islamic practice of sex segregation, Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women. Atatürk began developing social reforms to address this issue very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He and his staff discussed issues such as abolishing the veiling of women and integrating women into the outside world. His plans to surmount the task were written in his journal in November 1915:

“The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection”.^[129]

This documentary film is about Atatürk and the modernization of the Turkish Republic.

Atatürk needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls, a feat established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new Turkish civil code, modelled after the Swiss Civil Code, was passed. Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce, since Atatürk did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for Turkey to achieve progress and become civilized if Ottoman gender separation persisted.^[130] During a meeting he declaimed:

“To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West”.^[131]

In 1927, the State Art and Sculpture Museum (Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) opened its doors. The museum highlighted sculpture, which was rarely practised in Turkey due to the Islamic tradition of avoiding idolatry. Atatürk believed that “culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic,”^[132] and described modern Turkey’s ideological thrust as “a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal.” He included both his own nation’s creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was placed on the widespread Turkish culture before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations. He instigated study of Anatolian civilizations – Phrygians, Lydians, Sumerians, and Hittites. To attract public attention to past cultures, he personally named the banks “Sümerbank” (1932) after the Sumerians and “Etibank” (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.

At the time, the republic used the Ottoman Turkish language written in the Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.^[112] However, as little as 10% of the population was literate. Furthermore, the American reformer John Dewey, invited by Atatürk to assist in educational reform, found that learning how to read and write Turkish in the traditional Arabic script took roughly three years.^[112] In the spring of 1928, Atatürk met in Ankara with several linguists and professors from all over Turkey to unveil his plan to implement a new alphabet for the written Turkish language, based on a modified Latin alphabet. The new Turkish alphabet would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and a solution to the literacy problem, since the new alphabet did not retain the complexities of the Arabic script and could be learned within a few months.^[21] When Atatürk asked the language experts how long it would take to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language, most of the professors and linguists said between three and five years. Atatürk was said to have scoffed and openly stated, “We shall do it in three to five months”.^[133]Atatürk introducing the new Turkish alphabet to the people of Kayseri on 20 September 1928

Over the next several months, Atatürk pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet and made public announcements of the upcoming overhaul. The creation of the alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of Atatürk.^[112] On 1 November 1928, he introduced the new Turkish alphabet and abolished the use of the Arabic script. The first Turkish newspaper using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Atatürk himself travelled the countryside in order to teach citizens the new alphabet. After vigorous campaigns, the literacy rate more than doubled from 10.6% in 1927 to 22.4% in 1940.^[134] To supplement the literacy reform, a number of congresses were organized on scientific issues, education, history, economics, arts and language.^[135] Libraries were systematically developed, and mobile libraries and book transport systems were set up to serve remote districts.^[136] Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new law on copyrights.

Atatürk promoted modern teaching methods at the primary education level, and Dewey proved integral to the effort.^[112] Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies moving towards modernity in his “Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system”.^[112] He was interested in adult education with the goal of forming a skill base in the country. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making, and household management but also skills necessary for joining the economy outside the home. Atatürk’s unified education program became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and economic progress of the country by educating responsible citizens as well as useful and appreciated members of society.^[137]^[112] In addition, Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to alleviate poverty and used female education to establish gender equality. Atatürk himself put special emphasis on the education of girls and supported coeducation, introducing it at university level in 1923–24 and establishing it as the norm throughout the educational system by 1927.^[138] Atatürk’s reforms on education made it significantly more accessible: between 1923 and 1938, the number of students attending primary schools increased by 224% (from 342,000 to 765,000), the number of students attending middle schools increased by 12.5 times (from around 6,000 to 74,000), and the number of students attending high schools increased by almost 17 times (from 1,200 to 21,000).^[139]In 1930, leaving the parliament after the 7th-year celebration meeting.

Atatürk generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called “Science Boards” and “Education Summits” to discuss the quality of education, training issues, and certain basic educational principles. He said, “our [schools’ curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve.” He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens, 1930), introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions.^[140] The second, Geometri (Geometry, 1937), was a text for high schools and introduced many of the terms currently used in Turkey to describe geometry.^[141]

Opposition to Atatürk in 1930–1931

On 11 August 1930, Atatürk decided to try a multiparty movement once again and asked Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. Atatürk insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. However, without the establishment of a real political spectrum, the party became the center to opposition of Atatürk’s reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life.

On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, instigated by the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small town in the Aegean Region. The Menemen Incident came to be considered a serious threat against secular reforms.Atatürk with the Liberal Republican Party leader Fethi Okyar and his daughter in Yalova, on 13 August 1930

In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting multi-party period of the Republic of Turkey began in 1945. In 1950, the CHP ceded the majority position to the Democratic Party. This came amidst arguments that Atatürk’s single-party rule did not promote direct democracy. The reason experiments with pluralism failed during this period was that not all groups in the country had agreed to a minimal consensus regarding shared values (mainly secularism) and shared rules for conflict resolution. In response to such criticisms, Atatürk’s biographer Andrew Mango writes: “between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk’s enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime.”^[142] Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, Atatürk always supported the idea of building a civil society: a system of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions as opposed to the force-backed structures of the state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Atatürk said in 1933:

“Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes”.^[143]

Modernization efforts, 1931–1938

In 1931, during the establishment ceremony of the Turkish History Institution. Atatürk is standing with Afet İnan (on his left) and Yusuf Akçura (first from the left).Atatürk at the opening of the Türkkuşu flight school in Etimesgut on 3 May 1935

In 1931, Atatürk established the Turkish Language Association (Türk Dil Kurumu) for conducting research works in the Turkish language. The Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu) was established in 1931, and began maintaining archives in 1932 for conducting research works on the history of Turkey.^[144] On 1 January 1928, he established the Turkish Education Association,^[144] which supported intelligent and hard-working children in financial need, as well as material and scientific contributions to the educational life. In 1933, Atatürk ordered the reorganization of Istanbul University into a modern institution and later established Ankara University in the capital city.^[145]

Atatürk dealt with the translation of scientific terminology into Turkish.^[146] He wanted the Turkish language reform to be methodologically based. Any attempt to “cleanse” the Turkish language of foreign influence without modelling the integral structure of the language was inherently wrong to him. He personally oversaw the development of the Sun Language Theory (Güneş Dil Teorisi), which was a linguistic theory which proposed that all human languages were descendants of one Central Asian primal language. His ideas could be traced to the work by the French scientist Hilaire de Barenton titled L’Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples, which postulates that all languages originated from hieroglyphs and cuneiform used by Sumerians,^[147] and the paper by Austrian linguist Dr. Hermann F. Kvergić of Vienna titled “La psychologie de quelques éléments des langues Turques” (“the psychology of some elements of the Turkic Languages“).^[148] Atatürk formally introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, although he did later correct the more extremist practices.^[146]

Saffet Arıkan, a politician who was the head of the Turkish Language Association, said “Ulu Önderimiz Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal” (“Our Great Leader Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal”) in the opening speech of the 2nd Language Day on 26 September 1934. Later, the surname “Atatürk” (“father of the Turks”) was accepted as the surname of Mustafa Kemal after the adoption of the Surname Law in 1934.^[149]

Beginning in 1932, several hundred “People’s Houses” (Halkevleri) and “People’s Rooms” (Halkodaları) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Atatürk supported and encouraged the visual and the plastic arts, which had been suppressed by Ottoman leaders, who regarded depiction of the human form as idolatry. Many museums opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical Western music, opera, ballet, and theatre took greater hold in the country. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow.

Almost all Qur’ans in Turkey before the 1930s were printed in Old Arabic. However, in 1924, three Turkish translations of the Qur’an were published in Istanbul, and several renderings of the Qur’an in the Turkish language were read in front of the public, creating significant controversy.^[150] These Turkish Qur’ans were fiercely opposed by members of the religious community, and the incident impelled many leading Muslim modernists to call upon the Turkish Parliament to sponsor a Qur’an translation of suitable quality.^[151] With the support of Atatürk, the Parliament approved the project and the Directorate of Religious Affairs appointed Mehmet Akif (Ersoy) to compose a Qur’an translation, and the Islamic scholar Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır to author a Turkish language Qur’anic commentary (tafsir) titled Hak Dini Kur’an Dili (The Qur’an: the Tongue of the Religion of Truth).^[152] However, it was only in 1935 that the version of Yazır’s work read in public found its way to print.^[153] In 1932, Atatürk justified the translation of the Qur’an by stating how he wanted to “teach religion in Turkish to Turkish people who had been practising Islam without understanding it for centuries.” Atatürk believed that the understanding of religion and its texts was too important to be left to a small group of people. Thus, his objective was to make the Qur’an accessible to a broader demographic by translating it into modern languages.^[154]

In 1934, Atatürk commissioned the first Turkish operatic work, Özsoy. The opera, staged at the People’s House in Ankara, was composed by Adnan Saygun and performed by soprano Semiha Berksoy.^[155]Eighteen female MPs joined the Turkish Parliament with the 1935 general elections.

On 5 December 1934, Turkey moved to grant full political rights to women. The equal rights of women in marriage had already been established in the earlier Turkish civil code.^[156] The role of women in Atatürk’s cultural reforms was expressed in the civic book prepared under his supervision.^[157] In it, he stated:

“There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. …Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform”.^[158]

The 1935 general elections yielded 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives, compared to nine out of 615 members in the British House of Commons and six out of 435 in the US House of Representatives inaugurated that year.^[159]

Unification and nationalisation efforts

When the modern Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923, nationalism and secularism were two of the founding principles.^[160] Atatürk aimed to create a nation state (ulus devlet) from the Turkish remnants of the Ottoman Empire. Kemalism defines the “Turkish People” as “those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual, cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation.”^[161] One of the goals of the establishment of the new Turkish state was to ensure “the domination of Turkish ethnic identity in every aspect of social life from the language that people speak in the streets to the language to be taught at schools, from the education to the industrial life, from the trade to the cadres of state officials, from the civil law to the settlement of citizens to particular regions.”^[162] The process of unification through Turkification continued and was fostered under Atatürk’s government with such policies as Citizen speak Turkish! (Vatandaş Türkçe konuş!), an initiative created in the 1930s by law students but sponsored by the government. This campaign aimed to put pressure on non-Turkish speakers to speak Turkish in public.^[15]^[163]^[13]^[12]^[164]^[165]^[166] However, the campaign went beyond the measures of a mere policy of speaking Turkish to an outright prevention of any other language.^[15]^[163]^[167]^[168]^[169]

Another example of nationalisation was the Surname Law, which obligated the Turkish people to adopt fixed, hereditary surnames and forbade names that contained connotations of foreign cultures, nations, tribes, and religions.^[13]^[166]^[170]^[171]^[172] As a result, many ethnic Armenians, Greeks, and Kurds changed their surnames.^[171] Non-Turkish surnames ending with “yan, of, ef, viç, is, dis, poulos, aki, zade, shvili, madumu, veled, bin” could not be registered and were replaced by “-oğlu.”^[173] Furthermore, the geographical name changes initiative by the Turkish government replaced non-Turkish geographical and topographic names within the Turkish Republic with Turkish names.^[174]^[175]^[14]^[176]^[177]^[178] The main proponent of the initiative had been a Turkish homogenization social-engineering campaign which aimed to assimilate geographical or topographical names that were deemed foreign and divisive against Turkish unity. The names that were considered foreign were usually of Armenian, Greek, Laz, Bulgarian, Kurdish, Assyrian, or Arabic origin.^[174]^[14]^[177]^[178]^[179]

The 1934 Resettlement Law was a policy adopted by the Turkish government which set forth the basic principles of immigration.^[180] The law, however, is regarded by some as a policy of assimilation of non-Turkish minorities through a forced and collective resettlement.^[181]

Foreign policies

Atatürk with King Amānullāh Khān of Afghanistan in Ankara, 1928. King Amānullāh attempted to emulate many of Atatürk’s reforms in Afghanistan, but was overthrown.

Atatürk’s foreign policy followed his motto “Peace at home, peace in the world“,^[182] a perception of peace linked to his project of civilization and modernization.^[183] The outcomes of Atatürk’s policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty established by the Republic.^[184] The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. Foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency.

Issue of Mosul

The Issue of Mosul, a dispute with the United Kingdom over control of Mosul Province, was one of the first foreign affairs-related controversies of the new Republic. During the Mesopotamian campaign, Lieutenant General William Marshall followed the British War Office’s instruction that “every effort was to be made to score as heavily as possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew”, capturing Mosul three days after the signature of the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918).^[185] In 1920, the Misak-ı Milli, which consolidated the “Turkish lands”, declared that Mosul Province was a part of the historic Turkish heartland. The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of Mosul and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect their interests. For example, the Iraqi revolt against the British was suppressed by the RAF Iraq Command during the summer of 1920. From the British perspective, if Atatürk stabilized Turkey, he would then turn his attention to Mosul and penetrate Mesopotamia, where the native population would likely join his cause. Such an event would result in an insurgent and hostile Muslim nation in close proximity to British territory in India.Atatürk with King Faisal I of Iraq in Ankara, 1931

In 1923, Atatürk tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the arbitration of the League of Nations at the Treaty of Lausanne did not signify relinquishing Mosul, but rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. Nevertheless, the artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on the population on both sides. Later, it was claimed that Turkey began where the oil ends, as the border was drawn by the British geophysicists based on locations of oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation.^[186] To address Atatürk’s concerns, the British Foreign Secretary George Curzon attempted to disclaim the existence of oil in the Mosul area. On 23 January 1923, Curzon argued that the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical.^[185] However, according to the biographer Armstrong, “England wanted oil. Mosul and Kurds were the key.”^[7]

While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee were sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion (1924–1927) set out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey’s link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebels and Britain was investigated. In fact, British assistance was sought after the rebels decided that the rebellion could not stand by itself.^[187]

In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the northern frontier (present-day northern Iraq), the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled.^[188] As a result of these manoeuvres, the revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq, and Atatürk made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. The agreement left a large section of the Kurdish population and the Iraqi Turkmen on the non-Turkish side of the border.^[189]^[190]

Relations with the Russian SFSR/Soviet Union

See also: Russia–Turkey relations § Turkey and the Soviet Union During a reception at the USSR Embassy in Ankara, on 7 November 1927 Exchanges on the concept of a Balkan Federation during the visit of Voroshilov, a vision of Atatürk’s which was never achieved

In his 26 April 1920 message to Vladimir Lenin, the Bolshevik leader and head of the Russian SFSR‘s government Atatürk promised to coordinate his military operations with the Bolsheviks’ “fight against imperialist governments” and requested 5 million lira in gold as well as armaments “as first aid” to his forces.^[191] In 1920 alone, the Lenin government supplied the Kemalists with 6,000 rifles, over 5 million rifle cartridges, 17,600 projectiles as well as 200.6 kg of gold bullion. In the subsequent 2 years, the amount of aid increased.^[192]

In March 1921, the GNA representatives in Moscow signed the Treaty of Moscow (“Friendship and Brotherhood” Treaty) with Soviet Russia, which was a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Kemalists. The Treaty of Moscow, followed by the identical Treaty of Kars in October the same year, gave Turkey a favourable settlement of its north-eastern frontier at the expense of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, then nominally an independent state.

Relations between the two countries were friendly but were based on the fact that they were against a common enemy: Britain and the West.^[193] In 1920, Atatürk toyed with the idea of using a state-controlled Turkish Communist Party to forestall the perceived spread of communist ideas in the country and gain access to the Comintern‘s financing.

Despite his relations with the Soviet Union, Atatürk was not willing to commit Turkey to communism. “Friendship with Russia,” he said, “is not to adopt their ideology of communism for Turkey.”^[193] Moreover, Atatürk declared, “Communism is a social issue. Social conditions, religion, and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey.”^[194] And in a speech on 1 November 1924, he said, “Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the keystone of our foreign policy.”^[193]

After the Turks withdrew their delegation from Geneva on 16 December 1925, they left the League of Nations Council to grant a mandate for the Mosul region to Britain without their consent. Atatürk countered^[195] by concluding a non-aggression pact with the USSR on 17 December.^[196] In 1935, the pact was prolonged for another 10 years.^[197]

In 1933, the Soviet Defence Minister Kliment Voroshilov visited Turkey and attended the tenth year celebrations of the Republic.^[198] Atatürk explained his position regarding the realization of his plan for a Balkan Federation economically uniting Turkey, Greece, Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.^[198]

During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to establish a closer relationship with Britain and other major Western powers, which caused displeasure on the part of the Soviets. The second edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Volume 20, 1953) was unequivocally critical of Atatürk’s policies in the last years of his rule, calling his domestic policies “anti-popular” and his foreign course as aimed at rapprochement with the “imperialist powers.”^[199]

Turkish-Greek alliance

Atatürk (center) hosting the Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos (at the left) in Ankara, October 1930

The post-war leader of Greece, Eleftherios Venizelos, was also determined to establish normal relations between his country and Turkey. The war had devastated Western Anatolia, and the financial burden of Ottoman Muslim refugees from Greece blocked rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with an agreement with Turkey, despite accusations of conceding too much on the issues of naval armaments and the properties of Ottoman Greeks from Turkey.^[200] In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Atatürk resisted the pressures of historic enmities and was sensitive towards past tensions; at one point, he ordered the removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet into a Greek soldier by stating, “What a revolting scene!”^[201]

Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory, and the two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930. On 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey and signed a treaty of friendship.^[202] Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk’s name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize.^[203] Even after Venizelos’ fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos’ successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement called the Entente Cordiale between Greece and Turkey, which was a stepping stone for the Balkan Pact.

Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas once stated, with regard to Atatürk, that “…Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation.”^[204]

Neighbours to the east

Atatürk (right) with Reza Shah Pahlavi (left) of Iran, during the Shah‘s visit to Turkey

From 1919, Afghanistan was in the midst of a reformation period under Amanullah Khan. Afghan Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi was a follower of Atatürk’s domestic policy. Tarzi encouraged Amanullah Khan in social and political reform but urged that reforms should built on a strong government. During the late 1920s, Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an Afghan-Soviet friendship. On 20 May 1928, Anglo-Afghan politics gained a positive perspective, when Amanullah Khan and his wife, Queen Soraya Tarzi, were received by Atatürk in Istanbul.^[205] This meeting was followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on 22 May 1928. Atatürk supported Afghanistan’s integration into international organizations. In 1934, Afghanistan’s relations with the international community improved significantly when it joined the League of Nations.^[206] Mahmud Tarzi received Atatürk’s personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul.

Atatürk and Reza Shah, leader of Iran, had a common approach regarding British imperialism and its influence in their countries, resulting in a slow but continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. Both governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to each other during the Turkish War of Independence.^[207] The policy of the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in order to reassure Iranian independence and territorial integrity.^[208] The relations between the two countries were strained after the abolishment of the Caliphate. Iran’s Shi’a clergy did not accept Atatürk’s stance, and Iranian religious power centres perceived the real motive behind Atatürk’s reforms was to undermine the power of the clergy.^[208] By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah’s efforts had upset the clergy throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and government.^[209] As Russia and Great Britain strengthened their holds in the Middle East, Atatürk feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic society by these European powers.^[208] Like Atatürk, Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran’s borders, and in 1934, the Shah visited Atatürk.

In 1935, the draft of what would become the Treaty of Saadabad was paragraphed in Geneva, but its signing was delayed due to the border dispute between Iran and Iraq. On 8 July 1937, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan signed the Saadabad Pact at Tehran. The signatories agreed to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest, and to commit no aggression against one another’s territory. The treaty united the Afghan King Zahir Shah‘s call for greater Oriental-Middle Eastern cooperation, Reza Shah’s goal in securing relations with Turkey that would help free Iran from Soviet and British influence, and Atatürk’s foreign policy of ensuring stability in the region. The treaty’s immediate outcome, however, was deterring Italian leader Mussolini from interfering in the Middle East.^[210]

Turkish Straits

Atatürk observes the Turkish troops during the military exercise on 28 May 1936

On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne included the Lausanne Straits Agreement. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the Dardanelles should remain open to all commercial vessels: seizure of foreign military vessels was subject to certain limitations during peacetime, and, even as a neutral state, Turkey could not limit any military passage during wartime. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the waterway was to be demilitarised and its management left to the Straits Commission. The demilitarised zone heavily restricted Turkey’s domination and sovereignty over the Straits, and the defence of Istanbul was impossible without sovereignty over the water that passed through it.

In March 1936, Hitler’s reoccupation of the Rhineland gave Atatürk the opportunity to resume full control over the Straits. “The situation in Europe”, Atatürk declared “is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly achieve it”.^[211] Tevfik Rüştü Aras, Turkey’s foreign minister, initiated a move to revise the Straits’ regime. Aras claimed that he was directed by Atatürk, rather than the Prime Minister, İsmet İnönü. İnönü was worried about harming relations with Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors over the Straits. However, the signatories of the Treaty of Lausanne agreed to join the conference, since unlimited military passage had become unfavourable to Turkey with the changes in world politics. Atatürk demanded that the members of the Turkish Foreign Office devise a solution that would transfer full control of the waterway to Turkey.

On 20 July 1936, the Montreux Convention was signed by Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia, France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece. It became the primary instrument governing the passage of commercial and war vessels through the Dardanelles Strait. The agreement was ratified by the GNAT on 31 July 1936 and went into effect on 9 November 1936.^[212]

Balkan Pact

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
Find sources: “Mustafa Kemal Atatürk” – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (November 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

During the visit of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia in 1931

Until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a neutral foreign policy with the West by developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. These bilateral agreements aligned with Atatürk’s worldview. By the end of 1925, Turkey had signed fifteen joint agreements with Western states.

In the early 1930s, changes and developments in world politics required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Atatürk strongly believed that close cooperation between the Balkan states based on the principle of equality would have an important effect on European politics. These states had been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries and had proved to be a powerful force. While the origins of the Balkan agreement may date as far back as 1925, the Balkan Pact came into being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments in Europe helped the original idea materialise, such as improvements in the Turkish-Greek alliance and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The most important factor in driving Turkish foreign policy from the mid-1930s onwards was the fear of Italy. Benito Mussolini had frequently proclaimed his intention to place the entire Mediterranean under Italian control. Both the Turks and the various Balkan states felt threatened by Italian ambitions.

The Balkan Pact was negotiated by Atatürk with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories’ territorial integrity and political independence against attack from another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Atatürk thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in Turkey’s relations with the European countries.^[213] He was particularly anxious to establish a region of security and alliances to the west of Turkey in Europe, which the Balkan Pact helped achieve.^[214]Atatürk with Greek Prime Minister Ioannis Metaxas (second from right) at the Balkan Pact summit in Ankara, March 1938

The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. Though it contained no specific military commitments, the pact was regarded as a significant step forward in consolidating the free world’s position in southeast Europe. The importance of the agreement is best seen in a message Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas:

“The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force”.^[215]

The Balkan Pact was signed by the GNA on 28 February. The Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement a few days later. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact was formally adopted on 18 May 1935 and lasted until 1940.

The Balkan Pact turned out to be ineffective for reasons that were beyond Atatürk’s control. The pact failed when Bulgaria attempted to raise the Dobruja issue, only to end with the Italian invasion of Albania on 7 April 1939. These conflicts spread rapidly, eventually triggering World War II. The goal of Atatürk to protect southeast Europe failed with the dissolution of the pact. In 1938, the Turkish Army at peacetime strength consisted of 174,000 soldiers and 20,000 officers forming 11 army corps, 23 divisions, one armoured brigade, 3 cavalry brigades, and 7 frontier commands.^[216]^[217]

Issue of Hatay

Telegram sent by Atatürk after the local legislative assembly accepted his proposal for the Hatay State‘s flag

Turkish Prime-Minister İsmet İnönü was very conscious of foreign policy issues. During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to form a closer relationship with Britain. The risks of this policy change put the two men at odds. The Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played a significant role in severing relations between Atatürk and İnönü.

In 1936, Atatürk raised the “Issue of Hatay” at the League of Nations. Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire called the Sanjak of Alexandretta. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, an election was conducted in 1938 by the local legislative assembly. The cities of Antakya (Antioch) and İskenderun (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.^[218]

Economic policies

For conceptual analysis, see Atatürk’s Reforms § Economic reforms.

Atatürk instigated economic policies to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (i.e. industrial bourgeoisie coexisting with the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.^[219] Atatürk’s vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the İzmir Economic Congress of 1923. The initial choices of Atatürk’s economic policies reflected the realities of his time. After World War I, due to the lack of any real potential investors to fund private sector industry, Atatürk established many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries.

State intervention, 1923–1929

Atatürk and Celâl Bayar visiting the Sümerbank Nazilli Cotton Factory, which was established as a part of the cotton-related industry

Atatürk and İsmet İnönü‘s pursuit of state-controlled economic policies was guided by a national vision; their goal was to knit the country together, eliminate foreign control of the economy, and improve communications within Turkey. Resources were channeled away from Istanbul, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, in favor of other, less developed cities in order to achieve a more balanced economic development throughout the country.^[220]

For Atatürk and his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his pursuit of economic independence. Turkish tobacco was an important industrial crop, but its cultivation and manufacture had been under French monopolies granted by capitulations of the Ottoman Empire. The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies: the Regie Company and Narquileh Tobacco.^[221] The Ottoman Empire had given the tobacco monopoly to the Ottoman Bank as a limited company under the Council of the Public Debt. Regie, as part of the Council, had control over tobacco production, storage, and distribution (including export) with unchallenged price control. Consequently, Turkish farmers were dependent on the company for their livelihoods.^[222] In 1925, Regie was taken over by the state and named Tekel. Government control of tobacco was the one of the greatest achievements of the Kemalist political machinery’s “nationalization” of the economy for a country that did not produce oil. Kemalists accompanied this achievement with the development of the country’s cotton industry, which peaked during the early 1930s. Cotton was the second most important industrial crop in Turkey at the time.

In 1924, with the initiative of Atatürk, the first Turkish bank İş Bankası was established, with Atatürk as the bank’s first member. The bank’s creation was a response to the growing need for a truly national establishment and a banking system which was capable of backing up economic activities, managing funds accumulated through policies of savings incentives, and offering resources where necessary to trigger industrial impetus.^[223]

In 1927, Turkish State Railways was established. Because Atatürk considered the development of a national rail network as another important step in industrialisation, railways were given high priority. The Turkish State Railway developed an extensive railway network in a very short time. In 1927, Atatürk also ordered the integration of road construction goals into development plans. Prior to this, the road network had consisted of 13,885 km of ruined surface roads, 4,450 km of stabilized roads, and 94 bridges. In 1935, a new entity was established under the government called Şose ve Köprüler Reisliği (Headship of Roads and Bridges) which would drive the development of new roads after World War II.^[224] By 1937, the Turkish road network reached 22,000 km in length.^{[citation needed]}

The Turkish government under Atatürk developed many economic and infrastructure projects within the first decade of the republic. However, the Turkish economy was still largely agrarian, with primitive tools and methods. Roads and transportation facilities were still far from sufficient, and management of the economy was inefficient.^{[citation needed]} The Great Depression brought many changes to this picture.

Great Depression, 1929–1931

Atatürk supported large-scale government subsidized industrial complexes, such as Sümerbank, increasingly after the Great Depression.

The young republic, like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the Great Depression. Atatürk reacted to conditions of this period by moving toward integrated economic policies and establishing a central bank to control exchange rates. However, Turkey could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned, and zealous revenue officials seized the meagre possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.^[220]

In 1929, Atatürk signed a treaty that resulted in the restructuring of Turkey’s debt with the Ottoman Public Debt Administration. At the time, Atatürk not only had to deal with the payment of the Ottoman public debt but also the turbulent economic issues of the Great Depression. For example, until the early 1930s, Turkish private business could not acquire exchange credits. It was impossible to integrate the Turkish economy without a solution to these problems.

In 1931, the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey was established.^[225] The bank’s primary purpose was to control the exchange rate and Ottoman Bank‘s role during its initial years as a central bank was phased out. Later specialized banks such as the Sümerbank (1932) and the Etibank (1935) were founded.

From the political economy perspective, Atatürk faced the problem of political upheaval. The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was necessary; he asked Ali Fethi Okyar to meet this end. The Liberal Republican Party (August 1930) was founded with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and state investment should be curtailed. Nevertheless, Atatürk maintained the view that “it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development,” and state capitalism became the dominant agenda during the depression era. In 1931, Atatürk proclaimed: “In the economic area …the programme of the party is statism.”^[226] However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention became more moderate and more akin to a form of state capitalism. One of Atatürk’s radical left-wing supporters, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu from the Kadro (The Cadre) movement, claimed that Atatürk found a third way between capitalism and socialism.^[227]

Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939

Atatürk and İsmet İnönü at Nazilli Cotton Factory (1937)

The first (1929–1933) and second five-year economic plans were enacted under the supervision of Atatürk. The first five-year economic plan promoted consumer substitution industries. However, these economic plans changed drastically with the death of Atatürk and the rise of World War II. Subsequent governments took measures that harmed the economic productivity of Turkey in various ways.^[228] The achievements of the 1930s were credited to early 1920s implementations of the economic system based on Atatürk’s national policies.^[229]

In 1931, Atatürk watched the development of the first national aircraft, MMV-1. He realised the important role of aviation and stated, “the future lies in the skies”.^[230] The Turkish Aeronautical Association was founded on 16 February 1925 by his directive.^[231] He also ordered the establishment of the Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes. Most of the lottery income was used to establish a new factory and fund aviation projects. However, Atatürk did not live to see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft built at that factory. Operational American Curtiss Hawk fighters were being produced in Turkey soon after his death and before the onset of World War II.

In 1932, liberal economist Celâl Bayar became the Minister of Economy at Atatürk’s request and served until 1937.^[232] During this period, the country moved toward a mixed economy with its first private initiatives. Textile, sugar, paper, and steel factories (financed by a loan from Britain) were the private sectors of the period. Besides these businesses, government-owned power plants, banks, and insurance companies were established.

In 1935, the first Turkish cotton print factory “Nazilli Calico print factory” opened. As part of the industrialization process, cotton planting was promoted to furnish raw material for future factory settlements.^[233] By 1935, Nazilli became a major industrial center beginning with the establishment of cotton mills followed by a calico print factory.^[234]^[235]

In 1936, Turkish industrialist Nuri Demirağ established the first Turkish aircraft factory in the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul.^[236] The first Turkish airplanes, Nu D.36 and Nu D.38, were produced in this factory.^[236]

On 25 October 1937, Atatürk appointed Celâl Bayar as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached their peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France.^[228] The treaty signaled a turning point in Turkish history since it was the first step towards an alliance with the West.^[228] After İsmet İnönü became president in 1938, the differences between İnönü (who promoted state control) and Bayar (who was liberal) came to the forefront. On 25 January 1939, Prime Minister Bayar resigned.^[237]

Atatürk also supported the establishment of the automobile industry. The Turkish Automobile Association was founded in 1923,^[238] and its motto was: “The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite sensitivities.”^[239]

In 1935, Turkey was becoming an industrial society based on the Western European model set by Atatürk.^[240] However, the gap between Atatürk’s goals and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country had not yet been closed.^[240]

Personal life

Main article: Personal life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Kemal Atatürk and his wife Latife Uşakizâde during a trip to Bursa, 1924

Kemal Atatürk’s name is associated with four women: Eleni Karinte, Fikriye Hanım, Dimitrina Kovacheva^[241] and Latife Uşaklıgil. Little is known of his relationship with Eleni, who fell in love with him while he was a student in Bitola, Macedonia but the relationship inspired a play by the Macedonian writer Dejan Dukovski, later filmed by Aleksandar Popovski.^[242] Fikriye was a nominal cousin of Atatürk, though not related by blood (she was Atatürk’s stepfather Ragıp Bey’s sister’s daughter). Fikriye grew passionately attached to Atatürk; the full extent of his feelings for her is unclear but it is certain that they became very close after Fikriye divorced her Egyptian husband and returned to Istanbul. During the War of Independence, she lived with him in Çankaya, Ankara as his personal assistant.

However, after the Turkish army entered İzmir in 1922, Atatürk met Latife while staying at the house of her father, the shipping magnate Muammer Uşakizade (later Uşaklı). Latife fell in love with Atatürk; again the extent to which this was reciprocated is unknown, but he was certainly impressed by Latife’s intellect: she was a graduate of the Sorbonne and was studying English in London when the war broke out. On 29 January 1923, they were married. Latife was jealous of Fikriye and demanded that she leave the house in Çankaya; Fikriye was devastated and immediately left in a carriage. According to official accounts, she shot herself with a pistol Atatürk had given her as a present. However, it was rumoured that she was instead murdered.^[243]

The triangle of Atatürk, Fikriye, and Latife became the subject of a manuscript by Atatürk’s close friend, Salih Bozok, though the work remained unpublished until 2005.^[244] Latife was briefly and literally the face of the new Turkish woman, appearing in public in Western clothing with her husband.^[245] However, their marriage was not happy; after frequent arguments, the two were divorced on 5 August 1925.^[246]

During his lifetime, Atatürk adopted thirteen children: a boy and twelve girls. Of these, the most famous is Sabiha Gökçen, Turkey’s first female pilot and the world’s first female fighter pilot.^[247]

There is a controversy on Atatürk’s religious beliefs.^[248] Some researchers have emphasized that his discourses about religion are periodic and that his positive views related to this subject are limited in the early 1920s.^[249] Some Turkish sources claim he was a devout Muslim.^[250]^[251]^[252] However, according to other sources, Atatürk himself was an agnostic, i.e. non-doctrinaire deist,^[253]^[254] or even an atheist,^[255]^[256]^[257] who was antireligious and anti-Islamic in general.^[258]^[259]

Illness and death

See also: Death and state funeral of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk A view from the state funeral of Atatürk, November 1938

Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes.^[260]^[261]^[262] During 1937, indications that Atatürk’s health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace. He was the first president of Turkey to die in office.^[263] The clock in the bedroom where he died is still set to the time of his death, 9:05 in the morning.^{[citation needed]}^{[dubious – discuss]}

Atatürk’s funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège.^[182] Atatürk’s remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.^[264]

In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People’s Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds^[265] would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü’s children.^[266] The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.^[267][266]

Turkey

Anıtkabir, the mausoleum of Atatürk in Ankara, is visited by large crowds every year during national holidays such as Republic Day on October 29.

Kemal Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey, such as the Atatürk International Airport in Istanbul, the Atatürk Bridge over the Golden Horn (Haliç), the Atatürk Dam, and Atatürk Stadium. Atatürk statues have been erected in all Turkish cities by the Turkish Government, and most towns have their own memorial to him. His face and name are seen and heard everywhere in Turkey; his portrait can be seen in public buildings, in schools, on all Turkish lira banknotes, and in the homes of many Turkish families.^[268] At 9:05 am on every 10 November, at the exact time of Atatürk’s death, most vehicles and people in the country’s streets pause for one minute in remembrance.^[269]

In 1951, the Democrat Party-controlled Turkish parliament led by Prime Minister Adnan Menderes (despite being the conservative opposition to Atatürk’s own Republican People’s Party) issued a law (Law on Crimes Committed Against Atatürk) outlawing insults to his memory (hatırasına alenen hakaret) and destruction of objects representing him.^[270] The demarcation between a criticism and an insult was defined as a political argument, and the Minister of Justice (a political position) was assigned in Article 5 to execute the law rather than the public prosecutor. A government website was created to denounce websites that violate this law.^[271]

In 2010, the French-based NGO Reporters Without Borders objected to the Turkish laws protecting the memory of Atatürk, arguing that they contradict the current European Union standards of freedom of speech in news media.^[272]

Worldwide

Associated Press news article about the admiration of women from different parts of the world for Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the handsome leader of the Turkish Republic.

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk’s birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial.^[21]^[22] The Atatürk Monument in Mexico City on Paseo de la Reforma; the Atatürk Monument in Baku, Azerbaijan; the Atatürk Memorial in Wellington, New Zealand (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the Atatürk Memorial in the place of honour on Anzac Parade in Canberra, Australia; and the Atatürk Square in Rome, Italy, are a few examples of Atatürk memorials outside Turkey. He has roads named after him in several countries, such as the Kemal Atatürk Marg in New Delhi, India; the Kemal Atatürk Avenues in Dhaka and Chittagong in Bangladesh; the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of Islamabad, Pakistan; the Atatürk Road in the southern city of Larkana in Sindh, Pakistan; Mustafa Kemal Atatürk street in Tunis, Tunisia; Mustafá Kemal Atatürk street in the Naco district of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic; and the street and memorial Atatürk in the Amsterdam-Noord borough of Amsterdam, Netherlands. In addition, the entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in Albany, Western Australia is named Atatürk Channel. There are many statues and streets named after Atatürk in Northern Cyprus.

Despite his radical secular reforms, Atatürk remained broadly popular in the Muslim world.^[273] He is remembered for being the creator of a new, fully independent Muslim country at a time of encroachment by Christian powers, and for having prevailed in a struggle against Western imperialism.^[273] When he died, the All-India Muslim League eulogised him as a “truly great personality in the Islamic world, a great general, and a great statesman”, declaring that his memory would “inspire Muslims all over the world with courage, perseverance, and manliness”.^[273]Atatürk memorial on Paseo de la Reforma in Mexico City

The range of Atatürk’s admirers extends from the British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, his opponent in World War I, to the German Nazi leader and dictator Adolf Hitler,^[274]^[275]^[276]^[277] who also sought an alliance with Turkey,^[278] to the presidents of the United States Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy, who paid tribute to Atatürk in 1963 on the 25th anniversary of his death.^[279]

As a role model that encouraged national sovereignty, Atatürk was especially revered in countries of the so-called Third World, which saw him as the pioneer of independence from colonial powers. The leaders of such countries included Atatürk’s Iranian contemporary Reza Shah Pahlavi, the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, the Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, and the Egyptian President Anwar Sadat.^[280]^[281]^[282] The Pakistani poet and philosopher Muhammad Iqbal and the Bangladeshi national poet Kazi Nazrul Islam wrote poems in his honor.

The Twelfth International Women Conference was held in Istanbul, Turkey on 18 April 1935, and Egyptian nationalist-feminist Huda Sha’arawi was elected by the conference as the vice-president of the International Women’s Union. Huda considered Atatürk as a role model for her actions and wrote in her memoirs:

“After the Istanbul conference ended, we received an invitation to attend the celebration held by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the liberator of modern Turkey … and I said: If the Turks considered you the worthiness of their father and they called you Atatürk, I say that this is not enough, but you are for us “Atasharq” [Father of the East]. Its meaning did not come from any female head of delegation, and thanked me very much for the great influence, and then I begged him to present us with a picture of his Excellency for publication in the journal” L’Égyptienne.^[283]

However, Atatürk’s acclaim is not universal. As the leader of the national movement of 1919–1923, Atatürk was described by the Allies and Istanbul journalist Ali Kemal (who believed the liberation efforts would fail and cause a more severe punishment by the Allies) as a “bandit chief”. Lord Balfour in this context called him the “most terrible of all the terrible Turks”.^[284]

Awards and decorations

Main article: List of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s awards

He received awards and decorations before, during, and after World War I.^[285]^[286]

Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey

Statue of Atatürk in Ankara

Ottoman Empire: Fifth Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Abdul Hamid II (25 December 1906)
Ottoman Empire: Silver Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V (30 April 1915)
Ottoman Empire: Silver Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V (1 September 1915)
Ottoman Empire: Golden Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V (17 January 1916)
Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of Osmanieh awarded by Mehmed V (1 February 1916)
Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V (12 December 1916)
Ottoman Empire: Golden Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V (23 September 1917)
Ottoman Empire: First Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V (16 December 1917)
Ottoman Empire: Gallipoli Star awarded by Mehmed VI (11 May 1918)
Turkey: Medal of Independence awarded by Grand National Assembly of Turkey (21 November 1923)
Turkey: Murassa Order awarded by Turkish Aeronautical Association (20 May 1925)

Foreign honours

Kingdom of Bulgaria: Commander Grand Cross Order of Saint Alexander awarded by Ferdinand I (1915)^[287]
German Empire: Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II (1915)^[287]
Austria-Hungary: Military Merit Medal (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I (1916)
Austria-Hungary: 2nd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Charles I (1916)
Austria-Hungary: 3rd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I (27 July 1916)
German Empire: 1st Class Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II (1917)
German Empire: 2nd Class Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II (9 September 1917)
Kingdom of Prussia: 1st Class Order of the Crown Prussia awarded by Wilhelm II (1918)
Kingdom of Afghanistan: Alüyülala Order of Kingdom of Afghanistan awarded by Amānullāh Khān (27 March 1923)

Notes

^ Ottoman Turkish: مصطفى كمال پاشا
He was known for most of his lifetime as Mustafa Kemal, but is referred to in this article as Atatürk for readability reasons.
^ /ˈmʊstəfə kəˌmɑːl ˈætətɜːrk/ (listen); Turkish: [mustaˈfa ceˈmal aˈtatyɾc]
^ His birthday is unknown. 19 May–the day he landed to Samsun in 1919 to start the nationalist resistance–is considered his symbolic birthday. It was also claimed that he was born in 1880. See Personal life of Atatürk § Birth date

References

^ Andrew Mango Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Overlook Press, 2002, ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6, [1]
^ ID card from 1934
^ ID card from 1935
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Cuthell Jr., David Cameron (2009). “Atatürk, Kemal (Mustafa Kemal)”. In Ágoston, Gábor; Masters, Bruce (eds.). Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire. New York: Facts On File. pp. 56–60. ISBN 978-0-8160-6259-1. LCCN 2008020716. Retrieved 23 January 2021.
^ “Atatürk, Kemal”, World Encyclopedia, Philip’s, 2014, doi:10.1093/acref/9780199546091.001.0001, ISBN 9780199546091, retrieved 9 June 2019
^ Books, Market House Books Market House (2003), Books, Market House (ed.), “Atatürk, Kemal”, Who’s Who in the Twentieth Century, Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/acref/9780192800916.001.0001, ISBN 9780192800916, retrieved 9 June 2019
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Harold Courtenay Armstrong Gray Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator. page 225
^ EINSTEIN AND ATATURK (Part 1), National Geographic Society Newsroom
^ Zürcher, Turkey: a modern history, 142
^ Mastering Modern World History by Norman Lowe, second edition
^ Türkiye’nin 75 yılı, Tempo Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 1998, pp. 48, 59, 250
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Sofos, Umut Özkırımlı & Spyros A. (2008). Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 167. ISBN 9780231700528.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Toktaş, Şule (2005). “Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey’s Jewish Minority”. Journal of Historical Sociology. 18 (4): 394–429. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2005.00262.x. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Jongerden, Joost; Verheij, Jelle, eds. (3 August 2012). Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870–1915. Leiden: Brill. p. 300. ISBN 978-90-04-22518-3.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Kieser, Hans-Lukas, ed. (2006). Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities ([Online-Ausg.] ed.). London: Tauris. p. 45. ISBN 9781845111410. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
^ Öktem, Kerem (2008). “The Nation’s Imprint: Demographic Engineering and the Change of Toponymes in Republican Turkey”. European Journal of Turkish Studies (7). doi:10.4000/ejts.2243. Retrieved 18 January 2013.
^ Aslan, Senem (29 December 2009). “Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey”. European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (10). doi:10.4000/ejts.4142. Retrieved 16 January 2013. the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations
^ “Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün Nüfus Hüviyet Cüzdanı. (24.11.1934)”. www.isteataturk.com. Retrieved 26 June 2013.
^ “Turkey commemorates Atatürk on 78th anniversary of his passing”. Hürriyet Daily News. Retrieved 21 November 2017.
^ Jayapalan, N. (April 1999). Modern Asia Since 1900. Atlantic Publishers & Dist. ISBN 9788171567515.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c “ATATURK: Creator of Modern Turkey”. www.columbia.edu. Retrieved 22 November 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Landau, Jacob M. (1984). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. BRILL. ISBN 978-9004070707.
^ Méropi Anastassiadou; Méropi Anastassiadou-Dumont (1997). Salonique, 1830–1912: une ville ottomane à l’âge des Réformes. BRILL. p. 71. ISBN 978-90-04-10798-4.
^ Cemal Çelebi Granda (2007). Cemal Granda anlatıyor. Pal Medya ve Organizasyon. ISBN 978-9944-203-01-2.^{[page needed]}
^ Andrew Mango Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Overlook Press, 2002, ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6, p. 25-27, p.27ff. – “Feyzullah’s family is said to have come from the country near Vodina (now Edhessa in western Greek Macedonia). The surname Sofuzade, meaning ‘son of a pious man’, suggests that the ancestors of Zübeyde and Ali Rıza had a similar background. Cemil Bozok, son of Salih Bozok, who was a distant cousin of Atatürk and, later, his ADC, claims to have been related to both Ali Rıza’s and Zübeyde’s families. This would mean that the families of Atatürk’s parents were interrelated. Cemil Bozok also notes that his paternal grandfather, Safer Efendi, was of Albanian origin. This may have a bearing on the vexed question of Atatürk’s ethnic origin. Atatürk’s parents and relatives all used Turkish as their mother tongue. This suggests that some at least of their ancestors had originally come from Turkey, since local Muslims of Albanian and Slav origin who had no ethnic connection with Turkey spoke Albanian, Serbo-Croat or Bulgarian, at least so long as they remained in their native land.But in looks Atatürk resembled local Albanians and Slavs.[…] But there is no evidence that either Ali Riza or Zübeyde was descended from such Turkish nomads.” page 28; “It is much more likely that Atatürk inherited his looks from his Balkan ancestors.[…] But Albanians and Slavs are likely to have figured among his ancestors.”
^ Mango, Andrew, Atatürk: the biography of the founder of modern Turkey, (Overlook TP, 2002), p. 27.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Jackh, Ernest, The Rising Crescent, (Goemaere Press, 2007), p. 31, Turkish mother and Albanian father
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Isaac Frederick Marcosson, Turbulent Years, Ayer Publishing, 1969, p. 144.
^ Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk’ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 17. (in Turkish)
^ Vamık D. Volkan & Norman Itzkowitz, Ölümsüz Atatürk (Immortal Atatürk), Bağlam Yayınları, 1998, ISBN 975-7696-97-8, p. 37, dipnote no. 6 (Atay, 1980, s. 17)
^ Cunbur, Müjgân. Türk dünyası edebiyatçıları ansiklopedisi, 2. cilt (2004), Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı: “Babası Ali Rıza Efendi (doğ. 1839), annesi Zübeyde Hanımdır, baba dedesi Hafız Ahmet Efendi, 14–15. yy.da Anadolu’dan göç ederek Makedonya’ya yerleşen Kocacık Yörüklerindendir.”
^ Kartal, Numan. Atatürk ve Kocacık Türkleri (2002), T.C. Kültür Bakanlığı: “Aile Selânik’e Manastır ilinin Debrei Bâlâ sancağına bağlı Kocacık bucağından gelmişti. Ali Rıza Efendi’nin doğum yeri olan Kocacık bucağı halkı da Anadolu’dan gitme ve tamamıyla Türk, Müslüman Oğuzların Türkmen boylarındandırlar.”
^ Dinamo, Hasan İzzettin. Kutsal İsyan: Millî Kurtuluş Savaşı’nın Gerçek Hikâyesi, 2. cilt (1986), Tekin Yayınevi.
^ “Mustafa Kemal Ataturk – memorial museum in village Kodzadzik (Коџаџик) in Municipality Centar Zupa (Центар Жупа)”. Macedonia Travel Blog. 24 May 2013. Retrieved 23 April 2018.
^ Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam: Mustafa Kemal, Birinci Cilt (1st vol.): 1881–1919, 14th ed., Remzi Kitabevi, 1997, ISBN 975-14-0212-3, p. 31. (in Turkish)
^ Anna Zadrożna (2017): Reconstructing the past in a post-Ottoman village: Turkishness in a transnational context, Nationalities Papers, p. 9. DOI: 10.1080/00905992.2017.1287690
^ Gershom Scholem, “Doenmeh”, Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed.; Volume 5: Coh-Doz, Macmillan Reference USA, Thomson Gale, 2007, ISBN 0-02-865933-3, p. 732.
^ Afet İnan, Atatürk hakkında hâtıralar ve belgeler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1959, p. 8.
^ “Mustafa Kemal Atatürk”. Turkish Embassy website. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 7 August 2007.
^ Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Sınıf arkadaşım Atatürk: okul ve genç subaylık hâtıraları, İnkılâp ve Aka Kitabevleri, 1967, p. 6. Benim adım Mustafa. Senin adın da Musfata. Arada bir fark olmalı, ne dersin, senin adının sonuna bir de Kemal koyalım.
^ Rustow, Dankwart A. (1968). “Atatürk as Founder of a State”. Daedalus. 97 (3): 793–828. ISSN 0011-5266. JSTOR 20023842 – via JSTOR.
^ Mango, Atatürk, p. 37.
^ Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d T. C. Genelkurmay Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Yayınları, Türk İstiklâl Harbine Katılan Tümen ve Daha Üst Kademelerdeki Komutanların Biyografileri, Ankara: Genkurmay Başkanlığı Basımevi, 1972, p. 1. (in Turkish)
^ Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk’ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 29. (in Turkish)
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Falih Rıfkı Atay: Çankaya, Pozitif Yayınları, İstanbul, 2004 ISBN 975-6461-05-5
^ Mango, ibid, p. 37.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b T.C. Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Yayınları, ibid, p. 2.
^ D.V.Mikusch: Zwichen Europe und Asien (translation Esat Mermi Erendor), İkarus Yayınları, İstanbul, 1981 ISBN 978-605-5834-32-6 p. 67
^ Patrick Kinross: Rebirth of a Nation (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p.68
^ “1910, Albania broke a major uprising. Minister of War, Shefqet Mahmut Pasha, was personally involved in its printing. For this purpose decided to call his war headquarters Qemali Mustafa who was known as one of the generals prepared and laid him drafting the plan of operations. Mustafa at this time was in the Fifth Army Headquarters in Salonica”. Albania.dyndns.org. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
^ “Mustafa Atatürk had assisted in the military operation in Albania in 1910”. Zeriyt.com. Archived from the original on 6 August 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
^ “1912 | Aubrey Herbert: A Meeting with Isa Boletini”. Albanianhistory.net. Archived from the original on 22 October 2012. Retrieved 29 October 2012.
^ Enstehung und Ausbau der Königsdiktatur in Albanien, 1912–1939 Von Michael Schmidt-Neke
^ “I remember well the meeting very interesting, I had casually with Mustafa Qemali in 1910, at the time, still a mere lieutenant”. Albislam.com. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
^ KUJTIME nga: Eqrem Bej Vlora. Ekrem Bey Vlora, Lebenserinnerungen – Teilband II: 1912–1925
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m Ana Britannica (1987) Vol. 2 (Ami – Avr): Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal. Page: 490.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Landau, Jacob M. (1984). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. Boulder: Westview Press. p. 17. ISBN 0865319863.
^ Jacob M. Landau, (1984), p. 48
^ William Henry Beehler, The History of the Italian-Turkish War, page 96
^ Beehler, page 14
^ Erik Goldstein (2005). Wars and Peace Treaties: 1816 to 1991. Routledge. p. 37. ISBN 9781134899128.
^ Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War, Routledge, 2002, p. 81.
^ Edward J. Erickson, Defeat in Detail: The Ottoman Army in the Balkans, 1912–1913, Praeger, 2003, ISBN 0-275-97888-5, p. 255.
^ “Kemal Atatürk”. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 21 November 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c “Atatürk’ün Bulgar aşkı belgesel oldu”. Hürriyet. 18 April 2006.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Lengyel, They called him Atatürk, 68
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Patrick Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, 100
^ Jäschke, Gotthard (1975). “Mustafa Kemal und England in Neuer Sicht”. Die Welt des Islams. 16 (1/4): 169. doi:10.2307/1569959. ISSN 0043-2539. JSTOR 1569959.
^ “RAF History – Bomber Command 60th Anniversary”. Raf.mod.uk. Archived from the original on 12 October 2012. Retrieved 29 October 2012.
^ Patrick Kinross, Rebirth of a Nation (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p.210
^ Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s speech on his arrival in Angora (now Ankara) in November 1919^[where?]
^ Andrew Mango, Atatürk, John Murray, 1999, ISBN 978-0-7195-6592-2, p. 214.
^ Findley, Carter V. (21 September 2010). Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789-2007. Yale University Press. p. 222. ISBN 978-0-300-15260-9.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Rustow, Dankwart A. (1968). pp.794–795
^ Patrick Kinross: Rebirth of a Nation (translation Ayhan Tezel), Sander yayınları, İstanbul, 1972 p.293
^ Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey, 50
^ Heper, Metin; Sayari, Sabri (7 May 2013). The Routledge Handbook of Modern Turkey. Routledge. p. 41. ISBN 978-1-136-30964-9.
^ Dadrian, Vahakn N.; Akçam, Taner (2011). Judgment at Istanbul: The Armenian Genocide Trials. Berghahn Books. pp. 196, 199. ISBN 978-0-85745-251-1.
^ Macfie, A.L. (2014). Atatürk. Routledge. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-138-83-647-1.
^ Documents on British Foreign Policy, vol. vii, p. 303.
^ В. Шеремет. Босфор. Moscow, 1995, p. 241.
^ editorial staff. “A short history of AA”. Anadolu Ajansı Genel Müdürlüğü. Archived from the original on 9 January 2008. Retrieved 1 January 2008. Ikdam newspaper dated 9 August 1921, reproducing the dispatches of AA dated 5 August and 6th, 1921, announced that Atatürk was promoted to Chief Commander
^ Greco-Turkish wars, Britannica CD 99
^ James, Edwin L. “Kemal Won’t Insure Against Massacres,” New York Times, 11 September 1922.
^ Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 365
^ “Turkey – Declaration of the Turkish republic | history – geography”. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 21 November 2017.
^ “Republic Day in Turkey”. www.timeanddate.com. Retrieved 21 November 2017.
^ Mango, Atatürk, 394
^ Baten, Jörg (2016). A History of the Global Economy. From 1500 to the Present. Cambridge University Press. p. 226. ISBN 9781107507180.
^ Mango, Atatürk, 367
^ Gerd Nonneman, Analyzing Middle East foreign policies and the relationship with Europe, Published 2005 Routledge, p. 204 ISBN 0-7146-8427-9
^ M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (9 May 2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. Princeton University Press. p. 55. ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Retrieved 4 June 2013.
^ Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: social process in the Turkish reformation, 245
^ Mango, Atatürk, 391–392
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Mango, Atatürk, 362
^ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 252
^ Mango, Atatürk, 501
^ Bozkurt, Gülnihal (2003). “Atatürk Dönemi Türk Dış Politikası”. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi.
^ Demirci, Fatih Kadro Hareketi ve Kadrocular, Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2006, sayı 15.
^ Ergüder, J. 1927 Komünist Tevkifatı, “İstanbul Ağır Ceza Mahkemesindeki Duruşma”, Birikim Yayınları, İstanbul, 1978
^ Başvekalet Kararlar Dairesi Müdürlüğü 15 Aralık 1937 tarih, 7829 nolu kararname Archived 7 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Erişim tarihi: 9 Şubat 2019. Ayrıca: Arşiv bağlantısı.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Koçak, Cemil (2005) “Parliament Membership during the Single-Party System in Turkey (1925–1945)”, European Journal of Turkish Studies
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Majid Khadduri (2006) War and peace in the law of Islam, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd., ISBN 1-58477-695-1-page 290-291
^ “Review: Revivalism, Shi’a Style”. The National Interest. 3 January 2007. Archived from the original on 13 February 2008. Retrieved 6 September 2013.
^ Mango, Atatürk, 403
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Mango, Atatürk, 401
^ Mango, Atatürk, 404
^ Eksi, Oktay (16 April 2008). “Paralardaki resimler”. Hurriyet. Retrieved 24 April 2008. İsmet Paşa “kurumlaşma” ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:
Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk’ün emriyle 10’uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina ettik…
^ M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (9 May 2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. Princeton University Press. p. 158. ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
^ “1924”. Ministry of Culture And Tourism. Retrieved 4 June 2013.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ Wolf-Gazo, John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission, 15–42.
^ Republic of Turkey Ministry of National Education. “Atatürk’s views on education”. T.C. Government. Retrieved 20 November 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c İğdemir, Atatürk, 165–170
^ Quoted in Atatürkism, Volume 1 (Istanbul: Office of the Chief of General Staff, 1982), 126.
^ Mango, Atatürk, 435
^ Kastamonu Nutku
^ “SABAH – 28/10/2005 – Mevlevi Alayı ile Atatürk’e destek oldular”.
^ Patrick Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, 397
^ Üngör, Umut. “Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913- 1950” (PDF). University of Amsterdam. pp. 235–236. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
^ Üngör, Umut. “Young Turk social engineering : mass violence and the nation state in eastern Turkey, 1913- 1950” (PDF). University of Amsterdam. p. 258. Retrieved 8 April 2020.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Mango, Atatürk, 418
^ Weiker, Book Review of Zürcher’s “Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925”, 297–298
^ Mango, Atatürk, 419
^ Touraj Atabaki, Erik Jan Zürcher, 2004, Men of Order: authoritarian modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah, I.B.Tauris, ISBN 1-86064-426-0, page 207
^ THE TOMB ROOM. Archived 5 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Daisy Hilse Dwyer, (1990), “Law and Islam in the Middle East”, page 77, ISBN 978-0-89789-151-6
^ Atillasoy, Atatürk : The First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic, 13.
^ Mango, Atatürk, 164
^ Tüfekçi, Universality of Atatürk’s philosophy
^ Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, p. 343
^ Atillasoy, Atatürk : first president and founder of the Turkish Republic, 15
^ Falih Rıfkı Atay (1969). Çankaya. Istanbul. p. 440
^ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 190
^ Kayadibi, Fahri (2006). “Atatürk Döneminde Eğitim ve Bilim Alanında Gelişmeler”. Istanbul University Journal of the Faculty of Theology (in Turkish) (13): 1–21.
^ Wiegand, Wayne A.; Davis, Donald G., eds. (1994). Encyclopedia of Library History. Routledge. p. 462.
^ Özelli, The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and Its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic, 77–92
^ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 191
^ Kapluhan, Erol (2011), Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Atatürk Dönemi Eğitim Politikaları (1923–1938) ve Coğrafya Eğitimi (PhD thesis) (in Turkish), Marmara University, pp. 203–5
^ Gürses, Fatma (2010), “Kemalizm’in Model Ders Kitabı: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler”, Akademik Bakış, vol. 4, no. 7, pp. 233–249, retrieved 29 May 2020
^ Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 204-205
^ Mango, Atatürk, 536
^ İnan, Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler, 260
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “About Us”. Archived from the original on 17 November 2007. Retrieved 1 February 2008.
^ Saikal, Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges, 95
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Geoffrey L. Lewis (1999), The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success, Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-823856-8-page 66
^ “Turks Teach New Theories”. The New York Times. Istanbul. 9 February 1936.
^ Laut (2002)
^ “Gazi, önerilen 14. soyadını kabul etmiş!”. Habertürk. Retrieved 18 December 2017.
^ Cleveland, A History of the Modern Middle East, 181
^ Wilson, M. Brett (2009). “The First Translations of the Qur’an in Modern Turkey (1924–1938)”. International Journal of Middle East Studies. 41 (3): 419–435. doi:10.1017/s0020743809091132. S2CID 73683493.
^ Ünal, The Qur’an with Annotated Interpretation in Modern English, xxxix
^ Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır, (1935), “Hak dini Kur’an dili: Yeni mealli Türkçe tefsir” 9 volumes, printed in Istanbul
^ Michael Radu, (2003), “Dangerous Neighborhood: Contemporary Issues in Turkey’s Foreign Relations”, page 125, ISBN 978-0-7658-0166-1
^ Paydak, Selda (January 2000). “Interview with Semiha Berksoy”. Representation of the European Commission to Turkey. Archived from the original on 18 April 2003. Retrieved 11 February 2007.
^ Omur, Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women Archived 7 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine
^ Atatürk, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler
^ İnan, Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk’ün el yazıları
^ “commonslibraryblog.com”. commonslibraryblog.com (in Slovenian). 18 November 2013. Retrieved 23 April 2018.
^ Findley, Carter Vaughn (2010). Turkey, Islam, nationalism, and modernity : a history, 1789–2007. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15260-9.^{[page needed]}
^ Republic Of Turkey Ministry Of National Education. “Turkish National Education System”. T.C. Government.
^ Ayhan Aktar, “Cumhuriyet’in İlk Yıllarında Uygulanan ‘Türkleştirme’ Politikaları,” in Varlık Vergisi, ve ‘Türkleştirme’ Politikaları, 2nd ed. (Istanbul: İletişim, 2000), 101.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Ertürk, Nergis (19 October 2011). Grammatology and literary modernity in Turkey. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-974668-2.
^ editor, Sibel Bozdoǧan, Gülru Necipoğlu, editors; Julia Bailey, managing (2007). Muqarnas : an annual on the visual culture of the Islamic world. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 9789004163201. {{cite book}}: |last= has generic name (help)
^ Aslan, Senem (April 2007). “”Citizen, Speak Turkish!”: A Nation in the Making”. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. 13 (2): 245–272. doi:10.1080/13537110701293500. S2CID 144367148.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Suny, Ronald Grigor; Göçek, Fatma Müge; Naimark, Norman M., eds. (23 February 2011). A question of genocide : Armenians and Turks at the end of the Ottoman Empire. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-539374-3.
^ Bali, Rifat N. (1999). Cumhuriyet yıllarında Türkiye Yahudileri bir türkleştirme serüveni; (1923–1945) (in Turkish) (7 ed.). İstanbul: İletişim. pp. 137–147. ISBN 9789754707632.
^ İnce, Başak (15 June 2012). Citizenship and identity in Turkey : from Atatürk’s republic to the present day. London: I.B. Tauris. p. 61. ISBN 9781780760261.
^ Vryonis, Speros (2005). The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of 6–7 September 1955, and the Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul. New York: Greekworks.com, Inc. ISBN 0-9747660-3-8.
^ Turkoz, Meltem (2004). “The Social Life of the State’s Fantasy: Memories and Documents on Turkey’s Surname Law of 1934”. ScholarlyCommons. University of Pennsylvania: 1–226. Retrieved 28 May 2020.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b İnce, Başak (15 June 2012). Citizenship and identity in Turkey : from Atatürk’s republic to the present day. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-78076-026-1.
^ Aslan, Senem (29 December 2009). “Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey”. European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (10). doi:10.4000/ejts.4142. the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations
^ Ekmekcioglu, Lerna (2010). Improvising Turkishness: Being Armenian in post-Ottoman Istanbul (1918–1933). Ann Arbor. p. 169. ISBN 978-1-124-04442-2.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Nişanyan, Sevan (2010). Adını unutan ülke: Türkiye’de adı değiştirilen yerler sözlüğü (in Turkish) (1. basım. ed.). İstanbul: Everest Yayınları. ISBN 978-975-289-730-4.
^ Halis, Mujgan (30 July 2011). “Norşin’den Potamya’ya hayali coğrafyalarımız”. Sabah (in Turkish).
^ Sahakyan, Lusine (2010). Turkification of the Toponyms in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey (PDF). Montreal: Arod Books. ISBN 978-0-9699879-7-0.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Simonian, Hovann H. (2007). The Hemshin: history, society and identity in the highlands of northeast Turkey (PDF) (Repr. ed.). London: Routledge. p. 161. ISBN 978-0-7007-0656-3. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 May 2013.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Jongerden, Joost (2007). The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds : an analysis of spatial policies, modernity and war ([Online-Ausg.]. ed.). Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill. p. 354. ISBN 978-90-04-15557-2.
^ Korkut, Tolga (14 May 2009). “Names of 12,211 Villages Were Changed in Turkey”. Bianet.
^ Çağatay, Soner 2002 ‘Kemalist dönemde göç ve iskan politikaları: Türk kimliği üzerine bir çalışma’ (Policies of migration and settlement in the Kemalist era: a study on Turkish identity), Toplum ve Bilim, no. 93, pp. 218–41.
^ Jongerden, Joost (2007). The settlement issue in Turkey and the Kurds : an analysis of spatial policies, modernity and war ([Online-Ausg.]. ed.). Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill. ISBN 9789004155572.^{[page needed]}
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Mango, Atatürk, 526
^ Hamza Eroğlu. “Peace at home and peace in the world” (in Turkish). Retrieved 1 January 2008. “Yurtta Sulh” herşeyden önce ülkede, o insanın, insanca yaşamasını, insanlık tıynetinin gereğinin tanınmasını ifade eder”.
^ Enver Ziya Karal. Atatürk’ten Düşünceler (in Turkish). p. 123. Haricî siyaset bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkülü dahilisi ile sıkı surette alâkadardır. Çünkü teşekkül-ü dahiliyeye istinat etmeyen haricî siyasetler daima mahkûm kalırlar. Bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkül-ü dahilisi ne kadar kuvvetli olursa, siyaset-i hariciyesi de o nisbette kavi ve rasin olur.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Peter Sluglett, “The Primacy of Oil in Britain’s Iraq Policy”, in the book “Britain in Iraq: 1914–1932” London: Ithaca Press, 1976, pp. 103–116
^ Can Dündar. “Atatürk yaşasaydı” (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 20 November 2007. Retrieved 1 January 2008. … Ata’nın öncelikli dış politika sorununun Musul olduğunu söylüyor. Musul’u bırakmama konusunda aktif bir politika izlenmesinden yana olduğunu belirtiyor…
^ Olson, Robert W. (1989) The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880–1925, p.45
^ Kinross, 401
^ ASD: Speeches and statements by Atatürk, volume I pages 361–363 published by Atatürk Culture, language and history Higher Institute, Ankara 1989
^ Andrew Mango, Atatürk and the Kurds, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.35, No.4, 1999, 20
^ Международная жизнь (the Soviet Foreign Minisrty‘s magazine). Moscow, 1963, № 11, pp. 147–148. The first publication of Atatürk’s letter to Lenin in excerpts, in Russian.
^ Международная жизнь. Moscow, 1963, № 11, p. 148.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Yılmaz Altuğ, Foreign Policy of Atatürk, Atatürk arastirma merkezi dergisi, Vol VI, No 16, November 1989
^ Yılmaz Altuğ, Türk Devrim Tarihi Dersim, 1919–1938, 1980 s. p. 136.
^ Patrick Kinross. Atatürk: a biography of Mustafa Kemal, father of modern Turkey. New York, 1965, p. 464.
^ БСЭ, 1st edition, Moscow, Vol. 55, 1947, column 374.
^ БСЭ, 1st edition, Moscow, Vol. 55, 1947, column 377.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Oh, What Happiness!”. Time Magazine. 6 November 1933. pp. 37–39. Archived from the original on 13 November 2008. Retrieved 7 August 2007.
^ БСЭ, 2nd edition, Moscow, Vol. 20, 1953, p. 504.
^ Karamanlis, 1995, p. 95-97
^ Soysal, İsmail, 1983, “Turkey’s Diplomatic treaties”, TTK, Ankara page 29
^ Clogg, Richard (2002). A Concise History of Greece. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-00479-4. p. 107
^ Nobel Foundation. The Nomination Database for the Nobel Prize in Peace, 1901–1955.[2]
^ “Ataturk on a Gallipoli pedestal”. Neos Kosmos. 27 April 2015. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
^ Datta-Ray, Sunanda (18 June 2002). “MEANWHILE: Dressing to rule in Afghanistan”. The New York Times. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
^ Jentleson, Bruce W.; Paterson, Thomas G. (1997). The American Journal of International Law. Oxford University Press. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-19-511055-5.
^ Narlı, Nilüfer (1993): “Turco-Iranian Relations from the Islamic Revolution to Gulf War and Beyond: Co-operation or Competition in the Muslim World”. CEMOTI. (15): 265–295
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Gokhan Cetinsaya “Essential friends and natural enemies: the historical roots of Turkish-Iranian relations.” Middle East Review of International Affairs Volume 7, No. 3 – September 2003
^ Rajaee, Farhang, Islamic Values and World View: Farhang Khomeyni on Man, the State and International Politics, Volume XIII Archived 26 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine (PDF), University Press of America. ISBN 0-8191-3578-X
^ Mango, Atatürk, 510
^ Soysal, İsmail, 1983, “Turkey’s Diplomatic treaties”, TTK, Ankara page 493
^ League of Nations Treaty Series, vol. 173, pp. 214–241.
^ Yilmaz Altuð, “Atatürk’ün Dis Politikasý,” B.Ü. Uluslararasi Atatürk Konferansý Tebligleri, 10–11 November 1980, Vol. II, Istanbul 1981, p. 486.
^ Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam, Vol. 3, Ýstanbul 1988, p. 331.
^ Atatürk’ün Milli Dış Politikası, Vol. 2, p. 355
^ Douglas Arthur Howard: The history of Turkey, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001, ISBN 0313307083, page 111.
^ Selim Deringil: Turkish Foreign Policy During the Second World War: An ‘Active’ Neutrality, Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 9780521523295, page 33.
^ Hatay’ın Anavatana Katılma Süreci. AVRASYA Uluslararası Araştırmalar Dergisi, Volume: IV, Issue: 7, July 2015. (in Turkish)
^ Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, 347–357
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Mango, Atatürk, 470
^ Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 232–233.
^ Aysu, Abdullah (29 January 2003). “Tütün, İçki ve Tekel” (in Turkish). BİA Haber Merkezi. Archived from the original on 15 October 2007. Retrieved 10 October 2007.
^ Cemal Kutay, “Celal Bayar”, Volume I, Istanbul, 1939, p. 25; Cemal Kutay, “Celal Bayar: Bir Türk’ün Biyografisi”, Istanbul, Onan Matbaası, t.y., p. 82
^ “History”. General Directorate of Highways. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
^ “Our History”. Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey. Retrieved 29 May 2020.
^ İbrahim Kaya, Social Theory and Later Modernities, page 90
^ Mango, Atatürk, 478
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939
^ Emrence, Turkey in economic crisis (1927–1930): a panoramic vision. Journal Middle Eastern Studies
^ “Skylife”. Retrieved 26 November 2007.
^ “History of Turkish Aeronautical Association”. Archived from the original on 19 December 2007. Retrieved 26 November 2007.
^ Dilek Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies p. 61
^ Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: Social Process in the Turkish Reformation, 260
^ Doğan, Formation of factory settlements within Turkish industrialization and modernization in 1930s: Nazilli printing factory
^ Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. “Aydın – Historical Ruins”. T.C. Government. Archived from the original on 7 September 2007. Nazilli cotton print factory was established over an area of 65.000 m2 on the Nazilli Bozdoğan highway. It is the “first Turkish cotton print factory” the foundation of which was laid on 25 August 1935 and which was opened by Atatürk with great ceremony.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Nuri Demirağ Aircraft Factory”. Nuridemirag.com. Archived from the original on 21 July 2012. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
^ “Tarihte Bugün – 25 Ocak”. İnönü Vakfı. Refik Saydam başbakan oldu – İstifa eden Celal Bayar’ın yerine Refik Saydam, 25 Ocak 1939’da Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin 11. hükümetini kurdu.
^ “History”. Touring and Automobile Club of Turkey (in Turkish). Retrieved 29 May 2020.
^ Stone, Norman “Talking Turkey”. National Interest, Fall2000, Issue 61.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Eastham, The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years, 132–136
^ Atatürk: Eine Biographie, Klaus Kreiser, C.H.Beck, 2011, ISBN 3406619789, p. 80, (Ger.)
^ “Balkan Is Not Dead”. IMDb. 9 August 2012. Retrieved 12 November 2012.
^ “Atatürk’ün Özel Hayatı”. Atatürk. 2008. Archived from the original on 31 December 2012. Retrieved 12 November 2012.
^ Bozdağ, İsmet (2005). Latife ve Fikriye İki Aşk Arasında Atatürk. Istanbul: Truva Yayınları.
^ Turgut, Pelin (1 July 2006). “Turkey in the 21st century: The Legacy Of Mrs Ataturk”. The Independent. UK. Archived from the original on 18 July 2006. Retrieved 29 September 2007.
^ Akhtar, Salman (2008). The Crescent and the Couch: Cross-Currents Between Islam and Psychoanalysis. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-7657-0574-7.
^ Sabiha Gokcen biography, Hargrave Pioneers of Aviation
^ Political Islam in Turkey: Running West, Heading East? Author G. Jenkins, Publisher Springer, 2008, ISBN 0230612458, p. 84.
^ Düzel, Neşe (6 February 2012). “Taha Akyol: Atatürk yargı bağımsızlığını reddediyor“
^ Prof. Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk’ün Fikir ve Düşünceleri (Atatürk ve Din Eğitimi, A. Gürtaş, p. 26), Atatürk Research Center, 2007; ISBN 9789751611741
^ Prof. Ethem Ruhi Fığlalı, “Atatürk’ün Din ve Laiklik Anlayışı”, Atatürk Research Center, 2012; ISBN 978-975-16-2490-1, p. 86
^ Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, Ankara 1959, 2. Baskı, II, 66–67; s. 90. III, 70
^ Reşat Kasaba, “Atatürk”, The Cambridge history of Turkey: Volume 4: Turkey in the Modern World, Cambridge University Press, 2008; ISBN 978-0-521-62096-3 p. 163. Retrieved 27 March 2015.
^ Political Islam in Turkey by Gareth Jenkins, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p. 84; ISBN 0230612458
^ Atheism, Brief Insights Series by Julian Baggini, Sterling Publishing Company, Inc., 2009 ISBN 1402768826, p. 106.
^ Islamism: A Documentary and Reference Guide, John Calvert John, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2008 ISBN 0313338566, p. 19.
^ …Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founder of the secular Turkish Republic. He said: “I have no religion, and at times I wish all religions at the bottom of the sea…” The Antipodean Philosopher: Interviews on Philosophy in Australia and New Zealand, Graham Oppy, Lexington Books, 2011 ISBN 0739167936, p. 146.
^ Phil Zuckerman, John R. Shook, The Oxford Handbook of Secularism, Oxford University Press, 2017, ISBN 0199988455, p. 167.
^ Tariq Ramadan, Islam and the Arab Awakening, Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 0199933731, p. 76.
^ Aydıntaşbaş, Aslı (7 December 2008). “Why I Love Turkey’s Smoking, Drinking Founding Father.” Forbes. Retrieved 25 April 2020.
^ Kenyon, Peter (7 June 2013). “Not Everyone Cheers Turkey’s Move To Tighten Alcohol Rules.” NPR. Retrieved 26 April 2020.
^ Macfie, Alexander Lyon (2014). Ataturk. Routledge. p. 6. ISBN 9781317897354. Retrieved 31 December 2018.
^ Atatürk’ün Hayatı (Atatürk’s Life). Ministry of Culture and Tourism (Turkey) (in Turkish).
^ “The Burial of Ataturk”. Time. Time Magazine. 23 November 1953. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 26 May 2021.
^ “Atatürk’s Last Will”. www.ktb.gov.tr. Retrieved 26 May 2021.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Macfie, A.L. (2014). Atatürk. Routledge. p. 182. ISBN 978-1-138-83-647-1.
^ Can Dündar, Sarı Zeybek, Milliyet, 1994, p. 103
^ Navaro-Yashin, Yael (2002). Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey. Princeton University Press. pp. 196–99. ISBN 978-0-691-08845-7.
^ Morrison, Terry; Conaway, Wayne A. (1994). Kiss, Bow, Or Shake Hands: How to Do Business in Sixty Countries. Adams Media. p. 392. ISBN 978-1-55850-444-8.
^ Yonah, Alexander (2007). Turkey: Terrorism, Civil Rights, and the European Union. Routledge. p. 137. ISBN 978-0-415-44163-6.
^ “Turkish Telecommunications Presidency: Internet Hotline”. Ihbarweb.org.tr. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
^ Time to break out of legislative straitjacket that is stifling media freedom, Reporters Sans Frontières, 1 December 2010
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (9 May 2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. Princeton University Press. p. 128. ISBN 978-1-4008-3817-2. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
^ “Hitler’s Infatuation with Atatürk Revisited”. Turkey Analyst. Archived from the original on 23 January 2021. Retrieved 19 April 2021.
^ “The 20th-Century Dictator Most Idolized by Hitler”. The Daily Beast. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 19 April 2021.
^ Ihrig, Stefan (2014). Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 116. ISBN 978-0-674-36837-8. For example, in 1938, on his birthday, in a meeting with a delegation of Turkish politicians and journalists, he reaffirmed the primal and original role Atatürk had played for him and in doing so also pinpointed what was the essence of most far-right and Nazi interpretations of Atatürk in interwar Germany: “Atatürk was the first to show that it is possible to mobilize and regenerate the resources that a country has lost. In this respect Atatürk was a teacher; Mussolini was his first and I his second student.”
^ In his address to the Reichstag on 4 May 1941, Adolf Hitler said:”Turkey had been our ally in the World War. Its unfortunate result was as heavy a burden for Turkey as it was for us. The great and ingenious reconstructor of the new Turkey gave his Allies, beaten by fate, the first example of resurrection. While Turkey, thanks to the realistic attitude of her State leadership, preserved her independent attitude Yugoslavia fell a victim to British intrigues.”
^ Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, p. 147.
^ Remarks on the 25th Anniversary of the Death of Kemal Atatürk, 4 November 1963. Audio file on: jfklibrary.org.
^ Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, p. 146.
^ Halil Gülbeyaz: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos. Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, p. 228.
^ Girbeau, Sabine (18 August 2003). “Habib Bourguiba ou la modernité inachevée”. Afrik.com.
^ Huda Shaarawi’s Diaries – Book of Al-Hilal, September / 1981
^ THE TWO KEMALS; The Polished Aristocrat of European Circles in Contrast With the Ruthless Commander of Fanatical Turks, New York Times, 1 October 1922.
^ “Atatürk’ün Madalya ve Nişanları”. Archived from the original on 15 March 2020. Retrieved 15 March 2020.
^ “Atatürk’ün Rütbe, Nişan ve Madalyaları”. Archived from the original on 15 March 2020. Retrieved 15 March 2020.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Macfie, A.L. (2014) p.43

Bibliography

Prints

Ahmad, Feroz (1993). The Making of Modern Turkey. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-07835-1.
Armstrong, Harold Courtenay (1972). Grey Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator. Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press. ISBN 978-0-8369-6962-7.
Atillasoy, Yüksel (2002). Atatürk: First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic. Woodside, NY: Woodside House. ISBN 978-0-9712353-4-2.
Bacqué-Grammont, Jean-Louis; Roux, Jean-Paul (1983). Mustafa Kemal et la Turquie nouvelle (in French). Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose. ISBN 2-7068-0829-2.
Barber, Noel (1988). Lords of the Golden Horn. London: Arrow. ISBN 978-0-09-953950-6.
Barlas, Dilek (1998). Statism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939. New York: Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 978-90-04-10855-4.
Cleveland, William L (2004). A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-4048-7.
Crease, Robert P. (2019). “Kemal Atatürk: Science and Patriotism”. The workshop and the world: what ten thinkers can teach us about science and authority. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. pp. 189–204. ISBN 978-0-393-29243-5. OCLC 1037807472.
Doğan, Çağatay Emre (2003). Formation of Factory Settlements Within Turkish Industrialization and Modernization in 1930s: Nazilli Printing Factory (in Turkish). Ankara: Middle East Technical University. OCLC 54431696.
Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2011). Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography. New Jersey and Woodstock (Oxfordshire): Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15109-0.
Huntington, Samuel P. (2006). Political Order in Changing Societies. New Haven, Conn.; London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-11620-5.
İğdemir, Uluğ; Mango, Andrew (translation) (1963). Atatürk. Ankara: Turkish National Commission for UNESCO. pp. 165–170. OCLC 75604149.
İnan, Ayşe Afet (2007). Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler (in Turkish). Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları. ISBN 978-9944-88-140-1.
İnan, Ayşe Afet; Sevim, Ali; Süslü, Azmi; Tural, M Akif (1998). Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk’ün el Yazıları (in Turkish). Ankara: AKDTYK Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi. ISBN 978-975-16-1276-2.
Kinross, Patrick (2003). Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation. London: Phoenix Press. ISBN 978-1-84212-599-1. OCLC 55516821.
Kinross, Patrick (1979). The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire. New York: Morrow. ISBN 978-0-688-08093-8.
Landau, Jacob M (1983). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-86531-986-8.
Lengyel, Emil (1962). They Called Him Atatürk. New York: The John Day Co. OCLC 1337444.
Mango, Andrew (2002) [1999]. Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey (Paperback ed.). Woodstock, NY: Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc. ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6.
Mango, Andrew (2004). Atatürk. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0-7195-6592-2.
Saikal, Amin; Schnabel, Albrecht (2003). Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges. Tokyo: United Nations University Press. ISBN 978-92-808-1085-1.
Shaw, Stanford Jay; Shaw, Ezel Kural (1976–1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-21280-9.
Spangnolo, John (1992). The Modern Middle East in Historical Perspective: Essays in Honour of Albert Hourani. Oxford: Middle East Centre, St. Antony’s College. ISBN 978-0-86372-164-9. OCLC 80503960.
Tunçay, Mete (1972). Mesaî : Halk Şûrâlar Fırkası Programı, 1920 (in Turkish). Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi. OCLC 1926301.
Tüfekçi, Gürbüz D (1981). Universality of Atatürk’s Philosophy. Ankara: Pan Matbaacılık. OCLC 54074541.
Yapp, Malcolm (1987). The Making of the Modern Near East, 1792–1923. London; New York: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-49380-3.
Webster, Donald Everett (1973). The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation. New York: AMS Press. ISBN 978-0-404-56333-2.
Zürcher, Erik Jan (2004). Turkey: A Modern History. London; New York: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-85043-399-6.

Journals

Eastham, J. K. (March 1964). “The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years”. The Economic Journal. 74 (298): 132–136. doi:10.2307/2228117. ISSN 0013-0133. JSTOR 2228117.
Emrence, Cem (2003). “Turkey in Economic Crisis (1927–1930): A Panoramic Vision”. Middle Eastern Studies. 39 (4): 67–80. doi:10.1080/00263200412331301787. ISSN 0026-3206. S2CID 144066199.
Omur, Aslı (December 2002). “Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women”. Turkish Times. 13 (312). ISSN 1043-0164. Archived from the original on 7 October 2007. Retrieved 10 October 2007.
Özelli, M. Tunç (January 1974). “The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic”. International Journal of Middle East Studies. 5 (1): 77–92. doi:10.1017/s0020743800032803. ISSN 0020-7438. JSTOR 162345.
Stone, Norman (2000). “Talking Turkey”. The National Interest. 61: 66. ISSN 0884-9382.
Volkan, Vamık D. (1981). “Immortal Atatürk – Narcissism and Creativity in a Revolutionary Leader”. Psychoanalytic Study of Society. 9: 221–255. ISSN 0079-7294. OCLC 60448681.
Wolf-Gazo, Ernest (1996). “John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission”. Journal of American Studies of Turkey. 3: 15–42. ISSN 1300-6606. Archived from the original on 27 March 2009.
“Mustafa Kemal Atatürk”. TP Editors. pp. 7–8. Retrieved 29 April 2008.
“The Burial of Atatürk”. Time Magazine. 23 November 1953. pp. 37–39. Archived from the original on 14 November 2006. Retrieved 7 August 2007.

16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Sergey Naryshkin
Sergey Yevgenyevich Naryshkin (Russian: Серге́й Евге́ньевич Нары́шкин, IPA: [sʲɪrˈɡʲej jɪˈvɡʲenʲɪvʲɪtɕ nɐˈrɨʂkʲɪn]; born 27 October 1954) is a Russian official, politician, businessman and the Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service since 2016. Previously, he was Chairman of the State Duma (2011–2016) and Kremlin Chief of Staff (2008–2012); he was also chairman of the Historical Truth Commission in May 2009 until it was dissolved in February 2012.

Contents
Early life and education

Sergei Yevgenyevich Naryshkin was born in Leningrad and graduated from Leningrad Institute of Mechanics with a degree in engineering in 1978, and, in 1978, he was the first secretary of its Komsomol which was the Communist Party‘s youth wing. From 1978, Naryshkin studied at the Moscow Higher School of the KGB (Russian: Высшая школа КГБ) for two years in the French section while Nikolay Tokarev also studied at the Higher School of the KGB at the same time.^[1] In the 1990s he also graduated from International Management Institute of Saint Petersburg with a degree in economics.^[2]

In 2015, Naryshkin’s dissertation in economics was exposed as fraudulent in an investigation by Dissernet, with more than half of the text plagiarized from other publications.^[3]

Career

Naryshkin meeting with Kyrgyz President Roza Otunbayeva during his working visit to Bishkek in August 2011.

In 1982, Naryshkin was appointed Deputy Vice-Rector of Leningrad Polytechnical Institute. From 1988 to 1992, he worked in the Soviet Embassy in Brussels as an expert in the State Committee on Science and Technologies in the office of the economic adviser, but Alexei Pastyukhov, a childhood friend, stated that Naryshkin worked as third secretary. Some sources suggest that while there he began to work for the KGB after he had been at a group of the KGB Higher School where he and Vladimir Putin were fellow students.^[2]^[4]^[5]^[6]

From 1992 until 1995, he worked in the Committee for Economy and Finance of Saint Petersburg Mayor Office. After he left, he became the chief of the external investment department of Promstroybank—a position he would hold until 1997. From 1997 until 1998, Naryshkin led the Investment Department of the Leningrad Oblast government. From 1998 until 2004, he was the Chairman of the Committee for External Economic and International Relations of the government of Leningrad Oblast.

In early 2004, he was a deputy head of the economic department of the Russian presidential administration. From March through September 2004, Naryshkin was a deputy chief of staff of the Russian government.

Since 2004, he has been a member of the board of directors of Sovkomflot and a deputy chairman of the board of directors of Rosneft. Since 31 August 2004, Naryshkin has also been Chairman of the Board of Directors of Channel One of the Russian television.

Since 13 September 2004, he has been a Minister, Chief of Staff of the Government of Russia. On 15 February 2007, President Vladimir Putin announced that Naryshkin had been appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Russia for external economic activity, focusing on collaboration with the Commonwealth of Independent States. In May 2008, Naryshkin was appointed chief of the Presidential Administration of Russia.

In May 2009, President Dmitry Medvedev appointed him chairman of the Historical Truth Commission.

Since the rise of tensions between European Union and Russia in 2014, Naryshkin was perceived as one of the main coordinators of contacts with European far-right and far-left parties supporting Russian foreign policy in Europe.^[7]See also: Russia-European Union relations

In September 2016, Naryshkin was appointed as chief of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR).^[8]

In December 2021, Naryshkin dismissed reports of a possible invasion of Ukraine asserting that it was “malicious propaganda by the US State Department”.^[9]

Chairman of the State Duma

President Putin with Chairwoman of the Federation Council Matviyenko and Naryshkin, 2 September 2013

Naryshkin was elected to the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament in December 2011. When the Duma began meeting for its new term on 21 December 2011, Naryshkin was elected as Chairman of the State Duma; he received 238 votes in favor of his candidacy, while 88 deputies opposed him.^[10] In June 2012, Naryshkin signed a resolution on setting up a culture council under the State Duma speaker. The council is “a standing advisory body”. The tasks of the council are “the examination and drafting of initiatives on topical problems of legislative regulations in culture and associated industries, the development of recommendations on culture for the use in lawmaking”.^[11] On 2 September 2013, Naryshkin stated that there are no political prisoners in today’s Russia.^[12]

Membership in advisory and scientific councils and commissions

Naryshkin is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees The Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA).^[13]

Sanctions

As a result of the 2014 Crimean crisis, the federal government of the United States under Barack Obama blacklisted^[a] Naryshkin and other close friends of the Russian president, including Sergei Ivanov and Gennadi Timchenko.^[14]^[15]^[16]^[17]^[18]^[19] Nevertheless, he officially visited the U.S., along with other Russian top security chiefs, at the end of January 2018.^[20]

Notes
1. ^ He was placed on the Specially Designated Nationals List (SDN), a list of individuals sanctioned as “members of the Russian leadership’s inner circle.”
References
1. ^ Шлейнов, Роман (Shleynov, Roman) (11 February 2013). “Николай Токарев: путь от КГБ до «Транснефти»: В официальной биографии президента «Транснефти» Николая Токарева говорится, что после окончания института он работал в «геолого-разведочных партиях горнорудной промышленности». Это вызывает улыбку у его приятелей: Токарев из той же «разведочной партии», что и Владимир Путин, шутят они” [Nikolai Tokarev: the path from the KGB to Transneft: The official biography of the president of Transneft, Nikolai Tokarev, says that after graduating from the institute, he worked in “geological exploration parties of the mining industry.” This brings a smile to his buddies: Tokarev is from the same “intelligence party” as Vladimir Putin, they joke.]. Vedomosti (in Russian). Archived from the original on 23 August 2015. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
2. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Sergei Naryshkin”. The Moscow Times. Archived from the original on 29 October 2011. Education: Radio-mechanical engineering, Leningrad Mechanical Institute, 1978. Economics, Petersburg International Management Institute, 1997.
3. ^ Neyfakh, Leon (22 May 2016). “The Craziest Black Market in Russia”. Slate. ISSN 1091-2339. Archived from the original on 30 December 2016. Retrieved 30 December 2016. Late last year, Russian newspapers reported what would have qualified as a stunning piece of news almost anywhere else: The chairman of the country’s largest parliamentary body had been exposed as a plagiarist. Sergei Naryshkin, the former chief of staff in Vladimir Putin’s administration and a prominent member of his United Russia party, stood accused of receiving the Russian equivalent of a doctoral degree on the strength of a dissertation in which more than half of the pages contained material lifted from other sources.
4. ^ Elder, Miriam (26 October 2007). “Discreet With a Deceptively Shy Grin”. Moscow Times. Archived from the original on 14 October 2014. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
5. ^ “Naryshkin Appointed Cabinet Chief”. Moscow Times. 15 September 2004. Archived from the original on 4 June 2013. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
6. ^ “Кто такой Нарышкин” [Who is Naryshkin] (in Russian). Gazeta.ru. 15 February 2007. Archived from the original on 5 June 2011. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
7. ^ “ALDE wants investigation of Le Pen’s contacts with Moscow”. EurActiv.com. Retrieved 23 September 2016.
8. ^ “Putin names ally Sergei Naryshkin as new foreign spy chief”. BBC News. 22 September 2016. Retrieved 23 September 2016.
9. ^ “Russia spy chief says Ukraine invasion plan ‘malicious’ U.S. propaganda”. Reuters. 27 November 2021.
10. ^ “Naryshkin named Russia’s parliamentary speaker”, RIA Novosti, 21 December 2011. Retrieved 21 December 2011.
11. ^ “State Duma Speaker Sergei Naryshkin Forms Culture Council”. Russkiy Mir Foundation. Archived from the original on 17 April 2013. Retrieved 6 July 2012.
12. ^ Grani.ru, Нарышкин: В России нет политзаключенных [Naryshkin: Russia has no political prisoners], 2 September 2013.
13. ^ Board of Trustees RANEPA
14. ^ “Executive Order – Blocking Property of Additional Persons Contributing to the Situation in Ukraine”. The White House – Office of the Press Secretary.
15. ^ “Treasury Sanctions Russian Officials, Members Of The Russian Leadership’s Inner Circle, And An Entity For Involvement In The Situation In Ukraine”. US Department of the treasury.
16. ^ www.treasury.gov
17. ^ Specially Designated Nationals List (SDN)
18. ^ Shuklin, Peter (21 March 2014). “Putin’s inner circle: who got in a new list of US sanctions”. liga.net. Archived from the original on 7 February 2015. Retrieved 20 February 2016.
19. ^ President of The United States (19 March 2016). “Ukraine EO13661” (PDF). Federal Register. Retrieved 20 February 2016.
20. ^ US suspends sanctions against Russian security chiefs during their visit to Washington TASS, 2 February 2018.
16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army
Minamoto no Yoshitsune
Minamoto no Yoshitsune (源義経, c. 1159 – June 15, 1189) was a military commander of the Minamoto clan of Japan in the late Heian and early Kamakura periods. During the Genpei War, he led a series of battles which toppled the Ise-Heishi branch of the Taira clan, helping his half-brother Yoritomo consolidate power. He is considered one of the greatest and the most popular warriors of his era, and one of the most famous samurai fighters in the history of Japan.^[1] Yoshitsune perished after being betrayed by the son of a trusted ally.

Contents
Early life

The fight between Ushiwakamaru and the bandit chief Kumasaka Chohan in 1174. Yoshitsune was only 15 when he defeated the notorious bandit leader.Yoshitsune and Benkei defending themselves in their boat during a storm created by the ghosts of conquered Taira warriors. Made by Utagawa Kuniyoshi

Yoshitsune was the ninth son of Minamoto no Yoshitomo, and the third and final son and child that Yoshitomo would father with Tokiwa Gozen.^[2] Yoshitsune’s older half-brother Minamoto no Yoritomo (the third son of Yoshitomo) would go on to establish the Kamakura shogunate. Yoshitsune’s name in childhood was Ushiwakamaru (牛若丸). He was born just before the Heiji Rebellion in 1160 in which his father and two oldest brothers were killed.^[3] He survived this incident by fleeing the capital with his mother, while his half-brother Yoritomo was banished to Izu Province. When he was 10, Yoshitsune was placed in the care of the monks of Kurama temple (鞍馬寺),^[4]^: 61 nestled in the Hiei Mountains near the capital of Kyoto. There he was taught swordsmanship and strategy, according to some legends by Sōjōbō, to others by Kiichi Hōgen (whose book, Six Secret Teachings, Ushiwakamaru stole). Not wanting to become a monk, Yoshitsune eventually left and followed a gold merchant who knew his father well, and in 1174 relocated to Hiraizumi, Mutsu Province, where he was put under the protection of Fujiwara no Hidehira, head of the powerful regional Northern Fujiwara clan.^[3]^: 325

Career

Statue of Yoshitsune in Mimosusogawa Park, Shimonoseki, near the site of the Battle of Dan-no-ura

A skillful swordsman, Yoshitsune defeated the legendary warrior monk Benkei in a duel. From then on, Benkei became Yoshitsune’s retainer, eventually dying with him at the Siege of Koromogawa.^[4]

In 1180, Yoshitsune heard that Yoritomo, now head of the Minamoto clan, had raised an army at the request of Prince Mochihito to fight against the Taira clan (also known as the Heike) which had usurped the power of the emperor. In the ensuing war between the rival Minamoto and Taira samurai clans, known as the Genpei War, Yoshitsune joined Yoritomo, along with Minamoto no Noriyori, all brothers who had not previously met.

Yoshitsune, together with his brother Noriyori, defeated the Taira in several key battles. He also attacked and killed his cousin Minamoto no Yoshinaka, a rival for control of the Minamoto clan, at the Battle of Awazu^[5] in Ōmi Province in early 1184 on the orders of Yoritomo.

Yoshitsune, who had by then been given the rank of general, went on to defeat the Taira at the Battle of Ichi-no-Tani in present-day Kobe in March 1184, and again at the Battle of Yashima in Shikoku in March 1185. He finally destroyed them one month later at the Battle of Dan-no-ura in present-day Yamaguchi Prefecture.^[3]^{: 289–305}

Final years

Following the Genpei War, Yoshitsune was appointed as Governor of Iyo and awarded other titles by cloistered emperor Go-Shirakawa.^[6] His suspicious brother Yoritomo, however, opposed the presentation of these titles, and nullified them.An ivory carving depicting Yoshitsune and his retainers looking at the rough sea while fleeing from Yoritomo’s pursuers. by Ishikawa Komei. circa 1880. Walters Art Museum

Yoshitsune then secured imperial authorization to ally with his uncle Minamoto no Yukiie in opposing Yoritomo.^[3]^: 316^[6]^{: 140–143} Incurring Yoritomo’s wrath, Yoshitsune fled Kyoto in 1185. His faithful mistress, Shizuka Gozen, carrying his unborn child, fled with him at first, but then was left behind, and soon taken into custody by forces loyal to Yoritomo.

Yoshitsune eventually made his way to Hiraizumi, Mutsu, once again to the protection of Fujiwara no Hidehira, and lived undisturbed for a time. Hidehira’s son Fujiwara no Yasuhira had promised upon Hidehira’s death to honor his father’s wishes and continue to shelter Yoshitsune, but, giving in to pressure from Yoritomo, betrayed Yoshitsune, surrounding his Koromogawa-no-tachi residence with his troops, defeating Yoshitsune’s retainers, including Benkei (in a famous “standing death”), and forcing Yoshitsune to commit seppuku. Yasuhira then had Yoshitsune’s head preserved in sake, placed in a black-lacquered chest, and sent to Yoritomo as proof of his death.^[3] Historical sources differ as to the fate of Yoshitsune’s mistress Shizuka and their son.

Yoshitsune is enshrined in the Shirahata Jinja, a Shinto shrine in the city of Fujisawa.

Rumors and legend

The death of Yoshitsune has been very elusive. According to Ainu historical accounts, he did not commit seppuku, but instead escaped the siege at Koromogawa, fleeing to Hokkaido and assuming the name Okikurumi/Oinakamui. An alternate and discredited theory states that after evading death, Yoshitsune made his way past Hokkaido and sailed to the mainland of Asia, re-surfacing as Genghis Khan.^[7]^{[better source needed]}^[8]

There’s a temple Henshoji in Mooka, Tochigi. According to an old temple magazine and tradition, Hitachibō Kaison entrusted a monk Hitachi Nyūdō Nensai^[9] with a child of Minamoto no Yoshitsune, Keiwaka, as demanded by Hidehira Fujiwara. Furthermore, according to the tradition of Enmyō-ji temple in Hirosaki, Aomori, Chitose Maru, also known as Keiwakamaru was a child of Yoshitsune, entrusted to Date Tomomune by Kaison. After the adoption Kaison disappeared.^[10]

Koshigoe Letter

The “Koshigoe Letter” was written by Yoshitsune on the 24th day of the 5th month of the second year of Genryaku (June 23, 1185) as he waited in Koshigoe for approval from Yoritomo to enter Kamakura. The letter was Yoshitsune’s “final appeal” to Yoritomo of his loyalty. The letter is a “mixture of bravado and an almost masochistic indulgence in misfortune.” An excerpt:^[2]^: 85–86

“So here I remain, vainly shedding crimson tears….I have not been permitted to refute the accusations of my slanderers or [even] to set foot in Kamakura, but have been obliged to languish idly these many days with no possibility of declaring the sincerity of my intentions. It is now so long since I have set eyes on His Lordship’s compassionate countenance that the bond of our blood brotherhood seems to have vanished”.

In literature

Yoshitsune and Benkei Viewing Cherry Blossom, by Yoshitoshi Tsukioka

Yoshitsune has long been a popular figure in Japanese literature and culture due to his appearance as the main character in the third section of the Japanese literary classic Heike Monogatari (Tale of the Heike). The Japanese term for “sympathy for a tragic hero”, Hōgan-biiki (判官贔屓, lit. Hōgan favor), comes from Yoshitsune’s title Kurō Hōgan (九郎判官), which he received from the Imperial Court.

Many of the literary pieces that Yoshitsune appears in are legend rather than historical fact. Legends pertaining to Yoshitsune first began to appear in the fourteenth century. In early works at that time, Yoshitsune was described as a sharp-witted military leader.^[11] Then, romantic stories about his early childhood and last years of his life appeared as people began to know more about him.

The legends that deal with his public career show Yoshitsune as a great, virtuous warrior. He was often shown as kind to those around him and honorable, but was also shown to be naive.^[2]^{: 67, 105}

Legends dealing with Yoshitsune’s childhood show young Yoshitsune (or Ushiwakamaru) with heroic qualities. He is portrayed as a brave and skilled swordsman, despite being a young boy. He was also skilled in music and his studies, and was also said to be able to easily sway the hearts of young women. These legends delve into fantasy more so than the legends about his later life.^[11]

Legends which pertain to the time when his half-brother, Yoritomo, turned against him take away some of Yoshitsune’s heroic qualities. He is no longer portrayed as a great warrior, but he retains his knowledge and skills that are valuable in the emperor’s court.^[11]

Yoshitsune’s escape through the Ataka barrier is the subject of Noh play Ataka and the Kabuki play Kanjinchō.^[2]^: 89–93 Kanjinchō was later dramatized by Akira Kurosawa in the 1945 movie The Men Who Tread on the Tiger’s Tail.

The Gikeiki, or “Chronicle of Yoshitsune” relates events of Yoshitsune’s life after the defeat of the Heike.^[2]^: 93–100

Family
- Father: Minamoto no Yoshitomo
- Mother: Tokiwa Gozen
- Wife: Sato Gozen (1168–1189)
- Concubine: Shizuka Gozen
Traditional arts

In addition to The Tale of the Heike and Gikeiki, a great many other works of literature and drama feature him, and together form the sekai (“world”) of Yoshitsune, a concept akin to the notion of the literary cycle.

These include:
- Yoshitsune Shin Takadachi (jōruri)
- Yoshitsune Senbon Zakura (jōruri and kabuki)
- Kanjinchō (kabuki)
In the visual arts, Yoshitsune is commonly depicted as a bishōnen, though this is at odds with contemporary descriptions of his appearance.

References
1. ^ “Minamoto Yoshitsune – Japanese warrior”. britannica.com. Archived from the original on 2010-07-11. Retrieved 2010-11-07.
2. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Morris, Ivan (1975). The Nobility of Failure. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp. 71–72. ISBN 978-0-03-010811-2.
3. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Sansom, George (1958). A History of Japan to 1334. Stanford University Press. pp. 258–260, 291. ISBN 0-8047-0523-2.
4. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Turnbull, Stephen (1977). The Samurai, A Military History. MacMillan Publishing Co., Inc. p. 62. ISBN 0-02-620540-8.
5. ^ Turnbull, Stephen (1998). The Samurai Sourcebook. Cassell & Co. p. 204. ISBN 1-85409-523-4.
6. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Sato, Hiroaki (1995). Legends of the Samurai. Overlook Duckworth. p. 139. ISBN 978-1-59020-730-7.
7. ^ ja:義経=ジンギスカン説
8. ^ “YouTube”. www.youtube.com. Archived from the original on 2016-03-07. Retrieved 2015-04-14.
9. ^ 真岡市史案内第4号中村城真岡市教育委員会発行栃木県立図書館蔵書
10. ^ 批評社 (2016), 源義経周辺系図解説, p. 42
11. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c McCullough, Helen. Yoshitsune: A Fifteenth-Century Japanese Chronicle. California: Stanford University Press, 1966.
16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army
Yevhen Marchuk
040813-F-5586B-217.Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld (right) and Ukrainian Minister of Defense Yevhan Marchuk address reporters from the Ukraine and the U.S. during a press conference on Aug. 13, 2004. Rumsfeld thanked the Ukraine for its troop contribution to Iraq and highlighted the importance of Ukrainian relations with NATO. DoD photo by Master Sgt. James M. Bowman, U.S. Air Force. (Released)….

(Gen. Ret.) Yevhen Kyrylovych Marchuk (Ukrainian: Євге́н Кири́лович Марчу́к, romanized: Jevhén Kyrýlovyč Marčúk, 28 January 1941 – 5 August 2021) was a Ukrainian politician. During his career, Marchuk was prime minister of Ukraine, presidential candidate, secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, and Defense Minister of Ukraine.

Marchuk had the rank of General of the Army of Ukraine.^[3]

Marchuk was affiliated with the Ukrainian Den newspaper, edited by his wife. He was a general in the Army of Ukraine since 23 March 1994.

Contents
- 1Biography
  - 1.1Later career developments
  - 1.2Death
- 2References
Biography

Yevhen Marchuk was born soon before World War II into a peasant family in Central Ukraine. In 1963,^[4] upon graduation from the Kirovohrad Pedagogical Institute, Marchuk was recruited by the KGB and steadily rose through the ranks of that organization. As an operative officer he served first in Kirovohrad Oblast, then in the republican KGB branch in Kyiv as an intelligence and secret service officer, for a total of 31 years of service. Marchuk has admitted specializing in secret police functions. However, he claimed to have been a humane lawful agent, secretly protecting some Ukrainian dissidents from harsh persecution.^{[citation needed]}

In the early 1990s, Marchuk was one of the first high-level KGB officers who appeared to be loyal to the newly established Ukrainian independence and was one of the reformers of the Ukrainian Secret Service (later SBU) serving as the first Chief of SBU from November 1991 to July 1994.^[3] At first he was appointed the Ukrainian SSR Minister of National Security and Defence. That position held no actual power since local KGB, militsiya, and the army were still subordinated to Moscow until 1991. The Soviet Union then collapsed, ending Marchuk’s service to the KGB, and he was able to participate fully in the Ukrainian independent government. He headed the SBU until 1994.^[4]

After the 1994 parliamentary elections, Marchuk became head of the liberal Social Market Choice faction, whose members included former President Leonid Kravchuk.^[5] Marchuk was appointed the acting Prime minister of Ukraine on 1 March 1995,^[3] holding the position of the first vice-Premier Minister in the cabinet of Vitaliy Masol. He was later promoted to the position of the Premier Minister on 8 June 1995. He formed his cabinet, which was confirmed on 3 July 1995. After being elected to the Verkhovna Rada (December 1995), he resigned on 27 May 1996.^[3] Marchuk and former Kravchuk became members of the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) before the 1998 elections.^[6] From April to December 1998 he was the leader of the party. From July 1998 Marchuk headed a parliamentary committee in Social Policy and Labor.

When the SDPU(u) refused to back Marchuk in the 1999 presidential elections, he left to create his own Social Democratic Union.^[5] He ran as an independent in the 1999 presidential election, coming in fifth place with 8.13% of the vote in the first tour of the elections, and was appointed secretary of the National Security and Defense Council by the re-elected President Leonid Kuchma. Marchuk was secretary of the National Security and Defense Council from 10 November 1999, to 25 June 2003 (till June 2009 he stayed on as chairperson of the council’s interagency commission on information policy).^[7] Later, he was the Defense Minister of Ukraine from June 2003 to September 2004.^[3]^[4]

Marchuk was pivotal in having Leonid Derkach fired in 2001 following the Cassette Scandal.^[8]

During the 2006 parliamentary elections Marchuk led the electoral alliance (Electoral Bloc “Yevhen Marchuk” — “Unity“)^[9] (including his own party, Party of Freedom) which did not make it into parliament, winning only 0.06% of the votes.^[10]

Later career developments

In May 2008, Marchuk was appointed one of the personal advisors to President Yushchenko.^[11]

In June 2015, he was appointed by President Poroshenko a Ukrainian special representative in one of the subgroups of the Trilateral Contact Group on Ukraine.^[12] Marchuk again represented Ukraine in the Trilateral Contact Group from November 2018 to May 2019.^[3]

Death

Marchuk died on 5 August 2021, aged 80.^[13] According to a report by the Security Service of Ukraine, he died from acute pulmonary heart failure that was exacerbated by a COVID-19 infection.^[13]

References
1. ^ “People’s Deputy of Ukraine of the VII convocation”. Official portal (in Ukrainian). Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Retrieved 22 December 2014.
2. ^ “People’s Deputy of Ukraine of the VI convocation”. Official portal (in Ukrainian). Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Retrieved 22 December 2014.
3. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g Yevhen Marchuk died, Interfax-Ukraine (5 August 2021)
4. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Marchuk says he had no face-to-face interrogations with Kuchma or Melnychenko, Kyiv Post (1 April 2011)
5. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Donbas moves back onto the national stage at last, Kyiv Post (14 February 2002)
6. ^ UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT FORMED ITS PERMANENT COMMITTEES, Embassy of Ukraine to the United States of America (21 July 1998)
7. ^ Yushchenko appoints Bohatyriova to replace Marchuk as chair of National Security Council’s interagency commission on information policy, Kyiv Post (19 June 2009)
8. ^ “Днепропетровский клан: Так называемая “днепропетровская семья” начала формироваться еще в застойные времена” [Dnepropetrovsk clan: The so-called “Dnepropetrovsk family” began to form in stagnant times.]. FreeLance Bureau (flb.ru) (in Russian). 16 February 2002. Archived from the original on 3 April 2005. Retrieved 20 August 2021.
9. ^ “Unity” official site news December 16, 2005
10. ^ korrespondent
11. ^ Presidential Decree № 455/2008 on the appointment of E. Marchuk Adviser of President of Ukraine
12. ^ (in Ukrainian) Medvedchuk will represent Ukraine in the subgroup of Humanitarian Affairs Tripartite Working Group 1852, Ukrainian News Agency (5 June 2015)
13. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b (in Ukrainian) Marchuk died. The SBU named the cause of death, Ukrayinska Pravda (5 August 2021)
16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army
William J. Burns
William Joseph Burns (born April 4, 1956) is an American diplomat and career ambassador serving as the director of the Central Intelligence Agency since March 19, 2021.^[2] He previously served as the United States deputy secretary of state from 2011 to 2014. He retired from the US Foreign Service in 2014 after a 32-year diplomatic career. From 2014 to 2021, he served as president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.^[3]^[4]

Burns previously served as Ambassador of the United States to Jordan from 1998 to 2001, Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs from 2001 to 2005, Ambassador of the United States to the Russian Federation from 2005 to 2008, and Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs from 2008 to 2011.^[5]

In January 2021, President Joe Biden nominated Burns to become the director of the Central Intelligence Agency.^[6] He was unanimously confirmed by voice vote on March 18, 2021, sworn in officially as director on March 19, 2021,^[2] and ceremonially sworn in by Vice President Kamala Harris on March 23, 2021.^[7]^[8]

Contents
Early life and education[edit source]

Burns was born at Fort Bragg, North Carolina in 1956.^[9] He is the son of Peggy Cassady and William F. Burns, who was a United States Army Major General, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Bureau of Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State; and served as Director of the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1988–1989 in the Ronald Reagan administration and as the first U.S. special envoy to denuclearization negotiations with former Soviet countries under the legislation sponsored by Senators Sam Nunn and Richard Lugar.^[10]^[11]^[12]

He earned a B.A. in history from La Salle University and M.Phil. and D.Phil. degrees in international relations from St John’s College, Oxford, where he studied as a Marshall Scholar. Burns was also a member of the Oxford University Men’s Basketball Team. ^[13]

Career[edit source]

U.S. Foreign Service[edit source]

Burns entered the Foreign Service in 1982 and served as Deputy Secretary of State from 2011 to 2014. He had served as Under Secretary for Political Affairs from 2008 to 2011. He was US Ambassador to Russia from 2005 to 2008, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs from 2001 to 2005, and US Ambassador to Jordan from 1998 to 2001. He had also been Executive Secretary of the State Department and Special Assistant to Secretaries Warren Christopher and Madeleine Albright, Minister-Counselor for Political Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, Acting Director and Principal Deputy Director of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, and Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Near East and South Asian Affairs at the US National Security Council.^[3]

In 2008, Burns was nominated by President George W. Bush and confirmed by the Senate as a Career Ambassador, the highest rank in the U.S. Foreign Service, equivalent to a four-star general officer in the U.S. Armed Forces. Promotions to the rank are rare.

A cable that Burns signed as ambassador to Russia in August 2006, released by WikiLeaks, provided a detailed eyewitness account of the lavish wedding organised in Makhachkala by Russian State Duma member and Dagestan Oil Company chief Gadzhi Makhachev for his son. The wedding lasted for two days and its attendees included Chechnya′s Ramzan Kadyrov. An FSB colonel sitting next to the cable’s authors tried to add “cognac” to their wine until an FSB general told him to stop.^[14]^[15] In 2015, Burns told Gideon Rachman of the Financial Times that the cable had been “largely written by his colleagues”, with Rachman remarking that the telegram had gained a reputation of “a minor classic of comic writing, its tone very much not what one might expect of a diplomatic cable”.^[16] In June 2013, Andrew Kuchins remarked about Burns′ stint in Moscow, “It was a period when the relationship was deteriorating very significantly, but he was personally respected by Russian authorities as a consummate professional diplomat”.^[17]

In 2013, Burns and Jake Sullivan led the secret bilateral channel with Iran that led to the interim agreement between Iran and the P5+1 and ultimately the Iran nuclear deal.^[18]^[19] Burns was reported to be “in the driver’s seat” of the American negotiating team for the interim agreement. Burns had met secretly with Iranian officials as early as 2008, when President George W. Bush dispatched him.^[20]

In a piece published in The Atlantic in April 2013, Nicholas Kralev praised him as the “secret diplomatic weapon” deployed against “some of the thorniest foreign policy challenges of the US”.^[21]

Burns retired from the Foreign Service in 2014, later becoming president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.^[2]

In November 2020, as Burns′ name was being cited by press as one of several possible candidates to be nominated by Joe Biden for Secretary of State, Russia′s broadsheet Kommersant‘s sources “in the state structures” of the Russian Federation agreed that his candidacy would “be the most advantageous for Moscow of all the five cited” in the media.^[22]

Director of the Central Intelligence Agency[edit source]

William Joseph Burns sworn in as CIA Director by Kamala Harris

On January 11, 2021, Joe Biden announced he planned to nominate Burns as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, saying that Burns shared his belief “that intelligence must be apolitical and that the dedicated intelligence professionals serving our nation deserve our gratitude and respect.”^[23]^[24]

On February 24, his nomination was well-received in the confirmation hearing in the Senate.^[25] On March 2, the Senate Intelligence Committee unanimously approved Burns’ nomination, setting him up for a final floor vote.^[26] On March 18, Burns was confirmed to the role with unanimous consent after Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX) lifted his hold on the nomination.^[27] He was officially sworn in as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency on March 19, with a ceremony performed by Vice President Kamala Harris on March 23, 2021. ^[2]^[7]

In his confirmation hearing before the Senate, Burns said “an adversarial, predatory Chinese leadership poses our biggest geopolitical test”.^[28] He said China was working to “methodically strengthen its capabilities to steal intellectual property, repress its own people, bully its neighbors, expand its global reach and build influence in American society.”^[29]Burns sitting with President Joe Biden, Harris, and the U.S. national security team, August 18, 2021

In April 2021, Biden announced his intention to withdraw all regular U.S. troops from Afghanistan by September 2021. Burns told the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee on April 14, 2021 that “[t]here is a significant risk once the U.S. military and the coalition militaries withdraw” but added that the U.S. would retain “a suite of capabilities.”^[30]

On August 23, 2021, Burns held a secret meeting in Kabul with Taliban leader Abdul Ghani Baradar, who returned to Afghanistan from exile in Qatar, to discuss the August 31 deadline for a U.S. military withdrawal from Afghanistan.^[31]^[32]

Publications[edit source]

His memoir, The Back Channel: A Memoir of American Diplomacy and the Case for Its Renewal, was published by Random House in 2019. It was published in conjunction with an archive of nearly 100 declassified diplomatic cables.^{[citation needed]} International Relations scholars who reviewed the book were mostly positive.^[33]^[34]^[35]

Burns’ dissertation was published in 1985 as Economic Aid and American Policy Toward Egypt, 1955—1981.^[36]

Awards[edit source]

Burns is the recipient of three Presidential Distinguished Service Awards and a number of Department of State awards, including three Secretary’s Distinguished Service Awards, the Secretary’s Career Achievement Award, the Charles E. Cobb, Jr. Ambassadorial Award for Initiative and Success in Trade Development (2006), the Robert C. Frasure Memorial Award (2005), and the James Clement Dunn Award (1991). He also received the Department of Defense Award for Distinguished Public Service (2014), the U.S. Intelligence Community Medallion (2014), and the Central Intelligence Agency’s Agency Seal Medal (2014).^{[citation needed]}

In 1994, Burns was named to Time‘s lists of “50 Most Promising American Leaders Under Age 40” and “100 Most Promising Global Leaders Under Age 40”.^[37] He was named Foreign Policy‘s “Diplomat of the Year” in 2013.^[38] He is the recipient of Anti-Defamation League‘s Distinguished Statesman Award (2014),^[39] the Middle East Institute‘s Lifetime Achievement Award (2014), and the American Academy of Diplomacy‘s Annenberg Award for Diplomatic Excellence (2015).^[40]

Burns holds four honorary doctoral degrees and is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.^[41] He is also an honorary Fellow, St. John’s College, Oxford (from 2012).^[42]

Foreign government decorations[edit source]
- Commandeur, Legion of Honour (France)^[43]^[44]
- Knight Commander, Order of Merit (Germany)^[44]
- Grand Cordon, Order of the Rising Sun (Japan)^[45]
- Marshall Medal (UK)^[46]
- Commendatore, Order of Merit (Italy)^[47]
- First Order, Al Kawkab Medal (Jordan)^[44]
Personal life[edit source]

Burns is married to Lisa Carty, a former diplomat and current UN OCHA senior official,^[48] and has two daughters. He speaks English, French, Russian, and Arabic.^[49]

References[edit source]
1. ^ “Biographies of the Secretaries of State: Condoleezza Rice (1954–)”. U.S. Department of State – Office of the Historian. Retrieved March 29, 2021. Under Secretary for Political Affairs William J. Burns served as Acting Secretary of State, January 20–21, 2009.
2. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d “About CIA – Director of the CIA”. www.cia.gov. Archived from the original on April 1, 2021. Retrieved April 6, 2021.
3. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Ambassador William J. Burns Named Next Carnegie President”. National Endowment for Democracy (NEFD). October 28, 2014. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved July 26, 2016.
4. ^ “US Senate confirms Biden’s health and CIA chiefs”. www.aljazeera.com. March 18, 2021. Retrieved April 6, 2021.
5. ^ “William Burns to retire”. POLITICO. Associated Press. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved May 17, 2020.
6. ^ “Durbin Meets With William Burns, Biden Nominee For CIA Director”. Retrieved January 21, 2021.
7. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Harris calls Boulder shooting ‘absolutely tragic’”. The Hill. March 23, 2021. Retrieved March 23, 2021.
8. ^ “Bill Burns Sworn in as CIA Director – CIA”. www.cia.gov. Archived from the original on April 6, 2021. Retrieved April 6, 2021.
9. ^ “Appointment of William J. Burns as a Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs”. reaganlibrary.gov. September 26, 1988. Retrieved January 11, 2021.
10. ^ “Nomination of William F. Burns To Be Director of the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency”. The American Presidency Project. January 7, 1988.
11. ^ Major General William F. Burns (Ret.) (July 8, 2005). “Arms Control Today”. The Arms Control Association.
12. ^ Pyotr Cheryomushkin (April 27, 2008). “Ядерный дипломат”. Коммерсантъ. Kommersant.
13. ^ “Burns, William J.” United States Department of State. June 4, 2008. Retrieved January 11, 2021. This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the United States Department of State.
14. ^ “Wedding in the Caucasus: The US Ambassador Learns that Cognac Is Like Wine”. Der Spiegel. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved May 17, 2020.
15. ^ “US embassy cables: A wedding feast, the Caucasus way”. The Guardian. December 1, 2010. Retrieved January 13, 2021.
16. ^ “Lunch with the FT: Bill Burns”. Financial Times. November 6, 2015.
17. ^ “U.S. Taps Kerry’s Deputy as Point Man With Russia on Snowden”. The Moscow Times. June 13, 2013. Retrieved January 25, 2021.
18. ^ Gordon, Michael (April 11, 2014). “Diplomat Who Led Secret Talks with Iran Plans to Retire”. New York Times. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved June 30, 2014.
19. ^ Barnes, Julian E.; Verma, Pranshu (January 11, 2021). “William Burns Is Biden’s Choice for C.I.A. Director”. The New York Times. Retrieved January 11, 2021.
20. ^ http://www.washingtontimes.com, The Washington Times. “Career diplomat William Burns steered the Iran talks quietly though rounds of negotiations”. The Washington Times. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved June 18, 2020. {{cite web}}: External link in |last= (help)
21. ^ Kralev, Nicholas (April 4, 2013). “The White House’s Secret Diplomatic Weapon”. The Atlantic. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved June 30, 2014.
22. ^ “Джо Байден в первых лицах: Что ждать России от внешнеполитической команды будущего президента США”. Kommersant. November 9, 2020. Retrieved November 11, 2020.
23. ^ “For CIA director, Biden taps veteran diplomat William Burns”. POLITICO. January 11, 2021.
24. ^ Gramer, Jack Detsch, Amy Mackinnon, Robbie (January 11, 2021). “Biden Taps Career Diplomat William Burns as CIA Director”.
25. ^ “William Burns, Biden’s CIA pick, vows “intensified focus” on competition with China”.
26. ^ Matishak, Martin, “Senate Intel unanimously approves Burns to be CIA director: Timing for the final confirmation vote remains unclear” (March 2, 2021). Politico. www.google.com/amp/s/www.politico.com/amp/news/2021/03/02/senate-approves-burns-cia-472685. Retrieved March 3, 2021.
27. ^ Jeremy Herb. “Senate confirms William Burns to be next CIA director after Cruz lifts hold”. CNN. Retrieved March 18, 2021.
28. ^ “China’s ‘adversarial, predatory’ leadership on radar: Burns”. Financial Review. February 25, 2021.
29. ^ “CIA Nominee William Burns Talks Tough On China”. NPR. February 24, 2021.
30. ^ Putz, Catherine (April 15, 2021). “Biden Announces Plan for US Exit from Afghan War, Urges Attention to Future Challenges”. The Diplomat. Archived from the original on April 19, 2021.
31. ^ “CIA director met Taliban leader in Afghanistan on Monday -sources”. Reuters. August 24, 2021.
32. ^ “CIA chief secretly met with Taliban leader in Kabul: Report”. Al-Jazeera. August 24, 2021.
33. ^ Colbourn, Susan; Goldgeier, James; Jentleson, Bruce W.; Lebovic, James; Charles, Elizabeth C.; Wilson, James Graham; Burns, William J. (December 17, 2019). “Roundtable 11-8 on The Back Channel: A Memoir of American Diplomacy and the Case for Its Renewal”. H-Diplo | ISSF. Retrieved January 12, 2021.
34. ^ Gavin, Francis J. (December 12, 2019). “Bill burns and the lost art of diplomacy”. Journal of Strategic Studies: 1–9. doi:10.1080/01402390.2019.1692661. ISSN 0140-2390. S2CID 213144471.
35. ^ “Blame It on the Blob? How to Evaluate American Grand Strategy”. War on the Rocks. August 21, 2020. Retrieved January 12, 2021.
36. ^ SUNY Press. www.sunypress.edu/p-193-economic-aid-and-american-polic.aspx. Retrieved March 3, 2021.
37. ^ “What Happened to the ‘Future Leaders’ of the 1990s?”. Time. Archived from the original on March 31, 2020. Retrieved March 11, 2020.
38. ^ “Bill Burns Honored as Diplomat of the Year”. foreignpolicy.com. Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved June 30, 2014.
39. ^ “Deputy Secretary of State Bill Burns Presented with ADL Award”. www.adl.org. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved June 30, 2014.
40. ^ “Walter and Leonore Annenberg Excellence in Diplomacy Award”. The American Academy of Diplomacy. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved March 11, 2020.
41. ^ “William J. Burns”. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved March 12, 2020.
42. ^ “RAI in America”. www.rai.ox.ac.uk. Archived from the original on June 15, 2014. Retrieved June 30, 2014.
43. ^ French Embassy U.S. [@franceintheus] (March 7, 2018). “twitter.com/franceintheus/status/971179276132372485” (Tweet) – via Twitter.
44. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Redaksi, Tim (January 11, 2021). “Ini Profil William Burns, Direktur CIA Pilihan Joe Biden”. Voice of Indonesia (in Indonesian). Retrieved April 7, 2021.
45. ^ “受章者（その３止）”. mainichi.jp (in Japanese). April 29, 2018. Retrieved January 12, 2021.
46. ^ “The Marshall Medal – Marshall Scholarships”. www.marshallscholarship.org. Archived from the original on January 11, 2021. Retrieved March 12, 2020.
47. ^ “GAZZETTA UFFICIALE” (in Italian). May 10, 2017. Retrieved February 2, 2021.
48. ^ Burns, William (February 9, 2021). “Questionnaire for Completion by Presidential Nominees” (PDF). Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Retrieved May 23, 2021.
49. ^ Dorman, Shawn (May 2019). “The Diplomacy Imperative: A Q&A with William J. Burns”. American Foreign Service Association. Retrieved May 23, 2021.
External links[edit source]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to William Joseph Burns.
16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army
Stephen Payne
Stephen Prentiss Payne (born May 8, 1964) is an American lobbyist from Houston, Texas. He has also served as a governmental, energy, international affairs, and international business development consultant, corporate and political adviser, foreign diplomat, businessman, fundraiser, and former adviser (June 2007 to July 2008) to two of the United States Department of Homeland Security‘s Advisory Committees—the Secure Borders and Open Doors Advisory Committee (SBODAC) and the Essential Technology Task Force (ETTF),^[1]^[2] in connection with which he held a U.S. security clearance.^[3]

In July 2008 he attracted international attention after being secretly videotaped discussing a $750,000 lobbying contract offering access to senior U.S. officials and suggesting a $250,000 donation to the future presidential library of U.S. president George W. Bush.^[4]

Contents
Early life[edit source]

Payne is the son of Jerry and Marianne Payne, in Houston, Texas. He studied Political Science at Stephen F. Austin State University (1982 to 1987). His father Jerry is a lawyer and was a longtime adviser of the state senator J. E. “Buster” Brown.^[5]^[6] Alliance & Co. president of Worldwide Strategic Energy Stephen P. Payne Alliance & Co. (a sister company to Worldwidethe investment firm Envion Worldwide,^[7] and Strategic Limited Partner for the global investment firm MSH Ventures.^[8]

In 2001, Payne served as Senior Advisor to the NASA Administrator on White House and Congressional Affairs.^[9]

International relations[edit source]

Payne has served as Honorary Consul General for the Republic of Latvia for the South central U.S. region (with headquarters in Houston) since 1999,^[8]^[10] and has served as an adviser to Latvian president Vaira Vīķe-Freiberga on political and economic issues.^[11] In 2004, President Freiberga awarded Payne Latvia’s highest state honor, the Order of the Three Stars, for his work in helping Latvia become a NATO member.^[12] For the 2006 NATO Summit in Riga, Latvia, Payne was appointed by NATO to lead a think tank conference panel discussion on energy security and chair a NATO Future Leaders Forum bringing together up-and-coming leaders from 35 NATO member and partner countries.^[13] He has also served on the board of directors of the U.S.-Baltic Foundation, which promotes free markets in the Baltic States.^[14]

In April 2006, Payne helped arrange an official meeting between the Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliyev and U.S. president George W. Bush in April 2006, something the Azerbaijani president had been attempting for three years.^[15]^[16]

He also assisted in having the Uzbek opposition politician Muhammad Salih‘s name removed from Interpol‘s arrest warrant list and from the U.S.’s terrorist watchlist.^[15]

Payne also assisted Turkmenistan in assembling a consortium of nations and international firms to build a natural gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan.^[9] Payne coordinated a trilateral summit between the Presidents of Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan that produced a memorandum of understanding regarding the Turkmen/Afghan natural gas pipeline, restoring the project’s viability after years of dormancy at the hands of the Taliban.^[9]

He has also lobbied on behalf of the governments of Turkmenistan and the United Arab Emirates,^[9] and performed consulting in Iraq, which he has visited twice.^[9] He has also served on the board of the National Defense University Foundation.^[8]

The lobbyist Randy Scheunemann has collaborated with Payne’s firms on international matters since 2002,^[3] and Payne has also partnered in his various business ventures with Frank Carlucci, Michael S. Han, Ying Wang, and W. Dieter Zander.^[7]

In 2010, leading a public relations team, Payne assisted Alexi Ogando, now a starting pitcher for the Texas Rangers (baseball), in obtaining his U.S. visa. Ogando had been permanently banned from the U.S. in 2005 because of his involvement in a human trafficking ring.^[17]

In April 2011, Payne co-led a private, non-official U.S. diplomacy delegation to Libya, which included former U.S Congressman Curt Weldon, just after the February 17th uprising. Theirs was the first delegation visiting Tripoli to publicly call for Muammar Gaddafi to step down.^[18]^[19] According to a press release from Curt Weldon, their delegation was also working toward the release of Libyan rape victim, Iman al-Obeidi, and four captive journalists, including U.S. journalists Clare Gillis and James Foley.^[20]

Bush White House activities[edit source]

During the 1988 presidential campaign, Payne served as the travel aide to George W. Bush.

Payne served The White House as a “senior presidential advance representative” to George W. Bush, traveling with him as a volunteer to Jordan for the Red Sea Summit in June 2003. Payne also traveled with Dick Cheney to the Middle East in 2002 and 2005, to South Korea in 2004, to Kazakhstan in 2006, and to Afghanistan for the inauguration of Hamid Karzai in December 2004.^[9]^[21] Payne was a part of a small team of Bush operatives, which included former White House Chief of Staff Andy Card, which assisted the 2000 campaign in coordinating the three presidential debates.^[9]

He has also been a Dubya Ranch Hand (2003),^[11] and was a Bush Ranger in 2004 and a Bush Pioneer in 2000 and 2004.^[22]

Other political activities[edit source]

He is a member of the Republican Party and has been active in various Republican causes since the late 1980s. He was a member of the staff of Kay Bailey Hutchison from 1993 to 1996 and served as State Vice Chairman of her 2000 and 2006 re-election campaigns.^[11] In the 1996 presidential election he worked on the Dole-Kemp campaign.^[5] He assisted with the 2004 Bush-Cheney campaign, the Senate campaign of Pete Coors for Senate, the Restore America PAC, the Rudolph Giuliani Presidential Committee (on the National Security Advisory Task Force), and the Tom DeLay Congressional Committee.

According to Federal Election Commission records, since 1998 Payne has contributed more than $249,000 to Republican candidates and Republican Party committees.^[23]

Controversy[edit source]

In July 2008 Payne was secretly videotaped discussing a $750,000 lobbying contract and offering access to senior U.S. officials (including Dick Cheney, Condoleezza Rice, and Joe Biden) to the exiled Kazakhstani politician Yerzhan Dosmukhamedov (known as Eric Dos for short),^[24] and suggesting a $250,000 donation to the future George W. Bush Presidential Library.^[4]

In the conversation, which was secretly taped by The Sunday Times at a meeting in the restaurant of The Lanesborough hotel in London, Dosmukhamedov claimed that the former Kyrgyz president Askar Akayev wished to rehabilitate his image and meet with the U.S. officials. Payne has claimed that he did nothing wrong, and stated that he was there to recruit a new legitimate lobbying client and that it was Dos who first raised the issue of a donation in his initial e-mail to Payne.^[23]^[25] The Sunday Times has released only 4 minutes and 31 seconds of the hour-long meeting and Payne claims that the unreleased portion of the video would show that he was at the meeting to solicit a lobbying client and that the release of the entire tape would dispel The Sunday Times version of the video where Payne claims his comments were edited and taken out of context.^[26] Payne was asked to resign from the Homeland Security Advisory Committees directly following the July 13, 2008 publication of the article.^[1] U.S. Representative Henry Waxman, on behalf of the United States House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, wrote a letter to Payne one day later, on July 14, 2008, requesting further details and background about this incident, and asked Payne to respond to his letter within ten days.^[27]^[28] Payne responded to the committee within ten days and Congress adjourned two months later without any further action from the House Committee.^[29]^[30]

See also[edit source]
- Biography portal
References[edit source]
1. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Foggo, Daniel; Steven Swinford (July 20, 2008). “President Bush lobbyist Stephen Payne in ‘bribes’ row quits”. The Times. Retrieved 2008-07-21.
2. ^ US Dept. of Homeland Security Essential Technology Task Force Final Report June 2008
3. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b USA Today AP Story
4. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Foggo, Daniel (July 13, 2008). “President George W Bush lobbyist in ‘cash for access’ row”. The Times. Retrieved 2008-07-21.
5. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Get It in Writing, page 1 – News – Houston Press – Houston Press
6. ^ Aide Hopes for Long Political Career, Page 22 Houston Chronicle, February 1, 1989
7. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Stephen P. Payne^{[permanent dead link]} Envion Worldwide
8. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Stephen P. Payne MSH Ventures
9. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g Partners – Stephen P. Payne Archived 2011-07-19 at the Wayback Machine Worldwide Strategic Partners
10. ^ Consular Corps Greater Houston Partnership
11. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Stephen Payne NNDB
12. ^ Three Star Order Recipients (2004) Latvian Foreign Ministry
13. ^ Riga Summit (NATO) Website
14. ^ Board of Directors The U.S.-Baltic Foundation
15. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b WSP Corporate Profile Worldwide Strategic Partners
16. ^ US Senate Lobbying Report for Caspian Alliance
17. ^ Ogando ESPN Magazine Story Archived 2012-04-26 at the Wayback Machine
18. ^ Latvian Embassy: Stephen Payne’s Biography
19. ^ Roll Call April 13, 2011
20. ^ Curt Weldon Press Release April 8, 2011 Archived April 26, 2012, at the Wayback Machine
21. ^ The White House — Daily Press Briefing (July 16, 2008)
22. ^ Stephen P. Payne Archived 2007-10-04 at the Wayback Machine Texans for Public Justice
23. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Mason, Julie; Bennett Roth (July 14, 2008). “Houstonian denies he tried to sell access to Bush aides”. Houston Chronicle. Retrieved 2008-07-24.
24. ^ Foggo, Daniel; Steven Swinford (July 13, 2008). “Stephen Payne: a hotshot lobbyist who can get you into White House”. The Times. Retrieved 2008-07-24.
25. ^ Payne’s e-mails to Dos
26. ^ Dallas Morning News
27. ^ “Waxman Questions Lobbyist Alleged to Have Traded Access for Presidential Library Funds”. Fox News. July 15, 2008. Retrieved 2008-07-24.
28. ^ Letter from Henry Waxman to Stephen Payne Archived 2008-07-31 at the Wayback Machine U.S. House of Representatives — Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
29. ^ Houston Chronicle July 23, 2008
30. ^ US House Adjournment October 3, 2008
External links[edit source]
- Worldwide Strategic Partners brochure
- Photo gallery of Stephen Payne with world leaders
- Video of Stephen Payne offering access to U.S. officials YouTube
- Stephen Payne Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington
- Payne’s rebuttal statement provided to Mark Silva of the Chicago Tribune.
- E-mails between Stephen Payne and Eric Dos
- July 14, 2008 letter from Henry Waxman to Stephen Payne
16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army

Sergey Shoygu

Sergey Kuzhugetovich Shoigu^[1]^[a] (born 21 May 1955) is a Russian politician and General of the Army who serves as Minister of Defence of the Russian Federation and as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Defense of the CIS since 2012. Previously, Shoigu was Minister of Emergency Situations from 1991 to 2012, and briefly served as Governor of Moscow Oblast in 2012. Shoygu holds the military rank of General of the Army.

Early life and education[edit source]

Shoigu was born on 21 May 1955 in Chadan, Tuvan Autonomous Oblast, to an ethnic Tuvan father, Kuzhuget Shoygu (1921–2010) and a Ukrainian-born Russian mother, Alexandra Yakovlevna Shoygu (1924–2011), who was a member of the Tyvas People’s Deputy Regional Council. He graduated from School No. 1 of Kyzyl city in Tyva Republic.^[2]

In 1977, Shoigu graduated from the Krasnoyarsk Polytechnic Institute with a degree in civil engineering. Following graduation in 1977, Shoygu worked in the construction projects nationwide for the next decade, advancing from low levels to become an executive. In 1988, Shoygu became a minor functionary in the Abakan branch of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and then in Komsomol for a few years. In 1990, Shoygu moved to Moscow from Siberia, and was appointed Deputy Chief of State Architecture and Construction Committee of the Russian Federation.^[3]

Minister of Emergency Situations[edit source]

Sergey Shoygu as the Minister of Emergency Situations, 28 June 2002

In 1991, he was appointed the head of Rescuer Corps, which was later given more responsibilities and renamed first to the State Committee on Emergencies, and eventually to the Ministry of Emergency Situations, making Shoygu a government minister. He became popular because of his hands-on management style and high visibility during emergency situations, such as floods, earthquakes and acts of terrorism. In 1999 he became one of the leaders of the Russian pro-government party Unity. He was awarded Russia’s most prestigious state award – Hero of the Russian Federation – in 1999.

Governor of Moscow Oblast[edit source]

In March 2012, he was announced as one of the potential candidates for the Governor of Moscow Oblast.^[4] On 5 April 2012, he was elected by Moscow Oblast Duma (legislature) as the 3rd Governor of Moscow Oblast, and took office on 11 May 2012.^[5]

Minister of Defence[edit source]

Shoygu, Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev at the Moscow Victory Day Parade, 9 May 2014 General Shoygu with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, 21 January 2015 Shoygu with Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu. 17 October 2017 Shoygu holds a meeting with U.S. National Security Advisor John R. Bolton in Moscow on 23 October 2018 Sergei Shoigu, President of Russia Vladimir Putin and Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov at the Center-2019 military exercises. Orenburg Oblast, 2019

On 6 November 2012, Shoigu was appointed Minister of Defence by Putin. According to expert Sergey Smirnov, the so called “Petersburg group” of siloviki (Sergei Ivanov, Sergey Chemezov and Viktor Ivanov) had wanted one of its associates to succeed Anatoliy Serdyukov, but Putin was reluctant to strengthen the clan and opted for a neutral Shoigu.^[6]

On 7 November 2012, the minister decided to resurrect the tradition of Suvorov and Nakhimov cadets participating in the 9 May parade. In July 2013 Shoygu ordered commanders to begin every morning in the barracks with a rendition of the Russian Anthem, to compile an obligatory military-patriotic book reading list and take the preparation of demob albums under their control.^[7] In August that year he ordered to dress all Defense Ministry civilian workers, other staff and management employees in so-called “office suits”.^[8]

In February 2014, Shoigu said Russia was planning to sign agreements with Vietnam, Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, the Seychelles, Singapore and several other countries either to house permanent military bases and/or to house airplane refuel stations in those countries.^[9] Since then, only an agreement with Vietnam was effectively signed.^[10]

In July 2014, Ukraine opened a criminal case against Shoigu; he was accused of helping to form “illegal military groups” in Eastern Ukraine who at the time fought against the Ukrainian army.^[11]

On 30 September 2015, Russia began a military operation in Syria. The operation was carried out by the Russian Aerospace Forces, with the support of the Russian Navy.

Shoygu was reappointed in 2018 (in Medvedev second government) and 2020 (in Mishustin government).

As defence minister, Shoigu on multiple occasions accompanied Putin during week-end breaks that the pair would spend at undisclosed locations in Siberian countryside.^[12]

Defender-Europe 21, one of the largest U.S.-Army, NATO-led military exercises in Europe in decades, began in mid-March 2021 and will last until June 2021. It will include “nearly simultaneous operations across more than 30 training areas” in Estonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Kosovo and other countries.^[13]^[14]

On 11 February 2022, he met UK Defense Secretary Ben Wallace. Shoygu denied that Russia was planning an invasion of Ukraine.^[15]

Personal life[edit source]

Family[edit source]

Father — Kuzhuget Sereevich Shoygu^[16] (1921–2010) (born Shoygu Seree oglu Kuzhuget, his name order was changed because of passport error, according to Tuva official line; more likely he Russified the name from the Turkic oglu “son of…”; such a step showing acceptance of the primacy of things Russian was propitious for one’s advancement), editor of the regional newspaper, later worked in the Party and for the Soviet authorities, was the secretary of the Tuva Party Committee and retired with the rank of first deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Tuva ASSR. Also he led the Tuvan State Archives and spent six years as editor of the newspaper Pravda; wrote the novels Time and People, Feather of the Black Vulture (2001), Tannu Tuva: the Country of Lakes and Blue Rivers (2004).

Mother — Alexandra Yakovlevna Shoygu (née Kudryavtseva) (1924–2011). Born in the village of Yakovlev in the Oryol Oblast. From there, shortly before the war, her family moved to Kadievka (now Stakhanov) in the Luhansk Oblast, Ukraine. A zootechnician, Honored Worker of Agriculture of the Republic of Tuva, until 1979 – Head of the Planning Department of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Republic, was repeatedly elected deputy of the Supreme Soviet (parliament) of the Tuva ASSR.^[17]

Granduncle — Seren Kuzhuget, commander of the Tuvan People’s Revolutionary Army from 1929 to 1938.^[18]

Sisters — Larisa Kuzhugetovna Shoygu (1953–2021^[19]) (deputy of the State Duma) and Irina Zakharova (1960) (psychiatrist).^[20]

Wife — Irina Alexandrovna Shoygu (née Antipina). She is president of the business tourism company Expo-EM.

Daughters — Yulia^[21] (1977) and Ksenia (1991).^[20] According to Alexei Navalny, Ksenia is suspected to be a figurehead of her father in the ownership of a palace in the outskirts of Moscow, valued at about £12 million. In 2012, the estate was transferred to the formal ownership of Yelena Antipina.^[22]

Hobbies[edit source]

Sergey Shoygu enjoys studying the history of Russia of Peter the Great‘s time and 1812–1825 (French invasion of Russia and the Decembrist revolt).^[23]

Shoygu is fond of sports and is a fan of the CSKA Moscow hockey team. He also enjoys football and is a fan of Spartak Moscow. In March 2016, together with Sergey Lavrov, Shoygu presented the Russia People’s Soccer League, with aims to unite fans of the sport from all over Russia.

Shoygu collects Indian, Chinese, and Japanese swords and daggers. He also enjoys bard songs and plays the guitar. He does water color paintings and graphics. He also enjoys collecting old pieces of wood, some of which he has shown to Putin.^[24]^[25]^[26]

Awards[edit source]

Order of St Andrew with swords
Hero of the Russian Federation
Order of Merit for the Fatherland 1st class
Order of Merit for the Fatherland 2nd class
Order of Merit for the Fatherland 3rd class
Order of Alexander Nevsky
Order of Honour
Order for Personal Courage (USSR)
Medal “For the Return of Crimea”
Medal Defender of a Free Russia
Medal “In Commemoration of the 850th Anniversary of Moscow”
Medal “In Commemoration of the 300th Anniversary of Saint Petersburg”
Medal “In Commemoration of the 1000th Anniversary of Kazan”
Three Medals “For Strengthening Military Cooperation” (Ministry of Defence)
Medal “For Diligence in Engineering Tasks” (Ministry of Defence)
Medal “200 Years of the Ministry of Defence” (Ministry of Defence)
Medal of Great Awareness in Geo-political Affairs (Foreign Ministry)
Medal “200 Years of the Ministry of Internal Affairs” (MVD)
Medal “For Merit of the Stavropol Territory”
Honoured Rescue Worker of the Russian Federation
Order of Rightitude (Ministry of Internal Affairs – for services to being correct on the territory of the Russian Federation)
Order of “Merit of the Altai Territory”
Honorary Citizen of the Kemerov Oblast
Honorary Citizen of the Tula Oblast^[27]
Order “Danaker” (Kyrgyzstan)
Order of Friendship (Kazakhstan)^[28]
Order of the Serbian Flag 1st class
Order of the Red Banner (Mongolia)

Notes[edit source]

^ Russian: Сергей Кужугетович Шойгу, IPA: [sʲɪrˈɡʲej kʊʐʊˈɡʲetəvʲɪtɕ ʂɐjˈɡu]; Tuvan: Сергей Күжүгет оглу Шойгу, romanized: Sergey Kyzhyget oglu Shoygu, IPA: [siɾˈɡɛj kyʒyˈɣɛt ɔˈɣlu ʃɔjˈɣu].

References[edit source]

^ “Sergei Shoigu : Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation”. Eng.mil.ru. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
^ “Первой школе Кызыла – 95 лет”. Tuvaonline.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ 0divider. “Сергей Шойгу · Биография”. Archived from the original on 2 April 2015. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
^ Shoigu Tipped as Next Moscow Region Governor, The Moscow Times.
^ “Murmansk Governor Out, New Moscow Region Governor In – News”. The Moscow Times. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
^ “Министр обороны Сергей Шойгу на новом посту рискует растерять свой высокий рейтинг”. Gazeta.ru. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
^ “Ъ-Огонек – Новая летопись военного строительства”. Коммерсантъ. 2 September 2013. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
^ Golts on Shoygu’s Tenure (Part II), September 2014, Russian Defense Policy Blog.
^ “Russia Seeks Several Military Bases Abroad – Defense Minister”. En.ria.ru. 26 February 2014. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
^ David Brunnstrom (8 March 2015). “U.S. asks Vietnam to stop helping Russian bomber flights”. Reuters. Retrieved 9 December 2020.
^ “Ukraine calls businessman and Russian defense minister ‘accomplices of terrorists’”. Wqad.com. 22 July 2014. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
^ Trip to Siberian Federal District Kremlin.ru, 21 March 2021.
^ “Massive, Army-led NATO exercise Defender Europe kicks off”. Army Times. 15 March 2021.
^ “NATO, US to stage large-scale military exercises around Serbia until summer”. Euractiv. 22 March 2021.
^ “UK urges Russian action to back up denial it plans to invade Ukraine”. Reuters. 11 February 2022.
^ “Государственный деятель Тувы Кужугет Шойгу похоронен в Москве”. Tuvaonline.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ “Мать Сергея Шойгу стала заслуженным работником сельского хозяйства Тувы”. Regnum.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ “Yesterday’s gone ‘Meduza’ correspondent Andrey Pertsev reviews Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoygu’s new book”. Meduza.io. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
^ “Умерла депутат Госдумы Лариса Шойгу, сестра министра обороны России”. Meduza.io (in Russian). Retrieved 10 June 2021.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Высокопоставленные родственники. Полпреды”. Slon.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ “Родня во власти”. 24 September 2007. p. 30. Retrieved 25 December 2016 – via Kommersant.
^ “Russia’s defence minister ‘secretly builds £12 million palace’, say campaigners”. The Daily Telegraph. 29 October 2015. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 9 December 2020.
^ “Шойгу Сергей Кужугетович”. Ria.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ “Константин Ремчуков: Герой России Сергей Шойгу”. Ng.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ “Тайна шкатулки губернатора”. Mk.ru. Retrieved 25 December 2016.
^ @marcbennetts1 (21 March 2021). “Sergei Shoigu, Russia’s defence…” (Tweet) – via Twitter.
^ “Министр обороны РФ Сергей Шойгу получил знак почётного гражданина Тульской области : Министерство обороны Российской Федерации”. xn--80ahclcogc6ci4h.xn--90anlfbebar6i.xn--p1ai. Retrieved 13 February 2022.
^ “President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev receives Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation Sergei Shoigu — Official site of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan”. Akorda.kz. Retrieved 31 October 2020.

External links[edit source]

Media related to Sergey Shoigu at Wikimedia Commons

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Sergey Shoygu

Political offices
Preceded byPosition established	Minister of Emergency Situations 1991–2012	Succeeded byVladimir Puchkov
Preceded byBoris Gromov	Governor of Moscow Oblast 2012	Succeeded byAndrey Vorobyov acting
Preceded byAnatoliy Serdyukov	Minister of Defence 2012–present	Incumbent
Party political offices
New office	Leader of United Russia 2001–2005	Succeeded byBoris Gryzlov

16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army

John McCain

John Sidney McCain III (August 29, 1936 – August 25, 2018) was an American politician, statesman, and United States Navy officer who served as a United States Senator for Arizona from 1987 until his death in 2018. He previously served two terms in the United States House of Representatives and was the Republican nominee for president of the United States in the 2008 election, which he lost to Barack Obama.

McCain graduated from the United States Naval Academy in 1958 and received a commission in the United States Navy. He became a naval aviator and flew ground-attack aircraft from aircraft carriers. During the Vietnam War, McCain almost died in the 1967 USS Forrestal fire. While on a bombing mission during Operation Rolling Thunder over Hanoi in October 1967, he was shot down, seriously injured, and captured by the North Vietnamese. McCain was a prisoner of war until 1973. He experienced episodes of torture and refused an out-of-sequence early release. During the war, McCain sustained wounds that left him with lifelong physical disabilities. He retired from the Navy as a captain in 1981 and moved to Arizona.

In 1982, McCain was elected to the United States House of Representatives, where he served two terms. He was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1986, succeeding the 1964 Republican presidential nominee and conservative icon Barry Goldwater upon his retirement. McCain easily won reelection five times. While generally adhering to conservative principles, McCain also gained a reputation as a “maverick” for his willingness to break from his party on certain issues, including LGBT rights, gun regulations, and campaign finance reform where his stances were more moderate than those of the party’s base. McCain was investigated and largely exonerated in a political influence scandal of the 1980s as one of the Keating Five; he then made regulating the financing of political campaigns one of his signature concerns, which eventually resulted in passage of the McCain–Feingold Act in 2002. He was also known for his work in the 1990s to restore diplomatic relations with Vietnam. McCain chaired the Senate Commerce Committee from 1997 to 2001 and 2003 to 2005, where he opposed pork barrel spending and earmarks. He belonged to the bipartisan “Gang of 14“, which played a key role in alleviating a crisis over judicial nominations.

McCain entered the race for the Republican nomination for president in 2000 but lost a heated primary season contest to Governor George W. Bush of Texas. He secured the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, beating fellow candidates Mitt Romney and Mike Huckabee, though he lost the general election to Barack Obama. McCain subsequently adopted more orthodox conservative stances and attitudes and largely opposed actions of the Obama administration, especially with regard to foreign policy matters. In 2015, he became Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. He refused to support then-Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump in 2016; McCain won re-election to a sixth and final term that same year. McCain was a vocal critic of the Trump administration. While McCain opposed the Obama-era Affordable Care Act (ACA), he cast the deciding vote against the ACA-repealing American Health Care Act of 2017.^[1] After being diagnosed with brain cancer in 2017, he reduced his role in the Senate in order to focus on treatment. He died in 2018 aged 81. Following his death, McCain lay in state in the Arizona State Capitol rotunda and then in the United States Capitol rotunda. His funeral was televised from the Washington National Cathedral, with the former presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama giving eulogies.^[2]^[3]

Early life and military career (1936–1981)[edit source]

Main article: Early life and military career of John McCain

Early life and education[edit source]

John Sidney McCain III was born on August 29, 1936, at Coco Solo Naval Air Station in the Panama Canal Zone, to naval officer John S. McCain Jr. and Roberta (Wright) McCain. He had an older sister, Sandy, and a younger brother, Joe.^[4] At that time, the Panama Canal was under U.S. control.^[5]

McCain’s family tree includes Scotch-Irish and English ancestors.^[6] His great-great-great-grandparents owned High Rock Farm, a plantation in Rockingham County, North Carolina.^[7] His father and his paternal grandfather, John S. McCain Sr., were also Naval Academy graduates and both became four-star admirals in the United States Navy.^[8] The McCain family moved with their father as he took various naval postings in the United States and in the Pacific.^[4]^[9]

As a result, the younger McCain attended a total of about 20 schools.^[10] In 1951, the family settled in Northern Virginia, and McCain attended Episcopal High School, a private preparatory boarding school in Alexandria.^[11]^[12] He excelled at wrestling and graduated in 1954.^[13]^[14] He referred to himself as an Episcopalian as recently as June 2007, after which date he said he came to identify as a Baptist.^[15]McCain at the Naval Academy, 1954

Following in the footsteps of his father and grandfather, McCain entered the United States Naval Academy, where he was a friend and informal leader for many of his classmates^[16] and sometimes stood up for targets of bullying.^[8] He also fought as a lightweight boxer.^[17] Nicknamed “John Wayne” “for his attitude and popularity with the opposite sex.”^[18] McCain did well in academic subjects that interested him, such as literature and history, but studied only enough to pass subjects that gave him difficulty, such as mathematics.^[8]^[19] He came into conflict with higher-ranking personnel and did not always obey the rules. “He collected demerits the way some people collect stamps.”^[18] His class rank (894 of 899) was not indicative of his intelligence nor his IQ.^[16]^[20] McCain graduated in 1958.^[16]

Naval training, first marriage, and Vietnam War assignment[edit source]

McCain began his early military career when he was commissioned as an ensign, and started two and a half years of training at Pensacola to become a naval aviator.^[21] While there, he earned a reputation as a man who partied.^[10] He completed flight school in 1960, and became a naval pilot of ground-attack aircraft; he was assigned to A-1 Skyraider squadrons^[22] aboard the aircraft carriers USS Intrepid and USS Enterprise^[23] in the Caribbean and Mediterranean Seas.^[24] McCain began as a sub-par flier^[24] who was at times careless and reckless;^[25] during the early to mid-1960s, two of his flight missions crashed, and a third mission collided with power lines, but he received no major injuries.^[25] His aviation skills improved over time,^[24] and he was seen as a good pilot, albeit one who tended to “push the envelope” in his flying.^[25]Lieutenant McCain (front right) with his squadron and T-2 Buckeye trainer, 1965

On July 3, 1965, McCain was 28 when he married Carol Shepp, who had worked as a runway model and secretary.^[26] McCain adopted her two young children, Douglas and Andrew.^[23]^[27] He and Carol then had a daughter whom they named Sidney.^[28]^[29] The same year, he was a one-day champion on the game show Jeopardy!.^[30]

McCain requested a combat assignment,^[31] and was assigned to the aircraft carrier USS Forrestal flying A-4 Skyhawks.^[32] His combat duty began when he was 30 years old in mid-1967, when Forrestal was assigned to a bombing campaign, Operation Rolling Thunder, during the Vietnam War.^[26]^[33] Stationed in the Gulf of Tonkin, McCain and his fellow pilots became frustrated by micromanagement from Washington, and he later wrote, “In all candor, we thought our civilian commanders were complete idiots who didn’t have the least notion of what it took to win the war.”^[33]^[34]

On July 29, 1967, McCain was a lieutenant commander when he was near the center of the USS Forrestal fire. He escaped from his burning jet and was trying to help another pilot escape when a bomb exploded;^[35] McCain was struck in the legs and chest by fragments.^[36] The ensuing fire killed 134 sailors and took 24 hours to control.^[37]^[38] With the Forrestal out of commission, McCain volunteered for assignment with the USS Oriskany, another aircraft carrier employed in Operation Rolling Thunder.^[39] There, he was awarded the Navy Commendation Medal and the Bronze Star Medal for missions flown over North Vietnam.^[40]

Prisoner of war[edit source]

McCain was taken prisoner of war on October 26, 1967. He was flying his 23rd bombing mission over North Vietnam when his A-4E Skyhawk was shot down by a missile over Hanoi.^[41]^[42] McCain fractured both arms and a leg when he ejected from the aircraft,^[43] and nearly drowned after he parachuted into Trúc Bạch Lake. Some North Vietnamese pulled him ashore, then others crushed his shoulder with a rifle butt and bayoneted him.^[41] McCain was then transported to Hanoi’s main Hỏa Lò Prison, nicknamed the “Hanoi Hilton”.^[42]

Although McCain was seriously wounded and injured, his captors refused to treat him. They beat and interrogated him to get information, and he was given medical care only when the North Vietnamese discovered that his father was an admiral.^[44] His status as a prisoner of war (POW) made the front pages of major American newspapers.^[45]^[46]

McCain spent six weeks in the hospital, where he received marginal care. He had lost 50 pounds (23 kg), he was in a chest cast, and his gray hair had turned white.^[41] McCain was sent to a different camp on the outskirts of Hanoi.^[47] In December 1967, McCain was placed in a cell with two other Americans, who did not expect him to live more than a week.^[48] In March 1968, McCain was placed into solitary confinement, where he remained for two years.^[49]

In mid-1968, his father John S. McCain Jr. was named commander of all U.S. forces in the Vietnam theater, and the North Vietnamese offered McCain early release^[50] because they wanted to appear merciful for propaganda purposes,^[51] and also to show other POWs that elite prisoners were willing to be treated preferentially.^[50] McCain refused repatriation unless every man taken in before him was also released. Such early release was prohibited by the POWs’ interpretation of the military Code of Conduct, which states in Article III: “I will accept neither parole nor special favors from the enemy.”^[52] To prevent the enemy from using prisoners for propaganda, officers were to agree to be released in the order in which they were captured.^[41]

Beginning in August 1968, McCain was subjected to a program of severe torture.^[53] He was bound and beaten every two hours; this punishment occurred at the same time that he was suffering from heat exhaustion and dysentery.^[41]^[53] Further injuries brought McCain to “the point of suicide,” but his preparations were interrupted by guards. Eventually, McCain made an anti-U.S. propaganda “confession.”^[41] He had always felt that his statement was dishonorable, but as he later wrote, “I had learned what we all learned over there: every man has his breaking point. I had reached mine.”^[54]^[55] Many U.S. POWs were tortured and maltreated in order to extract “confessions” and propaganda statements;^[56] virtually all of them eventually yielded something to their captors.^[57] McCain received two to three beatings weekly because of his continued refusal to sign additional statements.^[58]

McCain refused to meet various anti-war groups seeking peace in Hanoi, wanting to give neither them nor the North Vietnamese a propaganda victory.^[59] From late 1969, treatment of McCain and many of the other POWs became more tolerable,^[60] while McCain continued to resist the camp authorities.^[61] McCain and other prisoners cheered the U.S. “Christmas Bombing” campaign of December 1972, viewing it as a forceful measure to push North Vietnam to terms.^[55]^[62]

McCain was a prisoner of war in North Vietnam for five and a half years, until his release on March 14, 1973, along with 108 other prisoners of war.^[63] His wartime injuries left him permanently incapable of raising his arms above his head.^[64] After the war, McCain, accompanied by his family and his second wife Cindy, returned to the site on a few occasions in efforts of trying to come to terms with what had happened to him there during his capture.^[65]

Commanding officer, liaison to Senate, and second marriage[edit source]

McCain was reunited with his family when he returned to the United States. His wife Carol had been severely injured by an automobile accident in December 1969. She was then four inches shorter, in a wheelchair or on crutches, and substantially heavier than when he had last seen her. As a returned POW, he became a celebrity of sorts.^[66]Lieutenant Commander McCain being interviewed after his return from Vietnam, April 1973 Lieutenant Commander McCain greeting President Nixon, May 1973

McCain underwent treatment for his injuries that included months of physical therapy.^[67] He attended the National War College at Fort McNair in Washington, D.C. during 1973–1974.^[68] He was rehabilitated by late 1974, and his flight status was reinstated. In 1976, he became Commanding Officer of a training squadron that was stationed in Florida.^[66]^[69] He improved the unit’s flight readiness and safety records,^[70] and won the squadron its first-ever Meritorious Unit Commendation.^[69] During this period in Florida, he had extramarital affairs, and his marriage began to falter, about which he later stated: “The blame was entirely mine”.^[71]^[72]

McCain served as the Navy’s liaison to the U.S. Senate beginning in 1977.^[73] In retrospect, he said that this represented his “real entry into the world of politics, and the beginning of my second career as a public servant.”^[66] His key behind-the-scenes role gained congressional financing for a new supercarrier against the wishes of the Carter administration.^[67]^[74]

In April 1979,^[67] McCain met Cindy Lou Hensley, a teacher from Phoenix, Arizona, whose father had founded a large beer distributorship.^[72] They began dating, and he urged his wife, Carol, to grant him a divorce, which she did in February 1980; the uncontested divorce took effect in April 1980.^[27]^[67] The settlement included two houses, and financial support for her ongoing medical treatments due to her 1969 car accident; they remained on good terms.^[72] McCain and Hensley were married on May 17, 1980, with Senators William Cohen and Gary Hart attending as groomsmen.^[26]^[72] McCain’s children did not attend, and several years passed before they reconciled.^[29]^[67] John and Cindy McCain entered into a prenuptial agreement that kept most of her family’s assets under her name; they kept their finances apart, and filed separate income tax returns.^[75]The residence of John and Cindy McCain in Phoenix, Arizona.

McCain decided to leave the Navy. It was doubtful whether he would ever be promoted to the rank of full admiral, as he had poor annual physicals and had not been given a major sea command.^[76] His chances of being promoted to rear admiral were better, but he declined that prospect, as he had already made plans to run for Congress and said he could “do more good there.”^[77]^[78]

McCain retired from the Navy as a captain on April 1, 1981.^[40]^[79] He was designated as disabled and awarded a disability pension.^[80] Upon leaving the military, he moved to Arizona. His numerous military decorations and awards include: the Silver Star, two Legion of Merits, Distinguished Flying Cross, three Bronze Star Medals, two Purple Hearts, two Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medals, and the Prisoner of War Medal.^[40]

House and Senate elections and career (1982–2000)[edit source]

Main article: United States House and Senate career of John McCain, until 2000

U.S. Representative[edit source]

McCain set his sights on becoming a representative because he was interested in current events, was ready for a new challenge, and had developed political ambitions during his time as Senate liaison.^[72]^[81]^[82] Living in Phoenix, he went to work for Hensley & Co., his new father-in-law Jim Hensley‘s large Anheuser-Busch beer distributorship.^[72] As vice president of public relations at the distributorship, he gained political support among the local business community, meeting powerful figures such as banker Charles Keating Jr., real estate developer Fife Symington III (later Governor of Arizona) and newspaper publisher Darrow “Duke” Tully.^[73] In 1982, McCain ran as a Republican for an open seat in Arizona’s 1st congressional district, which was being vacated by 30-year incumbent Republican John Jacob Rhodes.^[83] A newcomer to the state, McCain was hit with charges of being a carpetbagger.^[72] McCain responded to a voter making that charge with what a Phoenix Gazette columnist later described as “the most devastating response to a potentially troublesome political issue I’ve ever heard”:^[72]

Listen, pal. I spent 22 years in the Navy. My father was in the Navy. My grandfather was in the Navy. We in the military service tend to move a lot. We have to live in all parts of the country, all parts of the world. I wish I could have had the luxury, like you, of growing up and living and spending my entire life in a nice place like the First District of Arizona, but I was doing other things. As a matter of fact, when I think about it now, the place I lived longest in my life was Hanoi.^[72]^[84]

McCain won a highly contested primary election with the assistance of local political endorsements, his Washington connections, and money that his wife lent to his campaign.^[72]^[73] He then easily won the general election in the heavily Republican district.^[72]McCain in 1983, during his first term in the House of Representatives

In 1983, McCain was elected to lead the incoming group of Republican representatives,^[72] and was assigned to the House Committee on Interior Affairs. Also that year, he opposed creation of a federal Martin Luther King Jr. Day, but admitted in 2008: “I was wrong and eventually realized that, in time to give full support [in 1990] for a state holiday in Arizona.”^[85]^[86]

At this point, McCain’s politics were mainly in line with those of President Ronald Reagan; this included support for Reaganomics, and he was active on Indian Affairs bills.^[87] He supported most aspects of the foreign policy of the Reagan administration, including its hardline stance against the Soviet Union and policy towards Central American conflicts, such as backing the Contras in Nicaragua.^[87] McCain opposed keeping U.S. Marines deployed in Lebanon, citing unattainable objectives, and subsequently criticized President Reagan for pulling out the troops too late; in the interim, the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing killed hundreds.^[72]^[88] McCain won re-election to the House easily in 1984,^[72] and gained a spot on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.^[89] In 1985, he made his first return trip to Vietnam,^[90] and also traveled to Chile where he met with its military junta ruler, General Augusto Pinochet.^[91]^[92]^[93]

Growing family[edit source]

In 1984, McCain and Cindy had their first child, daughter Meghan, followed two years later by son John IV and in 1988 by son James.^[94] In 1991, Cindy brought an abandoned three-month-old girl needing medical treatment to the U.S. from a Bangladeshi orphanage run by Mother Teresa.^[95] The McCains decided to adopt her and she was named Bridget.^[96]

First two terms in the U.S. Senate[edit source]

McCain’s Senate career began in January 1987, after he defeated his Democratic opponent, former state legislator Richard Kimball, by 20 percentage points in the 1986 election.^[73]^[97] McCain succeeded Arizona native, conservative icon, and the 1964 Republican presidential nominee Barry Goldwater upon Goldwater’s retirement as U.S. senator from Arizona for 30 years.^[97] In January 1988, McCain voted in favor of the Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987,^[98] and voted to override President Reagan’s veto of that legislation the following March.^[99]President Ronald Reagan greets McCain as First Lady Nancy Reagan looks on, March 1987

Senator McCain became a member of the Armed Services Committee, with which he had formerly done his Navy liaison work; he also joined the Commerce Committee and the Indian Affairs Committee.^[97] He continued to support the Native American agenda.^[100] As first a House member and then a senator—and as a lifelong gambler with close ties to the gambling industry^[101]—McCain was one of the main authors of the 1988 Indian Gaming Regulatory Act,^[102]^[103] which codified rules regarding Native American gambling enterprises.^[104] McCain was also a strong supporter of the Gramm-Rudman legislation that enforced automatic spending cuts in the case of budget deficits.^[105]

McCain soon gained national visibility. He delivered a well-received speech at the 1988 Republican National Convention, was mentioned by the press as a short list vice-presidential running mate for Republican nominee George H. W. Bush, and was named chairman of Veterans for Bush.^[97]^[106]

Keating Five[edit source]

Main article: Keating Five

McCain became embroiled in a scandal during the 1980s, as one of five United States senators comprising the so-called Keating Five.^[107] Between 1982 and 1987, McCain had received $112,000 in lawful^[108] political contributions from Charles Keating Jr. and his associates at Lincoln Savings and Loan Association, along with trips on Keating’s jets^[107] that McCain belatedly repaid, in 1989.^[109] In 1987, McCain was one of the five senators whom Keating contacted in order to prevent the government’s seizure of Lincoln, and McCain met twice with federal regulators to discuss the government’s investigation of Lincoln.^[107] In 1999, McCain said: “The appearance of it was wrong. It’s a wrong appearance when a group of senators appear in a meeting with a group of regulators, because it conveys the impression of undue and improper influence. And it was the wrong thing to do.”^[110] In the end, McCain was cleared by the Senate Ethics Committee of acting improperly or violating any law or Senate rule, but was mildly rebuked for exercising “poor judgment”.^[108]^[110]^[111]

In his 1992 re-election bid, the Keating Five affair was not a major issue,^[112] and he won handily, gaining 56 percent of the vote to defeat Democratic community and civil rights activist Claire Sargent and independent former governor, Evan Mecham.^[113]President George H. W. Bush meets with McCain, 1990

Political Independence[edit source]

McCain developed a reputation for independence during the 1990s.^[114] He took pride in challenging party leadership and establishment forces, becoming difficult to categorize politically.^[114]The 1992 christening of USS John S. McCain at Bath Iron Works, with his mother Roberta, son Jack, daughter Meghan, and wife Cindy

As a member of the 1991–1993 Senate Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs, chaired by fellow Vietnam War veteran and Democrat, John Kerry, McCain investigated the Vietnam War POW/MIA issue, to determine the fate of U.S. service personnel listed as missing in action during the Vietnam War.^[115] The committee’s unanimous report stated there was “no compelling evidence that proves that any American remains alive in captivity in Southeast Asia.”^[116] Helped by McCain’s efforts, in 1995 the U.S. normalized diplomatic relations with Vietnam.^[117] McCain was vilified by some POW/MIA activists who, despite the committee’s unanimous report, believed large numbers of Americans were still held against their will in Southeast Asia.^[117]^[118]^[119] From January 1993 until his death, McCain was Chairman of the International Republican Institute, an organization partly funded by the U.S. government that supports the emergence of political democracy worldwide.^[120]

In 1993 and 1994, McCain voted to confirm President Clinton’s nominees Stephen Breyer and Ruth Bader Ginsburg whom he considered to be qualified for the U.S. Supreme Court. He later explained that “under our Constitution, it is the president’s call to make.”^[121] McCain had also voted to confirm nominees of Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, including Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas.^[122]

Campaign Finance Reform[edit source]

McCain attacked what he saw as the corrupting influence of large political contributions—from corporations, labor unions, other organizations, and wealthy individuals—and he made this his signature issue.^[123] Starting in 1994, he worked with Democratic Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold on campaign finance reform; their McCain–Feingold bill attempted to put limits on “soft money“.^[123] The efforts of McCain and Feingold were opposed by some of the moneyed interests targeted, by incumbents in both parties, by those who felt spending limits impinged on free political speech and might be unconstitutional as well, and by those who wanted to counterbalance the power of what they saw as media bias.^[123]^[124] Despite sympathetic coverage in the media, initial versions of the McCain–Feingold Act were filibustered and never came to a vote.^[125]

The term “maverick Republican” became a label frequently applied to McCain, and he also used it himself.^[123]^[126]^[127] In 1993, McCain opposed military operations in Somalia.^[128] Another target of his was pork barrel spending by Congress, and he actively supported the Line Item Veto Act of 1996, which gave the president power to veto individual spending items^[123] but was ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 1998.^[129]

In the 1996 presidential election, McCain was again on the short list of possible vice-presidential picks, this time for Republican nominee Bob Dole.^[112]^[130] The following year, Time magazine named McCain as one of the “25 Most Influential People in America”.^[131]

In 1997, McCain became chairman of the powerful Senate Commerce Committee; he was criticized for accepting funds from corporations and businesses under the committee’s purview, but in response said the small contributions he received were not part of the big-money nature of the campaign finance problem.^[123] McCain took on the tobacco industry in 1998, proposing legislation that would increase cigarette taxes in order to fund anti-smoking campaigns, discourage teenage smokers, increase money for health research studies, and help states pay for smoking-related health care costs.^[123]^[132] Supported by the Clinton administration but opposed by the industry and most Republicans, the bill failed to gain cloture.^[132]

Start of third term in the U.S. Senate[edit source]

In November 1998, McCain won re-election to a third Senate term; he prevailed in a landslide over his Democratic opponent, environmental lawyer Ed Ranger.^[123] In the February 1999 Senate trial following the impeachment of Bill Clinton, McCain voted to convict the president on both the perjury and obstruction of justice counts, saying Clinton had violated his sworn oath of office.^[133] In March 1999, McCain voted to approve the NATO bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, saying that the ongoing genocide of the Kosovo War must be stopped and criticizing past Clinton administration inaction.^[134] Later in 1999, McCain shared the Profile in Courage Award with Feingold for their work in trying to enact their campaign finance reform,^[135] although the bill was still failing repeated attempts to gain cloture.^[125]McCain’s grandfather and father on board a U.S. ship in Tokyo Bay, circa end of World War II in 1945

In August 1999, McCain’s memoir Faith of My Fathers, co-authored with Mark Salter, was published;^[136] a reviewer observed that its appearance “seems to have been timed to the unfolding Presidential campaign.”^[137] The most successful of his writings, it received positive reviews,^[138] became a bestseller,^[139] and was later made into a TV film.^[140] The book traces McCain’s family background and childhood, covers his time at Annapolis and his service before and during the Vietnam War, concluding with his release from captivity in 1973. According to one reviewer, it describes “the kind of challenges that most of us can barely imagine. It’s a fascinating history of a remarkable military family.”^[141]

2000 presidential campaign[edit source]

Main article: John McCain 2000 presidential campaign

McCain announced his candidacy for president on September 27, 1999, in Nashua, New Hampshire, saying he was staging “a fight to take our government back from the power brokers and special interests, and return it to the people and the noble cause of freedom it was created to serve”.^[136]^[142] The frontrunner for the Republican nomination was Texas Governor George W. Bush, who had the political and financial support of most of the party establishment, whereas McCain was supported by many moderate Republicans and some conservative Republicans.^[143]

McCain focused on the New Hampshire primary, where his message appealed to independents.^[144] He traveled on a campaign bus called the Straight Talk Express.^[136] He held many town hall meetings, answering every question voters asked, in a successful example of “retail politics”, and he used free media to compensate for his lack of funds.^[136] One reporter later recounted that, “McCain talked all day long with reporters on his Straight Talk Express bus; he talked so much that sometimes he said things that he shouldn’t have, and that’s why the media loved him.”^[145] On February 1, 2000, he won New Hampshire’s primary with 49 percent of the vote to Bush’s 30 percent. The Bush campaign and the Republican establishment feared that a McCain victory in the crucial South Carolina primary might give his campaign unstoppable momentum.^[136]^[146]McCain’s Gallup Poll favorable/unfavorable ratings, 1999–2009.^[147] Approve Disapprove No opinion

The Arizona Republic wrote that the McCain–Bush primary contest in South Carolina “has entered national political lore as a low-water mark in presidential campaigns”, while The New York Times called it “a painful symbol of the brutality of American politics”.^[136]^[148]^[149] A variety of interest groups, which McCain had challenged in the past, ran negative ads.^[136]^[150] Bush borrowed McCain’s earlier language of reform,^[151] and declined to dissociate himself from a veterans activist who accused McCain (in Bush’s presence) of having “abandoned the veterans” on POW/MIA and Agent Orange issues.^[136]^[152]

Incensed,^[152] McCain ran ads accusing Bush of lying and comparing the governor to Bill Clinton, which Bush said was “about as low a blow as you can give in a Republican primary”.^[136] An anonymous smear campaign began against McCain, delivered by push polls, faxes, e-mails, flyers, and audience plants.^[136]^[153] The smears claimed that McCain had fathered a black child out of wedlock (the McCains’ dark-skinned daughter was adopted from Bangladesh), that his wife Cindy was a drug addict, that he was a homosexual, and that he was a “Manchurian Candidate” who was either a traitor or mentally unstable from his North Vietnam POW days.^[136]^[148] The Bush campaign strongly denied any involvement with the attacks.^[148]^[154]

McCain lost South Carolina on February 19, with 42 percent of the vote to Bush’s 53 percent,^[155] in part because Bush mobilized the state’s evangelical voters^[136]^[156] and outspent McCain.^[157] The win allowed Bush to regain lost momentum.^[155] McCain said of the rumor spreaders, “I believe that there is a special place in hell for people like those.”^[96] According to one acquaintance, the South Carolina experience left him in a “very dark place”.^[148]

McCain’s campaign never completely recovered from his South Carolina defeat, although he did rebound partially by winning in Arizona and Michigan a few days later.^[158] He made a speech in Virginia Beach that criticized Christian leaders, including Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell, as divisive conservatives,^[148] declaring “… we embrace the fine members of the religious conservative community. But that does not mean that we will pander to their self-appointed leaders.”^[159] McCain lost the Virginia primary on February 29,^[160] and on March 7 lost nine of the thirteen primaries on Super Tuesday to Bush.^[161] With little hope of overcoming Bush’s delegate lead, McCain withdrew from the race on March 9, 2000.^[162] He endorsed Bush two months later,^[163] and made occasional appearances with the Texas governor during the general election campaign.^[136]

Senate career (2000–2008)[edit source]

Main article: United States Senate career of John McCain, 2001–2014

Remainder of third Senate term[edit source]

McCain began 2001 by breaking with the new George W. Bush administration on a number of matters, including HMO reform, climate change, and gun control legislation; McCain–Feingold was opposed by Bush as well.^[125]^[164] In May 2001, McCain was one of only two Senate Republicans to vote against the Bush tax cuts.^[164]^[165] Besides the differences with Bush on ideological grounds, there was considerable antagonism between the two remaining from the previous year’s campaign.^[166]^[167] Later, when a Republican senator, Jim Jeffords, became an Independent, thereby throwing control of the Senate to the Democrats, McCain defended Jeffords against “self-appointed enforcers of party loyalty”.^[164] Indeed, there was speculation at the time, and in years since, about McCain himself leaving the Republican Party, but McCain had always adamantly denied that he ever considered doing so.^[164]^[168]^[169] Beginning in 2001, McCain used political capital gained from his presidential run, as well as improved legislative skills and relationships with other members, to become one of the Senate’s most influential members.^[170]

After the September 11, 2001, attacks, McCain supported Bush and the U.S.-led war in Afghanistan.^[164]^[171] He and Democratic senator Joe Lieberman wrote the legislation that created the 9/11 Commission,^[172] while he and Democratic senator Fritz Hollings co-sponsored the Aviation and Transportation Security Act that federalized airport security.^[173]

In March 2002, McCain–Feingold, officially known as the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, passed in both Houses of Congress and was signed into law by President Bush.^[125]^[164] Seven years in the making, it was McCain’s greatest legislative achievement.^[164]^[174]McCain’s Senate website from 2003 to 2006 illustrated his concern about pork barrel spending.^[123]

Meanwhile, in discussions over proposed U.S. action against Iraq, McCain was a strong supporter of the Bush administration’s position.^[164] He stated that Iraq was “a clear and present danger to the United States of America”, and voted accordingly for the Iraq War Resolution in October 2002.^[164] He predicted that U.S. forces would be treated as liberators by a large number of the Iraqi people.^[175] In May 2003, McCain voted against the second round of Bush tax cuts, saying it was unwise at a time of war.^[165] By November 2003, after a trip to Iraq, he was publicly questioning Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, saying that more U.S. troops were needed; the following year, McCain announced that he had lost confidence in Rumsfeld.^[176]^[177]

In October 2003, McCain and Lieberman co-sponsored the Climate Stewardship Act that would have introduced a cap and trade system aimed at returning greenhouse gas emissions to 2000 levels; the bill was defeated with 55 votes to 43 in the Senate.^[178] They reintroduced modified versions of the Act two additional times, for the final time in January 2007 with the co-sponsorship of Barack Obama, among others.^[179]U.S. President George W. Bush with Senator McCain, December 4, 2004

In the 2004 U.S. presidential election campaign, McCain was once again frequently mentioned for the vice-presidential slot, only this time as part of the Democratic ticket under nominee John Kerry.^[180]^[181]^[182] McCain said that Kerry had never formally offered him the position and that he would not have accepted it if he had.^[181]^[182]^[183] At the 2004 Republican National Convention, McCain supported Bush for re-election, praising Bush’s management of the War on Terror since the September 11 attacks.^[184] At the same time, he defended Kerry’s Vietnam War record.^[185] By August 2004, McCain had the best favorable-to-unfavorable rating (55 percent to 19 percent) of any national politician;^[184] he campaigned for Bush much more than he had four years previously, though the two remained situational allies rather than friends.^[166]

McCain was also up for re-election as senator, in 2004. He defeated little-known Democratic schoolteacher Stuart Starky with his biggest margin of victory, garnering 77 percent of the vote.^[186]

Start of fourth Senate term[edit source]

In May 2005, McCain led the so-called Gang of 14 in the Senate, which established a compromise that preserved the ability of senators to filibuster judicial nominees, but only in “extraordinary circumstances”.^[187] The compromise took the steam out of the filibuster movement, but some Republicans remained disappointed that the compromise did not eliminate filibusters of judicial nominees in all circumstances.^[188] McCain subsequently cast Supreme Court confirmation votes in favor of John Roberts and Samuel Alito, calling them “two of the finest justices ever appointed to the United States Supreme Court.”^[122]

McCain speaks on the Senate floor against earmarking, February 2007.

Breaking from his 2001 and 2003 votes, McCain supported the Bush tax cut extension in May 2006, saying not to do so would amount to a tax increase.^[165] Working with Democratic Senator Ted Kennedy, McCain was a strong proponent of comprehensive immigration reform, which would involve legalization, guest worker programs, and border enforcement components. The Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act was never voted on in 2005, while the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2006 passed the Senate in May 2006 but failed in the House.^[177] In June 2007, President Bush, McCain, and others made the strongest push yet for such a bill, the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007, but it aroused intense grassroots opposition among talk radio listeners and others, some of whom furiously characterized the proposal as an “amnesty” program,^[189] and the bill twice failed to gain cloture in the Senate.^[190]

By the middle of the 2000s (decade), the increased Indian gaming that McCain had helped bring about was a $23 billion industry.^[103] He was twice chairman of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee, in 1995–1997 and 2005–2007, and his Committee helped expose the Jack Abramoff Indian lobbying scandal.^[191]^[192] By 2005 and 2006, McCain was pushing for amendments to the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act which would have limited creation of off-reservation casinos,^[103] and also limited the movement of tribes across state lines to build casinos.^[193]General David Petraeus and McCain in Baghdad, November 2007

Owing to his time as a POW, McCain was recognized for his sensitivity to the detention and interrogation of detainees in the War on Terror. An opponent of the Bush administration’s use of torture and detention without trial at Guantánamo Bay, saying: “some of these guys are terrible, terrible killers and the worst kind of scum of humanity. But, one, they deserve to have some adjudication of their cases … even Adolf Eichmann got a trial”.^[194] In October 2005, McCain introduced the McCain Detainee Amendment to the Defense Appropriations bill for 2005, and the Senate voted 90–9 to support the amendment.^[195] It prohibits inhumane treatment of prisoners, including prisoners at Guantánamo, by confining military interrogations to the techniques in the U.S. Army Field Manual on Interrogation. Although Bush had threatened to veto the bill if McCain’s amendment was included,^[196] the President announced in December 2005 that he accepted McCain’s terms and would “make it clear to the world that this government does not torture and that we adhere to the international convention of torture, whether it be here at home or abroad”.^[197] This stance, among others, led to McCain being named by Time magazine in 2006 as one of America’s 10 Best Senators.^[198] McCain voted in February 2008 against a bill containing a ban on waterboarding,^[199] which provision was later narrowly passed and vetoed by Bush. However, the bill in question contained other provisions to which McCain objected, and his spokesman stated: “This wasn’t a vote on waterboarding. This was a vote on applying the standards of the [Army] field manual to CIA personnel.”^[199]

Meanwhile, McCain continued questioning the progress of the war in Iraq. In September 2005, he remarked upon Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers‘ optimistic outlook on the war’s progress: “Things have not gone as well as we had planned or expected, nor as we were told by you, General Myers.”^[200] In August 2006, he criticized the administration for continually understating the effectiveness of the insurgency: “We [have] not told the American people how tough and difficult this could be.”^[177] From the beginning, McCain strongly supported the Iraq troop surge of 2007.^[201] The strategy’s opponents labeled it “McCain’s plan”^[202] and University of Virginia political science professor Larry Sabato said, “McCain owns Iraq just as much as Bush does now.”^[177] The surge and the war were unpopular during most of the year, even within the Republican Party,^[203] as McCain’s presidential campaign was underway; faced with the consequences, McCain frequently responded, “I would much rather lose a campaign than a war.”^[204] In March 2008, McCain credited the surge strategy with reducing violence in Iraq, as he made his eighth trip to that country since the war began.^[205]

2008 presidential campaign[edit source]

Main article: John McCain 2008 presidential campaignFurther information: 2008 Republican Party presidential primaries and 2008 United States presidential election McCain formally announces his candidacy for president in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, 2007.

McCain formally announced his intention to run for President of the United States on April 25, 2007, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire.^[206] He stated that: “I’m not running for president to be somebody, but to do something; to do the hard but necessary things, not the easy and needless things.”^[207]

McCain’s oft-cited strengths as a presidential candidate for 2008 included national name recognition, sponsorship of major lobbying and campaign finance reform initiatives, his ability to reach across the aisle, his well-known military service and experience as a POW, his experience from the 2000 presidential campaign, and an expectation that he would capture Bush’s top fundraisers.^[208] During the 2006 election cycle, McCain had attended 346 events^[64] and helped raise more than $10.5 million on behalf of Republican candidates. McCain also became more willing to ask business and industry for campaign contributions, while maintaining that such contributions would not affect any official decisions he would make.^[209] Despite being considered the front-runner for the nomination by pundits as 2007 began,^[210] McCain was in second place behind former Mayor of New York City Rudy Giuliani in national Republican polls as the year progressed.

McCain had fundraising problems in the first half of 2007, due in part to his support for the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007, which was unpopular among the Republican base electorate.^[211]^[212] Large-scale campaign staff downsizing took place in early July, but McCain said that he was not considering dropping out of the race.^[212] Later that month, the candidate’s campaign manager and campaign chief strategist both departed.^[213] McCain slumped badly in national polls, often running third or fourth with 15 percent or less support.President Bush holds Cindy McCain‘s hand as he endorses her husband for president, March 5, 2008.

The Arizona senator subsequently resumed his familiar position as a political underdog,^[214] riding the Straight Talk Express and taking advantage of free media such as debates and sponsored events.^[215] By December 2007, the Republican race was unsettled, with none of the top-tier candidates dominating the race and all of them possessing major vulnerabilities with different elements of the Republican base electorate.^[216] McCain was showing a resurgence, in particular with renewed strength in New Hampshire—the scene of his 2000 triumph—and was bolstered further by the endorsements of The Boston Globe, the New Hampshire Union Leader, and almost two dozen other state newspapers,^[217] as well as from Senator Lieberman (now an Independent Democrat).^[218]^[219] McCain decided not to campaign significantly in the January 3, 2008, Iowa caucuses, which saw a win by former Governor of Arkansas Mike Huckabee.

McCain’s comeback plan paid off when he won the New Hampshire primary on January 8, defeating former Governor of Massachusetts Mitt Romney in a close contest, to once again become one of the front-runners in the race.^[220] In mid-January, McCain placed first in the South Carolina primary, narrowly defeating Mike Huckabee.^[221] Pundits credited the third-place finisher, Tennessee‘s former U.S. Senator Fred Thompson, with drawing votes from Huckabee in South Carolina, thereby giving a narrow win to McCain.^[222] A week later, McCain won the Florida primary,^[223] beating Romney again in a close contest; Giuliani then dropped out and endorsed McCain.^[224]

On February 5, McCain won both the majority of states and delegates in the Super Tuesday Republican primaries, giving him a commanding lead toward the Republican nomination. Romney departed from the race on February 7.^[225] McCain’s wins in the March 4 primaries clinched a majority of the delegates, and he became the presumptive Republican nominee.^[226]

Had he been elected, he would have become the first president physically born outside the United States. This raised a potential legal issue, since the United States Constitution requires the president to be a natural-born citizen of the United States. A bipartisan legal review,^[227] and a unanimous but non-binding Senate resolution,^[228] both concluded that he was a natural-born citizen. If inaugurated in 2009 at the age of 72 years and 144 days, he would have been the oldest person to become president.^[229]

McCain addressed concerns about his age and past health issues, stating in 2005 that his health was “excellent”.^[230] He had been treated for melanoma and an operation in 2000 for that condition left a noticeable mark on the left side of his face.^[231] McCain’s prognosis appeared favorable, according to independent experts, especially because he had already survived without a recurrence for more than seven years.^[231] In May 2008, McCain’s campaign briefly let the press review his medical records, and he was described as appearing cancer-free, having a strong heart, and in general being in good health.^[232]

McCain clinched enough delegates for the nomination and his focus shifted toward the general election, while Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton fought a prolonged battle for the Democratic nomination.^[233] McCain introduced various policy proposals, and sought to improve his fundraising.^[234]^[235] Cindy McCain, who accounted for most of the couple’s wealth with an estimated net worth of $100 million,^[75] made part of her tax returns public in May.^[236] After facing criticism about lobbyists on staff, the McCain campaign issued new rules in May 2008 to avoid conflicts of interest, causing five top aides to leave.^[237]^[238]

When Obama became the Democrats’ presumptive nominee in early June, McCain proposed joint town hall meetings, but Obama instead requested more traditional debates for the fall.^[239] In July, a staff shake-up put Steve Schmidt in full operational control of the McCain campaign.^[240] Rick Davis remained as campaign manager but with a reduced role. Davis had also managed McCain’s 2000 presidential campaign; in 2005 and 2006, U.S. intelligence warned McCain’s Senate staff about Davis’s Russian links but gave no further warnings.^[241]^[242]^[243]^[244]

Throughout the summer of 2008, Obama typically led McCain in national polls by single-digit margins,^[245] and also led in several key swing states.^[246] McCain reprised his familiar underdog role, which was due at least in part to the overall challenges Republicans faced in the election year.^[214]^[246] McCain accepted public financing for the general election campaign, and the restrictions that go with it, while criticizing his Democratic opponent for becoming the first major party candidate to opt out of such financing for the general election since the system was implemented in 1976.^[247]^[248] The Republican’s broad campaign theme focused on his experience and ability to lead, compared to Obama’s.^[249]The Palins and McCains campaign in Fairfax, Virginia, following the 2008 Republican National Convention on September 10.

On August 29, 2008, McCain revealed Alaska Governor Sarah Palin as his surprise choice for a running mate.^[250] McCain was only the second U.S. major-party presidential nominee (after Walter Mondale, who chose Geraldine Ferraro) to select a woman as his running mate and the first Republican to do so. On September 3, 2008, McCain and Palin became the Republican Party’s presidential and vice presidential nominees at the 2008 Republican National Convention in Saint Paul, Minnesota. McCain surged ahead of Obama in national polls following the convention, as the Palin pick energized core Republican voters who had previously been wary of him.^[251] However, by the campaign’s own later admission, the rollout of Palin to the national media went poorly,^[252] and voter reactions to Palin grew increasingly negative, especially among independents and other voters concerned about her qualifications.^[253]

McCain’s decision to choose Sarah Palin as his running mate was criticized; New York Times journalist David Brooks said that “he took a disease that was running through the Republican party – anti-intellectualism, disrespect for facts – and he put it right at the centre of the party”.^[254] Laura McGann in Vox says that McCain gave the “reality TV politics” and Tea Party movement more political legitimacy, as well as solidifying “the Republican Party’s comfort with a candidate who would say absurdities … unleashing a political style and a values system that animated the Tea Party movement and laid the groundwork for a Trump presidency.”^[255] Although McCain later expressed regret for not choosing the independent Senator Joe Lieberman (who had previously been Al Gore‘s running mate in 2000, while still elected as a Democrat) as his VP candidate instead, he consistently defended Palin’s performances at his events.^[256]

On September 24, McCain said he was temporarily suspending his campaign activities, called on Obama to join him, and proposed delaying the first of the general election debates with Obama, in order to work on the proposed U.S. financial system bailout before Congress, which was targeted at addressing the subprime mortgage crisis and the financial crisis of 2007–2008.^[257]^[258] McCain’s intervention helped to give dissatisfied House Republicans an opportunity to propose changes to the plan that was otherwise close to agreement.^[259]^[260] After Obama declined McCain’s suspension suggestion, McCain went ahead with the debate on September 26.^[261] On October 1, McCain voted in favor of a revised $700 billion rescue plan.^[262] Another debate was held on October 7; like the first one, polls afterward suggested that Obama had won it.^[263] A final presidential debate occurred on October 15.^[264] Down the stretch, McCain was outspent by Obama by a four-to-one margin.^[265]

During and after the final debate, McCain compared Obama’s proposed policies to socialism and often invoked “Joe the Plumber” as a symbol of American small business dreams that would be thwarted by an Obama presidency.^[266]^[267] He barred using the Jeremiah Wright controversy in ads against Obama,^[268] but the campaign did frequently criticize Obama regarding his purported relationship with Bill Ayers.^[269] His rallies became increasingly vitriolic,^[270] with attendees denigrating Obama and displaying a growing anti-Muslim and anti-African-American sentiment.^[271] During a campaign rally in Minnesota, Gayle Quinnell, a McCain supporter, told him she did not trust Obama because “he’s an Arab”.^[272] McCain replied, “No ma’am. He’s a decent family man, citizen, that I just happen to have disagreements with on fundamental issues.”^[271] McCain’s response was considered one of the finer moments of the campaign and was still being viewed several years later as a marker for civility in American politics, particularly in light of the anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant animus of the Donald Trump presidency.^[270]^[273] Meghan McCain said that she cannot “go a day without someone bringing up (that) moment,” and noted that at the time “there were a lot of people really trying to get my dad to go (against Obama) with … you’re a Muslim, you’re not an American aspect of that,” but that her father had refused. “I can remember thinking that it was a morally amazing and beautiful moment, but that maybe there would be people in the Republican Party that would be quite angry,” she said.^[274]Results of the presidential election

The election took place on November 4, and Barack Obama was declared the projected winner at about 11:00 pm Eastern Standard Time; McCain delivered his concession speech in Phoenix, Arizona about twenty minutes later.^[275] In it, he noted the historic and special significance of Obama being elected the nation’s first African American president.^[275] In the end, McCain won 173 electoral votes to Obama’s 365;^[276] McCain failed to win most of the battleground states and lost some traditionally Republican ones.^[277] McCain gained 46 percent of the nationwide popular vote, compared to Obama’s 53 percent.^[277]

Senate career after 2008[edit source]

Main article: United States Senate career of John McCain (2001–2014)

Remainder of fourth Senate term[edit source]

Following his defeat, McCain returned to the Senate amid varying views about what role he might play there.^[278] In mid-November 2008 he met with President-elect Obama, and the two discussed issues they had commonality on.^[279] Around the same time, McCain indicated that he intended to run for re-election to his Senate seat in 2010.^[280] As the inauguration neared, Obama consulted with McCain on a variety of matters, to an extent rarely seen between a president-elect and his defeated rival,^[281] and President Obama’s inauguration speech contained an allusion to McCain’s theme of finding a purpose greater than oneself.^[282]U.S. President Barack Obama and McCain at a press conference in March 2009

Nevertheless, McCain emerged as a leader of the Republican opposition to the Obama economic stimulus package of 2009, saying it incorporated federal policy changes that had nothing to do with near-term job creation and would expand the growing federal budget deficit.^[283] McCain also voted against Obama’s Supreme Court nomination of Sonia Sotomayor—saying that while undeniably qualified, “I do not believe that she shares my belief in judicial restraint”^[284]—and by August 2009 was siding more often with his Republican Party on closely divided votes than ever before in his senatorial career.^[285] McCain reasserted that the War in Afghanistan was winnable^[286] and criticized Obama for a slow process in deciding whether to send additional U.S. troops there.^[287]

McCain also harshly criticized Obama for scrapping construction of the U.S. missile defense complex in Poland, declined to enter negotiations over climate change legislation similar to what he had proposed in the past, and strongly opposed the Obama health care plan.^[287]^[288] McCain led a successful filibuster of a measure that would allow repeal of the military’s “Don’t ask, don’t tell” policy towards gays.^[289] Factors involved in McCain’s new direction included Senate staffers leaving, a renewed concern over national debt levels and the scope of federal government, a possible Republican primary challenge from conservatives in 2010, and McCain’s campaign edge being slow to wear off.^[287]^[288] As one longtime McCain advisor said, “A lot of people, including me, thought he might be the Republican building bridges to the Obama Administration. But he’s been more like the guy blowing up the bridges.”^[287]McCain in his Senate office, November 2010

In early 2010, a primary challenge from radio talk show host and former U.S. Congressman J. D. Hayworth materialized in the 2010 U.S. Senate election in Arizona and drew support from some but not all elements of the Tea Party movement.^[290]^[291] With Hayworth using the campaign slogan “The Consistent Conservative”, McCain said—despite his own past use of the term on a number of occasions^[291]^[292]—”I never considered myself a maverick. I consider myself a person who serves the people of Arizona to the best of his abilities.”^[293] The primary challenge coincided with McCain reversing or muting his stance on some issues such as the bank bailouts, closing of the Guantánamo Bay detention camp, campaign finance restrictions, and gays in the military.^[290]

When the health care plan, now called the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, passed Congress and became law in March 2010, McCain strongly opposed the landmark legislation not only on its merits but also on the way it had been handled in Congress. As a consequence, he warned that congressional Republicans would not work with Democrats on anything else: “There will be no cooperation for the rest of the year. They have poisoned the well in what they’ve done and how they’ve done it.”^[294] McCain became a vocal defender of Arizona SB 1070, the April 2010 tough anti-illegal immigration state law that aroused national controversy, saying that the state had been forced to take action given the federal government’s inability to control the border.^[291]^[295] In the August 24 primary, McCain beat Hayworth by a 56 to 32 percent margin.^[296] McCain proceeded to easily defeat Democratic Tucson city councilman Rodney Glassman in the general election.^[297]

In the lame duck session of the 111th Congress, McCain voted for the compromise Tax Relief, Unemployment Insurance Reauthorization, and Job Creation Act of 2010,^[298] but against the DREAM Act (which he had once sponsored) and the New START Treaty.^[299] Most prominently, he continued to lead the eventually losing fight against “Don’t ask, don’t tell” repeal.^[300] In his opposition, he sometimes fell into anger or hostility on the Senate floor, and called its passage “a very sad day” that would compromise the battle effectiveness of the military.^[299]^[300]

Fifth Senate term[edit source]

While control of the House of Representatives went over to the Republicans in the 112th Congress, the Senate stayed Democratic and McCain continued to be the ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee. As the Arab Spring took center stage, McCain urged that the embattled Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, step down and thought the U.S. should push for democratic reforms in the region despite the associated risks of religious extremists gaining power.^[301] McCain was an especially vocal supporter of the 2011 military intervention in Libya. In April of that year he visited the Anti-Gaddafi forces and National Transitional Council in Benghazi, the highest-ranking American to do so, and said that the rebel forces were “my heroes”.^[302] In June, he joined with Senator Kerry in offering a resolution that would have authorized the military intervention, and said: “The administration’s disregard for the elected representatives of the American people on this matter has been troubling and counterproductive.”^[303]^[304] In August, McCain voted for the Budget Control Act of 2011 that resolved the U.S. debt ceiling crisis.^[305] In November, McCain and Senator Carl Levin were leaders in efforts to codify in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 that terrorism suspects, no matter where captured, could be detained by the U.S. military and its tribunal system; following objections by civil libertarians, some Democrats, and the White House, McCain and Levin agreed to language making it clear that the bill would not pertain to U.S. citizens.^[306]^[307]

In the 2012 Republican Party presidential primaries, McCain endorsed former 2008 rival Mitt Romney and campaigned for him, but compared the contest to a Greek tragedy due to its drawn-out nature with massive super PAC-funded attack ads damaging all the contenders.^[308] He labeled the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission decision as “uninformed, arrogant, naïve”, and, decrying its effects and the future scandals he thought it would bring, said it would become considered the court’s “worst decision … in the 21st century”.^[309] McCain took the lead in opposing the defense spending sequestrations brought on by the Budget Control Act of 2011 and gained attention for defending State Department aide Huma Abedin against charges brought by a few House Republicans that she had ties to the Muslim Brotherhood.^[310]The “Three Amigos” walking in Kunar Province in eastern Afghanistan in July 2011: McCain (second from left), Lindsey Graham (second from right in front), Joe Lieberman (right in front)^[311]

McCain continued to be one of the most frequently appearing guests on the Sunday morning news talk shows.^[310] He became one of the most vocal critics of the Obama administration’s handling of the September 11, 2012, attack on the U.S. diplomatic mission in Benghazi, saying it was a “debacle” that featured either “a massive cover-up or incompetence that is not acceptable” and that it was worse than the Watergate scandal.^[312] As an outgrowth of this strong opposition, he and a few other senators were successful in blocking the planned nomination of Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice to succeed Hillary Rodham Clinton as U.S. Secretary of State; McCain’s friend and colleague John Kerry was nominated instead.^[313]

Regarding the Syrian civil war that had begun in 2011, McCain repeatedly argued for the U.S. intervening militarily in the conflict on the side of the anti-government forces. He staged a visit to rebel forces inside Syria in May 2013, the first senator to do so, and called for arming the Free Syrian Army with heavy weapons and for the establishment of a no-fly zone over the country. Following reports that two of the people he posed for pictures with had been responsible for the kidnapping of eleven Lebanese Shiite pilgrims the year before, McCain disputed one of the identifications and said he had not met directly with the other.^[314] Following the 2013 Ghouta chemical weapons attack, McCain argued again for strong American military action against the government of the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, and in September 2013 cast a Foreign Relations committee vote in favor of Obama’s request to Congress that it authorize a military response.^[315] McCain took the lead in criticizing a growing non-interventionist movement within the Republican Party, exemplified by his March 2013 comment that Senators Rand Paul and Ted Cruz and Representative Justin Amash were “wacko birds”.^[316]Kerry (far left) and McCain (third from left) with members of the Saudi Royal Family after greeting the new King Salman of Saudi Arabia, Riyadh, January 2015

During 2013, McCain was a member of a bi-partisan group of senators, the “Gang of Eight“, which announced principles for another try at comprehensive immigration reform.^[317] The resulting Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act of 2013 passed the Senate by a 68–32 margin, but faced an uncertain future in the House.^[318] In July 2013, McCain was at the forefront of an agreement among senators to drop filibusters against Obama administration executive nominees without Democrats resorting to the “nuclear option” that would disallow such filibusters altogether.^[319]^[320] However, the option would be imposed later in the year anyway, to the senator’s displeasure.^[321] These developments and some other negotiations showed that McCain now had improved relations with the Obama administration, including the president himself, as well as with Democratic Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, and that he had become the leader of a power center in the Senate for cutting deals in an otherwise bitterly partisan environment.^[322]^[323]^[324] They also led some observers to conclude that the “maverick” McCain had returned.^[320]^[324]

McCain was publicly skeptical about the Republican strategy that precipitated the U.S. federal government shutdown of 2013 and U.S. debt-ceiling crisis of 2013 in order to defund or delay the Affordable Care Act; in October 2013 he voted in favor of the Continuing Appropriations Act, 2014, which resolved them and said, “Republicans have to understand we have lost this battle, as I predicted weeks ago, that we would not be able to win because we were demanding something that was not achievable.”^[325] Similarly, he was one of nine Republican senators who voted for the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2013 at the end of the year.^[326] By early 2014, McCain’s apostasies were enough that the Arizona Republican Party formally censured him for having what they saw as a liberal record that had been “disastrous and harmful”.^[327] McCain remained stridently opposed to many aspects of Obama’s foreign policy, however, and in June 2014, following major gains by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant in the 2014 Northern Iraq offensive, decried what he saw as a U.S. failure to protect its past gains in Iraq and called on the president’s entire national security team to resign. McCain said, “Could all this have been avoided? … The answer is absolutely yes. If I sound angry it’s because I am angry.”^[328]McCain addresses anti-government protesters in Kyiv, Ukraine, pledging his support for their cause, December 15, 2013.

McCain was a supporter of the Euromaidan protests against Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and his government, and appeared in Independence Square in Kyiv in December 2013.^[329] Following the overthrow of Yanukovych and subsequent 2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine, McCain became a vocal supporter of providing arms to Ukrainian military forces, saying the sanctions imposed against Russia were not enough.^[330] In 2014, McCain led the opposition to the appointments of Colleen Bell, Noah Mamet, and George Tsunis to the ambassadorships in Hungary, Argentina, and Norway, respectively, arguing they were unqualified appointees being rewarded for their political fundraising.^[331] Unlike many Republicans, McCain supported the release and contents of the Senate Intelligence Committee report on CIA torture in December 2014, saying “The truth is sometimes a hard pill to swallow. It sometimes causes us difficulties at home and abroad. It is sometimes used by our enemies in attempts to hurt us. But the American people are entitled to it, nonetheless.”^[332] He added that the CIA’s practices following the September 11 attacks had “stained our national honor” while doing “much harm and little practical good” and that “Our enemies act without conscience. We must not.”^[333] He opposed the Obama administration’s December 2014 decision to normalize relations with Cuba.^[334]

The 114th United States Congress assembled in January 2015 with Republicans in control of the Senate, and McCain achieved one of his longtime goals when he became chairman of the Armed Services Committee.^[335] In this position, he led the writing of proposed Senate legislation that sought to modify parts of the Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986 in order to return responsibility for major weapons systems acquisition back to the individual armed services and their secretaries and away from the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics.^[336] As chair, McCain tried to maintain a bipartisan approach and forged a good relationship with ranking member Jack Reed.^[335] In April 2015, McCain announced that he would run for a sixth term in Arizona’s 2016 Senate election.^[337] While there was still conservative and Tea Party anger at him, it was unclear if they would mount an effective primary challenge against him.^[338] During 2015, McCain strongly opposed the Obama administration’s proposed comprehensive agreement on the Iranian nuclear program (later finalized as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)), saying that Secretary of State Kerry was “delusional” and “giv[ing] away the store” in negotiations with Iran.^[339] McCain supported the Saudi Arabian-led military intervention in Yemen against the Shia Houthis and forces loyal to former President Ali Abdullah Saleh,^[340] saying: “I’m sure civilians die in war. Not nearly as many as the Houthis have executed.”^[341]Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen meets with McCain, who is the leader of the U.S. Senate delegation, June 2016

McCain accused President Obama of being “directly responsible” for the Orlando nightclub shooting “because when he pulled everybody out of Iraq, al-Qaeda went to Syria, became ISIS, and ISIS is what it is today thanks to Barack Obama’s failures.”^[342]^[343]McCain campaigning with former Governor Romney in Mesa, Arizona, during his 2016 re-election campaign

During the 2016 Republican primaries, McCain said he would support the Republican nominee even if it was Donald Trump, in spite of his personal disagreements with Trump.

However, following Mitt Romney’s 2016 anti-Trump speech, McCain endorsed the sentiments expressed in that speech, saying he had serious concerns about Trump’s “uninformed and indeed dangerous statements on national security issues”.^[344] Relations between the two had been fraught since early in Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, when McCain referred to a room full of Trump supporters as “crazies”, and the real estate mogul then said of McCain: “He insulted me, and he insulted everyone in that room … He is a war hero because he was captured. I like people who weren’t captured … perhaps he was a war hero, but right now he’s said a lot of very bad things about a lot of people.”^[344]^[345] This was widely condemned by much of the Republican Party, with Senator Marco Rubio referring to Trump’s comments as “offensive rantings”, commentator Rick Santorum tweeting that “@SenJohnMcCain is an American hero, period”, and Governor Scott Walker using the comments as the basis for his denunciation of Trump in a campaign event in Sioux City.^[346] McCain also vocally opposed a federal loan guarantee for a development project Trump was contemplating on the West Side of Manhattan in 1996.^[347] Following Trump becoming the presumptive nominee of the party on May 3, McCain said that Republican voters had spoken and he would support Trump.^[348]

McCain himself faced a primary challenge from Kelli Ward, a fervent Trump supporter, and then was expected to face a potentially strong challenge from Democratic Congresswoman Ann Kirkpatrick in the general election.^[349] The senator privately expressed worry over the effect that Trump’s unpopularity among Hispanic voters might have on his own chances but also was concerned with more conservative pro-Trump voters; he thus kept his endorsement of Trump in place but tried to speak of him as little as possible given their disagreements.^[350]^[351]^[352] However McCain defeated Ward in the primary by a double-digit percentage point margin and gained a similar lead over Kirkpatrick in general election polls, and when the Donald Trump Access Hollywood controversy broke, he felt secure enough to on October 8 withdraw his endorsement of Trump.^[349] McCain stated that Trump’s “demeaning comments about women and his boasts about sexual assaults” made it “impossible to continue to offer even conditional support” and added that he would not vote for Hillary Clinton, but would instead “write in the name of some good conservative Republican who is qualified to be president.”^[353]^[354] McCain, at 80 years of age, went on to defeat Kirkpatrick, securing a sixth term as United States Senator from Arizona.^[355]

In November 2016, McCain learned of the existence of a dossier regarding the Trump presidential campaign’s links to Russia compiled by Christopher Steele. McCain sent a representative to gather more information, who obtained a copy of the dossier.^[356] In December 2016, McCain passed on the dossier to FBI Director James Comey in a 1-on-1 meeting. McCain later wrote that he felt the dossier’s “allegations were disturbing” but unverifiable by himself, so he let the FBI investigate.^[357]

On December 31, 2016, in Tbilisi, Georgia, McCain stated that the United States should strengthen its sanctions against Russia.^[358] One year later, on December 23, 2017, the State Department announced that the United States would provide Ukraine with “enhanced defensive capabilities”.^[359]

Sixth and final Senate term[edit source]

The National March on the NRA in August 2018. The NRA spent $7.74 million to support John McCain.^[360]

McCain chaired the January 5, 2017, hearing of the Senate Armed Services Committee where Republican and Democratic senators and intelligence officers, including James R. Clapper Jr., the Director of National Intelligence, Michael S. Rogers, the head of the National Security Agency and United States Cyber Command presented a “united front” that “forcefully reaffirmed the conclusion that the Russian government used hacking and leaks to try to influence the presidential election.”^[361]

In June 2017, McCain voted to support President Trump’s controversial arms deal with Saudi Arabia.^[362]^[363]

Repeal and replacement of Obamacare (the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act) was a centerpiece of McCain’s 2016 re-election campaign,^[364] and in July 2017, he said, “Have no doubt: Congress must replace Obamacare, which has hit Arizonans with some of the highest premium increases in the nation and left 14 of Arizona’s 15 counties with only one provider option on the exchanges this year.” He added that he supports affordable and quality health care, but objected that the pending Senate bill did not do enough to shield the Medicaid system in Arizona.^[365]

In response to the death of Chinese Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who died of organ failure while in government custody, McCain said that “this is only the latest example of Communist China’s assault on human rights, democracy, and freedom.”^[366]

In September 2017, as the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar became ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslim minority, McCain announced moves to scrap planned future military cooperation with Myanmar.^[367]

In October 2017, McCain praised President Trump’s decision to decertify Iran’s compliance with the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA) while not yet withdrawing the U.S. from the agreement, saying that the Obama-era policy failed “to meet the multifaceted threat Iran poses. The goals President Trump presented in his speech today are a welcomed long overdue change.”^[368]

Brain tumor diagnosis and surgery[edit source]

McCain returns to the Senate for the first time following his cancer diagnosis and delivers remarks on July 25, 2017, after casting a crucial vote on the American Health Care Act.

On July 14, 2017, McCain underwent a minimally invasive craniotomy at Mayo Clinic Hospital in Phoenix, Arizona, in order to remove a blood clot above his left eye. His absence prompted Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to delay a vote on the Better Care Reconciliation Act.^[369] Five days later, Mayo Clinic doctors announced that the laboratory results from the surgery confirmed the presence of a glioblastoma, which is a very aggressive cancerous brain tumor.^[370] Standard treatment options for this tumor include chemotherapy and radiation, although even with treatment, average survival time is approximately 14 months.^[370] McCain was a survivor of previous cancers, including melanoma.^[231]^[371]

President Donald Trump publicly wished Senator McCain well,^[372] as did many others, including former President Obama.^[373] On July 19, McCain’s senatorial office issued a statement that he “appreciates the outpouring of support he has received over the last few days. He is in good spirits as he continues to recover at home with his family in Arizona. He is grateful to the doctors and staff at Mayo Clinic for their outstanding care, and is confident that any future treatment will be effective.” On July 24, McCain announced via Twitter that he would return to the United States Senate the following day.^[374]

Return to the Senate[edit source]

McCain votes no on repealing the Affordable Care Act by giving a thumbs down.

McCain returned to the Senate on July 25, less than two weeks after brain surgery. He cast a deciding vote allowing the Senate to begin consideration of bills to replace the Affordable Care Act. Along with that vote, he delivered a speech criticizing the party-line voting process used by the Republicans, as well as by the Democrats in passing the Affordable Care Act to begin with, and McCain also urged a “return to regular order” utilizing the usual committee hearings and deliberations.^[375]^[376]^[377] On July 28, he cast the decisive vote against the Republicans’ final proposal that month, the so-called “skinny repeal” option, which failed 49–51.^[378] McCain supported the passage of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017.

McCain did not vote in the Senate after December 2017, remaining instead in Arizona to undergo cancer treatment. On April 15, 2018, he underwent surgery for an infection relating to diverticulitis and the following day was reported to be in stable condition.^[379]

Committee assignments[edit source]

U.S. Secretary of Defense Ash Carter and Senators Joni Ernst, Daniel Sullivan, John McCain, Tom Cotton, Lindsey Graham, and Cory Gardner attending the 2016 International Institute for Strategic Studies Asia Security Summit in Singapore

Committee on Armed Services (Chair)
- as chair of the full committee may serve as an ex-officio member of any subcommittee
Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
- Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
- Subcommittee on Financial and Contracting Oversight
Committee on Indian Affairs
Committee on Intelligence (ex-officio)

Caucus memberships[edit source]

International Conservation Caucus
Senate Diabetes Caucus
Senate National Security Caucus (Co-chair)
Sportsmen’s Caucus
Senate Wilderness and Public Lands Caucus
Senate Ukraine Caucus^[380]
Republican Main Street Partnership.^[381]

Death and funeral[edit source]

Memorial Service for Arizona Senator John S. McCain

On August 24, 2018, McCain’s family announced that he would no longer receive treatment for his cancer.^[382] He died the following day at 4:28 p.m. MST (23:28 UTC), with his wife and family beside him, at his home in Cornville, Arizona.^[383]^[384]

John McCain lies in state at the Arizona State Capitol rotunda.

Members of the Armed Forces stand at attention at John McCain’s casket at the Washington National Cathedral.

McCain lay in state in the Arizona State Capitol in Phoenix on August 29, which would have been his 82nd birthday. This was followed by a service at North Phoenix Baptist Church on August 30. His remains were then moved to Washington, D.C. to lie in state in the rotunda of the United States Capitol^[385] on August 31, which was followed by a service at the Washington National Cathedral on September 1. He was a “lifelong Episcopalian” who attended, but did not join, a Southern Baptist church for at least 17 years; memorial services were scheduled in both denominations.^[386]^[387] Prior to his death, McCain requested that former Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama deliver eulogies at his funeral, and asked that both President Donald Trump and former Alaska Governor and 2008 vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin not attend any of the services.^[388]^[389] McCain himself planned the funeral arrangements and selected his pallbearers for the service in Washington; the pallbearers included former Vice President Joe Biden, former Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold, former Secretary of Defense William Cohen, actor Warren Beatty, and Russian dissident Vladimir Vladimirovich Kara-Murza.^[390]

Multiple foreign leaders attended McCain’s service: Secretary General of NATO Jens Stoltenberg, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko, Speaker of Taiwan’s Congress Su Jia-chyuan, National Defense Minister of Canada Harjit Sajjan, Defense Minister Jüri Luik and Foreign Minister Sven Mikser of Estonia, Foreign Minister of Latvia Edgars Rinkēvičs, Foreign Minister of Lithuania Linas Antanas Linkevičius, and Foreign Affairs Minister of Saudi Arabia Adel al-Jubeir.^[391]^[392]^[393]

Dignitaries who gave eulogies at the Memorial Service in Washington National Cathedral included Barack Obama, George W. Bush, Henry Kissinger, Joe Lieberman, and his daughter Meghan McCain. The New Yorker described the service as the biggest meeting of anti-Trump figures during his presidency.^[394]

Many American political figures paid tribute at the funeral. Those who attended included former United States Presidents Obama, Bush, Clinton, Carter; First Ladies Michelle, Laura, Hillary, Rosalyn; and former Vice Presidents Biden, Cheney, Gore, and Quayle. Former President George H. W. Bush (who died 3 months and 5 days after McCain) was too ill to attend the service, and President Trump was not invited. Many figures from political life, both current and former and from both political parties, attended. Figures included John F. Kelly, Jim Mattis, Bob Dole, Madeleine Albright, John Kerry, Mitch McConnell, Paul Ryan, Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer, Mitt Romney, Lindsey Graham, Jeff Flake, Elizabeth Warren, and Jon Huntsman. President Trump’s daughter and son-in-law Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner attended to the displeasure of Meghan McCain.^[395] Journalists Carl Bernstein, Tom Brokaw, and Charlie Rose, as well as actors Warren Beatty and Annette Bening and comedians Jay Leno and Joy Behar also attended the funeral.^[396]Grave of John McCain III next to his Naval Academy classmate Charles R. Larson at the United States Naval Academy Cemetery

On September 2, the funeral cortege traveled from Washington, D.C. through Annapolis, Maryland, where the streets were lined with crowds of onlookers, to the Naval Academy.^[397] A private service was held at the Naval Academy Chapel, attended by the brigade of midshipmen and McCain’s classmates. After the chapel service, McCain was buried at the United States Naval Academy Cemetery, next to his Naval Academy classmate and lifelong friend Admiral Charles R. Larson.^[398]

Many celebrities paid tribute to the late Senator on Twitter. Those included Tom Hanks, Whoopi Goldberg, Ellen DeGeneres, Reese Witherspoon, Jimmy Kimmel, and Khloe Kardashian.^[399]

Arizona Governor Doug Ducey was empowered to appoint McCain’s interim replacement until a special election is held in 2020 to determine who is to serve out the remainder of McCain’s term, which ends in January 2023 and thus appointed the then former Arizona U.S. Senator Jon Kyl to fill the vacancy.^[400]^[401] Under Arizona law, the appointed replacement must be of the same party as McCain, a Republican.^[402] Newspaper speculation about potential appointees has included McCain’s widow Cindy, former Senator Jon Kyl, and former Representatives Matt Salmon and John Shadegg.^[403]^[404] Ducey said that he would not make a formal appointment until after McCain’s final funeral and burial; on September 4, two days after McCain was buried, Ducey appointed Kyl to fill McCain’s seat.^[405]^[406]

Tributes[edit source]

Cindy McCain, Secretary James Mattis and Chief of Staff John F. Kelly lay a wreath at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial.

McCain received many tributes and condolences, including from Congressional colleagues, all living former presidents – Jimmy Carter, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama – and future president Joe Biden, as well as Vice President Mike Pence and President Richard Nixon‘s daughters Tricia Nixon Cox and Julie Nixon Eisenhower.^[407]^[408]^[409]^[410] French President Emmanuel Macron, Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison, who had just taken office the previous day, and former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, British Prime Minister Theresa May and former Prime Minister David Cameron, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and foreign minister Heiko Maas, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Afghanistan chief executive Abdullah Abdullah, Pakistani foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, the 14th Dalai Lama, and former Vietnamese ambassador to Washington Nguyễn Quốc Cường also sent condolences.^[411]^[412]^[413]^[414]^[415]^[416]McCain’s daughter Meghan mourning while he lies in state at the Arizona State Capitol

Colonel Trần Trọng Duyệt, who ran the Hỏa Lò Prison when McCain was held there, remarked, “At that time I liked him personally for his toughness and strong stance. Later on, when he became a US Senator, he and Senator John Kerry greatly contributed to promote Vietnam-US relations so I was very fond of him. When I learnt about his death early this morning, I feel very sad. I would like to send condolences to his family.”^[417] In a TV interview, Senator Lindsey Graham said McCain’s last words to him were “I love you, I have not been cheated.”^[418] His daughter, Meghan McCain, shared her grief, stating that she was present at the moment he died.^[419]

At the 70th Primetime Emmy Awards, McCain was recognized in the “In Memoriam” segment, right before Aretha Franklin. Many fans questioned the inclusion of McCain in the segment because he wasn’t known for television. He had, however, appeared in various television projects, including hosting and several cameo appearances on Saturday Night Live. He also made appearances on Parks and Recreation and 24.^[420]

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) announced that he would introduce a resolution to rename the Russell Senate Office Building after McCain.^[421] A quarter peal of Grandsire Caters in memory of McCain was rung by the bellringers of Washington National Cathedral the day following his death.^[422] Another memorial quarter peal was rung on September 6 on the Bells of Congress at the Old Post Office in Washington.^[423]

Reaction by Donald Trump[edit source]

The American flag flies at half-staff at the White House for Senator John McCain – video from Voice of America.

President Trump reportedly rejected the White House’s plans to release a statement praising McCain’s life, and he initially said nothing about McCain himself in a tweet that extended condolences to McCain’s family.^[424] In addition, the flag at the White House, which had been lowered to half-staff the day of McCain’s death (August 25), was raised back to full-staff at 12:01 a.m. on August 27.^[425] Trump reportedly felt that media coverage of McCain’s death was excessive given that McCain was never president.^[426] In contrast with the White House’s initial decision, many governors, both Democratic and Republican, had ordered flags in their states to fly at half-staff until McCain’s interment, and Senate leaders Mitch McConnell and Chuck Schumer requested support from the Defense Department so that flags would be flown at half-staff on all government buildings.^[427]^[428] Following public backlash from the American Legion and AMVETS, Trump relented and ordered the White House flag back to half-staff later in the day on August 27. Trump belatedly issued a statement praising McCain’s service to the country, and he signed a proclamation ordering flags to be flown at half-staff until McCain’s interment at the Naval Academy Cemetery.^[429]^[430]

In March 2019—seven months after McCain’s death—Trump issued a series of public statements that criticized McCain at least four times in five days.^[431] Trump also claimed that he approved McCain’s funeral but was not thanked for it. However, the Washington National Cathedral responded that no governmental or presidential approval was needed for McCain’s funeral because he was not a former president. McCain’s lying in state was approved by the Senate, while Trump did approve the transport for McCain’s body.^[432]^[433]^[434] Trump also described himself as having “got the job done” on the Veterans Choice Act while claiming McCain failed on the same issue. However, McCain was actually one of the two main authors of the bill, which President Barack Obama signed into law in 2014. Trump had signed the VA MISSION Act of 2018 (S. 2372), an expansion of that law worked on by McCain that includes McCain’s name in its full title. Trump also claimed that McCain graduated “last in his class”, though McCain was actually fifth from last.^[435]^[436]

Political positions[edit source]

Main articles: Political positions of John McCain and Comparison of United States presidential candidates, 2008 McCain’s congressional voting scores, from the American Conservative Union (orange line; 100 is most conservative) and Americans for Democratic Action (blue line; 100 is most liberal)^[437]

Various advocacy groups have given McCain scores or grades as to how well his votes align with the positions of each group.^[438] CrowdPac, which rates politicians based on donations made and received, gave Senator McCain a score of 4.3C with 10C being the most conservative and 10L being the most liberal.^[439]

The non-partisan National Journal rates a Senator’s votes by what percentage of the Senate voted more liberally than him or her, and what percentage more conservatively, in three policy areas: economic, social, and foreign. For 2005–2006 (as reported in the 2008 Almanac of American Politics), McCain’s average ratings were as follows: economic policy: 59 percent conservative and 41 percent liberal; social policy: 54 percent conservative and 38 percent liberal; and foreign policy: 56 percent conservative and 43 percent liberal.^[440] In 2012, the National Journal gave McCain a composite score of 73 percent conservative and 27 percent liberal,^[441] while in 2013 he received a composite score of 60 percent conservative and 40 percent liberal.^[442]

Columnists such as Robert Robb and Matthew Continetti used a formulation devised by William F. Buckley Jr. to describe McCain as “conservative” but not “a conservative”, meaning that while McCain usually tended towards conservative positions, he was not “anchored by the philosophical tenets of modern American conservatism”.^[443]^[444] Following his 2008 presidential election loss, McCain began adopting more orthodox conservative views; the magazine National Journal rated McCain along with seven of his colleagues as the “most conservative” Senators for 2010^[445] and he achieved his first 100 percent rating from the American Conservative Union for that year.^[437] During Barack Obama’s presidency, McCain was one of the top five Republicans most likely to vote with Obama’s position on significant votes; McCain voted with Obama’s position on such votes more than half the time in 2013 and was “censured by the Arizona Republican party for a so-called ‘liberal’ voting record”.^[446]

From the late 1990s until 2008, McCain was a board member of Project Vote Smart which was set up by Richard Kimball, his 1986 Senate opponent.^[447] The project provides non-partisan information about the political positions of McCain^[448] and other candidates for political office. Additionally, McCain used his Senate website to describe his political positions.^[449]

In his 2008 speech to the CPAC McCain stated that he believed in “small government; fiscal discipline; low taxes; a strong defense, judges who enforce, and not make, our laws; the social values that are the true source of our strength; and, generally, the steadfast defense of our rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, which I have defended my entire career as God-given to the born and unborn.”

In his 2018 memoir The Restless Wave, McCain described his views as such: “Last but not least, I was [at the time of entering Congress] a Republican, a Reagan Republican. Still am. Not a Tea Party Republican. Not a Breitbart Republican. Not a talk radio or Fox News Republican. Not an isolationist, protectionist, immigrant-bashing, scapegoating, get-nothing-useful-done Republican. Not, as I am often dismissed by self-declared ‘real’ conservatives, a RINO, Republican in Name Only. I’m a Reagan Republican, a proponent of lower taxes, less government, free markets, free trade, defense readiness, and democratic internationalism.”

Cultural and political image[edit source]

Main article: Public image of John McCain McCain speaks in Albuquerque, New Mexico, on Memorial Day, 2008, while wearing his Purple Heart.McCain and his wife Cindy watch in 2011 as their son Jimmy pins aviator wings on their son Ensign John Sidney McCain IV.Public opinion of John McCain^[450]

McCain’s personal character was a dominant feature of his public image.^[451] This image includes the military service of both himself and his family,^[452] the circumstances and tensions surrounding the end of his first marriage and beginning of second,^[29] his maverick political persona,^[123] his temper,^[453] his admitted problem of occasional ill-considered remarks,^[97] and his close ties to his children from both his marriages.^[29]

McCain’s political appeal was more nonpartisan and less ideological compared to many other national politicians.^[454] His stature and reputation stemmed partly from his service in the Vietnam War.^[455] He also carried physical vestiges of his war wounds, as well as his melanoma surgery.^[456] When campaigning, he quipped: “I am older than dirt and have more scars than Frankenstein.”^[457]

Writers often extolled McCain for his courage not just in war but in politics, and wrote sympathetically about him.^[64]^[451]^[455]^[458] McCain’s shift of political stances and attitudes during and especially after the 2008 presidential campaign, including his self-repudiation of the maverick label, left many writers expressing sadness and wondering what had happened to the McCain they thought they had known.^[459]^[460]^[461]^[462] By 2013, some aspects of the older McCain had returned, and his image became that of a kaleidoscope of contradictory tendencies, including as a Republican In Name Only or a “traitor” to his party ^[463] and, as one writer listed, “the maverick, the former maverick, the curmudgeon, the bridge builder, the war hero bent on transcending the call of self-interest to serve a cause greater than himself, the sore loser, old bull, last lion, loose cannon, happy warrior, elder statesman, lion in winter.”^[321]

In his own estimation, McCain was straightforward and direct, but impatient.^[464] His other traits included a penchant for lucky charms,^[465] a fondness for hiking,^[466] and a sense of humor that sometimes backfired spectacularly, as when he made a joke in 1998 about the Clintons that was widely deemed not fit to print in newspapers: “Do you know why Chelsea Clinton is so ugly? – Because Janet Reno is her father.”^[467]^[468] McCain subsequently apologized profusely,^[469] and the Clinton White House accepted his apology.^[470] McCain did not shy away from addressing his shortcomings, and he apologized for them.^[97]^[471] He was known for sometimes being prickly^[472] and hot-tempered^[473] with Senate colleagues, but his relations with his own Senate staff were more cordial, and inspired loyalty towards him.^[474]^[475] He formed a strong bond with two senators, Joe Lieberman and Lindsey Graham, over hawkish foreign policy and overseas travel, and they became dubbed the “Three Amigos”.^[311]

McCain acknowledged having said intemperate things in years past,^[476] though he also said that many stories have been exaggerated.^[477] One psychoanalytic comparison suggested that McCain was not the first presidential candidate to have a temper,^[478] and cultural critic Julia Keller argued that voters want leaders who are passionate, engaged, fiery, and feisty.^[453] McCain employed both profanity^[479] and shouting on occasion, although such incidents became less frequent over the years.^[480]^[481] Lieberman made this observation: “It is not the kind of anger that is a loss of control. He is a very controlled person.”^[480] Senator Thad Cochran, who knew McCain for decades and had battled him over earmarks,^[482]^[483] expressed concern about a McCain presidency: “He is erratic. He is hotheaded. He loses his temper and he worries me.”^[480] Yet Cochran supported McCain for president when it was clear he would win the nomination.^[484] The Chicago Tribune editorial board called McCain a patriot, who although sometimes wrong was fearless, and that he deserves to be thought of among the few US senators in history, whose names are more recognizable than some presidents.^[485]

All McCain’s family members were on good terms with him,^[29] and he defended them against some of the negative consequences of his high-profile political lifestyle.^[486]^[487] His family’s military tradition extends to the latest generation: son John Sidney IV (“Jack”) graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in 2009, becoming the fourth generation John S. McCain to do so, and is a helicopter pilot; son James served two tours with the Marines in the Iraq War; and son Doug flew jets in the navy.^[29]^[488]^[489] His daughter Meghan became a blogging and Twittering presence in the debate about the future of the Republican Party following the 2008 elections, and showed some of his maverick tendencies.^[490]^[491] In 2017 Meghan joined the cast of the popular ABC talk show The View as a co-host.^[492] Senator McCain himself also appeared as a guest on the program.^[493]

McCain appeared in several television shows and films while he was a sitting senator. He made uncredited cameo appearances in Wedding Crashers and 24 and had two uncredited cameos in Parks and Recreation. McCain also hosted Saturday Night Live in 2002 and appeared in two episodes in 2008.^[494]

Awards and honors[edit source]

See also: Early life and military career of John McCain § Military awards President Mikheil Saakashvili of Georgia awards a National Hero of Georgia order to McCain in Batumi, January 2010.

In addition to his military honors and decorations, McCain was granted a number of civilian awards and honors.

In 1997, Time magazine named McCain as one of the “25 Most Influential People in America”.^[131] In 1999, McCain shared the Profile in Courage Award with Senator Russ Feingold for their work towards campaign finance reform.^[135] The following year, the same pair shared the Paul H. Douglas Award for Ethics in Government.^[495] In 2005, The Eisenhower Institute awarded McCain the Eisenhower Leadership Prize.^[496] The prize recognizes individuals whose lifetime accomplishments reflect Dwight D. Eisenhower‘s legacy of integrity and leadership. In 2006, the Bruce F. Vento Public Service Award was bestowed upon McCain by the National Park Trust.^[497] The same year, McCain was awarded the Henry M. Jackson Distinguished Service Award by the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs, in honor of Senator Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson.^[498] In 2007, the World Leadership Forum presented McCain with the Policymaker of the Year Award; it is given internationally to someone who has “created, inspired or strongly influenced important policy or legislation”.^[499] In 2010, President Mikheil Saakashvili of Georgia awarded McCain the Order of National Hero, an award never previously given to a non-Georgian.^[500] In 2015, the Kyiv Patriarchate awarded McCain its own version of the Order of St. Vladimir.^[501] In 2016, Allegheny College awarded McCain, along with Vice President Joe Biden, its Prize for Civility in Public Life.^[502] In August 2016, Petro Poroshenko, the President of Ukraine, awarded McCain with the highest award for foreigners, the Order of Liberty.^[503] In 2017, Hashim Thaçi, the President of Kosovo, awarded McCain the “Urdhër i Lirisë” (Order of Freedom) medal for his contribution to the freedom and independence of Kosovo, and its partnership with the U.S.^[504] McCain also received the Liberty Medal from the National Constitution Center in 2017.^[505] In the spring of 2018 McCain was decorated with the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun from the Japanese Emperor for ‘strengthening bilateral relations and promoting friendship between Japan and the United States’.^[506]

McCain received several honorary degrees from colleges and universities in the United States and internationally. These include ones from Colgate University (LL.D 2000),^[507] The Citadel (DPA 2002),^[508] Wake Forest University (LL.D May 20, 2002),^[509]^[510] the University of Southern California (DHL May 2004),^[511] Northwestern University (LL.D June 17, 2005),^[512]^[513] Liberty University (2006),^[514] The New School (2006),^[515] and the Royal Military College of Canada (D.MSc June 27, 2013).^[516]^[517]^[518] He was also made an Honorary Patron of the University Philosophical Society at Trinity College Dublin in 2005.^[519]

On July 11, 2018, USS John S. McCain, originally named in honor of the Senator’s father and grandfather, was rededicated in the Senator’s name also.^[520]^[521]

On November 29, 2017, the Phoenix City Council unanimously voted to name Terminal 3 at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport in Honor of the Senator which opened on January 7, 2019, after his death in August 2018.^[522]

On April 4, 2019, the Kyiv City Council renamed a street that had previously been named after the NKVD agent Ivan Kudria to “John McCain Street”.^[523]^[524]^[525]

Electoral history[edit source]

Main article: Electoral history of John McCain

Works[edit source]

Books[edit source]

Faith of My Fathers by John McCain, Mark Salter (Random House, August 1999) ISBN 0-375-50191-6 (later made into the 2005 television film Faith of My Fathers)
Worth the Fighting For by John McCain, Mark Salter (Random House, September 2002) ISBN 0-375-50542-3
Why Courage Matters: The Way to a Braver Life by John McCain, Mark Salter (Random House, April 2004) ISBN 1-4000-6030-3
Character Is Destiny: Inspiring Stories Every Young Person Should Know and Every Adult Should Remember by John McCain, Mark Salter (Random House, October 2005) ISBN 1-4000-6412-0
Hard Call: Great Decisions and the Extraordinary People Who Made Them by John McCain, Mark Salter (Hachette, August 2007) ISBN 0-446-58040-6
Thirteen Soldiers: A Personal History of Americans at War by John McCain, Mark Salter (Simon & Schuster, November 2014) ISBN 1-4767-5965-0
The Restless Wave: Good Times, Just Causes, Great Fights, and Other Appreciations by John McCain, Mark Salter (Simon & Schuster, May 2018) ISBN 978-1501178009

Articles and forewords[edit source]

“How the POW’s Fought Back”, by John S. McCain III, Lieut. Commander, U.S. Navy, U.S. News & World Report, May 14, 1973 (reprinted for web under different title in 2008). Reprinted in Reporting Vietnam, Part Two: American Journalism 1969–1975 (The Library of America, 1998) ISBN 1-883011-59-0
“The Code of Conduct and the Vietnam Prisoners of War“, by John S. McCain, Commander USN, National War College, April 8, 1974 (actual paper)
Foreword by John McCain to A Code to Keep: The True Story of America’s Longest-Held Civilian POW in Vietnam by Ernest C. Brace (St. Martin’s Press, 1988) ISBN 0-7090-3560-8
Speeches of John McCain, 1988–2000
Foreword by John McCain to Glory Denied: The Saga of Jim Thompson, America’s Longest-held Prisoner by Tom Philpott (W. W. Norton, 2001) ISBN 0-393-02012-6
Foreword by John McCain to The Best and the Brightest by David Halberstam (Random House, 2001 edition) ISBN 1-58836-098-9
Foreword by John S. McCain to Unfinished Business: Afghanistan, the Middle East and Beyond – Defusing the Dangers That Threaten America’s Security by Harlan Ullman (Citadel Press, June 2002) ISBN 0-8065-2431-6
Foreword by John McCain and Max Cleland to Odysseus in America: Combat Trauma and the Trials of Homecoming by Jonathan Shay (Scribner, November 2002) ISBN 0-7432-1156-1
Foreword by John McCain to Debunking 9/11 Myths: Why Conspiracy Theories Can’t Stand Up to the Facts by the Editors of Popular Mechanics (Hearst, August 2006) ISBN 1-58816-635-X
Introduction by John McCain to Pearl Harbor, the Day of Infamy, an Illustrated History by Dan van der Vat (Black Walnut Books, 2007) ISBN 1-897330-28-6
“An Enduring Peace Built on Freedom: Securing America’s Future” by John McCain, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2007

Notes[edit source]

^ “McCain Votes No, Dealing Death Blow To Republican Health Care Efforts”. NPR. Retrieved December 24, 2021.
^ “George W. Bush’s Eulogy for John McCain”. The Atlantic. Retrieved December 24, 2021.
^ “WATCH: Barack Obama’s full eulogy for John McCain”. PBS. Retrieved December 24, 2021.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Timberg, Robert (1999). “The Punk”. John McCain, An American Odyssey. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-86794-6. Retrieved August 4, 2015 – via The New York Times.
^ Morison, Samuel Eliot (2007). The Two-Ocean War: A Short History of the United States Navy in the Second World War. Naval Institute Press. p. 119.
^ Roberts, Gary (April 1, 2008). “On the Ancestry, Royal Descent, and English and American Notable Kin of Senator John Sidney McCain IV”. New England Historic Genealogical Society. Archived from the original on September 15, 2008. Retrieved May 19, 2008.
^ Burritt, Mary (October 16, 2016). “Rockingham County Historian Bob Carter Combines Discretion, Scholarship.” News & Record (Greensboro.com). Retrieved April 29, 2020.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: At the Naval Academy”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved November 10, 2007; “How the biography was put together”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved June 18, 2008. (“McCain’s grades [at the Naval Academy] were good in the subjects he enjoyed, such as literature and history. Gamboa said McCain would rather read a history book than do his math homework. He did just enough to pass the classes he didn’t find stimulating. ‘He stood low in his class,’ Gamboa said. ‘But that was by choice, not design.’”)
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 19.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Woodward, Calvin. “McCain’s WMD Is A Mouth That Won’t Quit”. Associated Press. USA Today (November 4, 2007). Retrieved November 10, 2007.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 22.
^ McCain was christened and raised Episcopalian. See Nichols, Hans. “McCain Keeps His Faith to Himself, at Church and in Campaign”^{[dead link]}, Bloomberg (April 25, 2008). He then identified as a Baptist, although he had not been baptized as an adult, and was not an official member of the church he attended. See Warner, Greg. “McCain’s faith: Pastor describes senator as devout, but low-key”, Associated Baptist Press (April 8, 2008). Retrieved September 6, 2008. Also see Hornick, Ed. “McCain and Obama cite moral failures” Archived August 18, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, CNN (August 16, 2008): “McCain, who was raised an Episcopalian and now identifies himself as Baptist, rarely discusses his faith.” Retrieved August 16, 2008. Also see Reston, Maeve and Mehta, Seema. “Barack Obama and John McCain to Meet at Saddleback Church”, Los Angeles Times, (August 16, 2008). Archived from the original on September 12, 2008: “McCain [is] an Episcopalian who attends a Baptist church in Phoenix …” Retrieved August 16, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 28.
^ “Episcopal fetes a favorite son”. Alexandria Times. June 12, 2007. Retrieved March 19, 2012.
^ Smith, Bruce (September 17, 2007). “McCain Says He’s Been Baptist for Years”. The Washington Post. Associated Press. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved August 8, 2018.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Timberg, Robert (September 11, 1996). Nightingale’s Song. Simon and Schuster. pp. 31–35. ISBN 978-0-684-82673-8.
^ Bailey, Holly (May 14, 2007). “John McCain: ‘I Learned How to Take Hard Blows’”. Newsweek. Retrieved December 19, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Zurcher, Anthony (August 26, 2018). “The key moments in John McCain’s life”. BBC News. Archived from the original on August 24, 2021. Retrieved August 24, 2021.
^ McCain, Faith of My Fathers, p. 134.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, 207. McCain scored 128 and then 133 on IQ tests.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 32.
^ McCain, Faith of My Fathers, p. 156.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Feinberg, Barbara. John McCain: Serving His Country, p. 18 (Millbrook Press 2000). ISBN 0-7613-1974-3.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 66–68.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Vartabedian, Ralph and Serrano, Richard A. “Mishaps mark John McCain’s record as naval aviator” Archived October 21, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Los Angeles Times (October 6, 2008). Retrieved October 6, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c “John McCain”, Iowa Caucuses ’08, The Des Moines Register. Retrieved November 8, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Alexander, Man of the People, p. 92
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 33
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Steinhauer, Jennifer. “Bridging four Decades, a Large, Close-Knit Brood”, The New York Times (December 27, 2007). Retrieved December 27, 2007.
^ Fouhy, Beth (June 30, 2008). “McCain recalls loss on Jeopardy!“. USA Today. Retrieved June 3, 2013.
^ McCain, Faith of My Fathers, pp. 167–68.
^ McCain, Faith of My Fathers, pp. 172–73.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b McCain, Faith of My Fathers, pp. 185–86.
^ Karaagac, John. John McCain: An Essay in Military and Political History, pp. 81–82 (Lexington Books 2000). ISBN 0-7391-0171-4.
^ Weinraub, Bernard. “Start of Tragedy: Pilot Hears a Blast As He Checks Plane”, The New York Times (July 31, 1967). Retrieved March 28, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 72–74.
^ McCain, Faith of My Fathers, pp. 177–79.
^ US Navy Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships – Forrestal Archived March 20, 2008, at the Wayback Machine. States either Aircraft No. 405 piloted by LCDR Fred D. White or No. 416 piloted by LCDR John McCain was struck by the Zuni.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, 75.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Kuhnhenn, Jim. “Navy releases McCain’s military record”. Associated Press. Boston Globe (May 7, 2008). Retrieved May 25, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Nowicki, Dan & Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: Prisoner of War”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved November 10, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hubbell, P.O.W., p. 363
^ Dobbs, Michael. “In Ordeal as Captive, Character Was Shaped”, The Washington Post (October 5, 2008)
^ Hubbell, P.O.W., p. 364
^ Apple Jr., R. W. “Adm. McCain’s son, Forrestal Survivor, Is Missing in Raid”, The New York Times (October 28, 1967). Retrieved November 11, 2007.
^ “Admiral’s Son Captured in Hanoi Raid” Archived August 8, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, Associated Press. The Washington Post (October 28, 1967). Retrieved February 9, 2008 (fee required for full text).
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, p. 83
^ Alexander, Man of the People, 54.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, p. 89
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hubbell, P.O.W., pp. 450–51
^ Rochester and Kiley, Honor Bound, p. 363
^ “Executive Orders”. National Archives. August 15, 2016. Retrieved October 24, 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hubbell, P.O.W., pp. 452–54
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 95, 118
^ Jump up to:^a ^b McCain, John. “How the POW’s Fought Back” Archived October 13, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, U.S. News & World Report (May 14, 1973), reposted in 2008 under title “John McCain, Prisoner of War: A First-Person Account”. Retrieved January 29, 2008. Reprinted in Reporting Vietnam, Part Two: American Journalism 1969–1975, pp. 434–63 (The Library of America 1998). ISBN 1-883011-59-0.
^ Hubbell, P.O.W., pp. 288–306.
^ Hubbell, P.O.W., pp. 548–49
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 60
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 64
^ Rochester and Kiley, Honor Bound, pp. 489–91
^ Rochester and Kiley, Honor Bound, pp. 510, 537
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 106–07
^ Sterba, James. “P.O.W. Commander Among 108 Freed”, The New York Times (March 15, 1973). Retrieved March 28, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Purdum, Todd. “Prisoner of Conscience” Archived January 20, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Vanity Fair, February 2007. Retrieved January 19, 2008.
^ “McCain, in Vietnam, Finds the Past isn’t Really the Past”. The New York Times. Retrieved July 31, 2018.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Nowicki, Dan; Muller, Bill (March 1, 2007). “Back in the U.S.A.”. John McCain Report. The Arizona Republic. Retrieved November 10, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Kristof, Nicholas (February 27, 2000). “P.O.W. to Power Broker, A Chapter Most Telling”. The New York Times. Retrieved April 22, 2007.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, 81.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Dictionary of American Naval Aviation Squadrons Archived March 8, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Volume 1, Naval Historical Center. Retrieved May 19, 2008.
^ Vartabedian, Ralph. “McCain has long relied on his grit”, Los Angeles Times (April 14, 2008). Retrieved September 2, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 123–24
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m ⁿ Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: Arizona, the early years”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Regarding his first marriage, McCain said that he “had not shown the same determination to rebuild (his) personal life” as he had shown in his military career, and that “marriages can be hard to recover after great time and distance have separated a husband and wife. We are different people when we reunite … But my marriage’s collapse was attributable to my own selfishness and immaturity more than it was to Vietnam, and I cannot escape blame by pointing a finger at the war. The blame was entirely mine.” Retrieved November 21, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Frantz, Douglas, “The 2000 Campaign: The Arizona Ties; A Beer Baron and a Powerful Publisher Put McCain on a Political Path”, The New York Times, A14 (February 21, 2000). Retrieved November 29, 2006. Frantz, Douglas (February 21, 2000). “The 2000 Campaign: The Arizona Ties; A Beer Baron and a Powerful Publisher Put McCain on a Political Path”. The New York Times. Archived from the original on October 14, 2007. Retrieved November 6, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 132–34
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “McCain Releases His Tax Returns” Archived April 21, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Associated Press for CBS News (April 18, 2008). Retrieved April 24, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, p. 135
^ Kirkpatrick, David. “Senate’s Power and Allure Drew McCain From Military “, The New York Times (May 29, 2008). Retrieved May 29, 2008.
^ Leahy, Michael. “Seeing White House From a Cell in Hanoi”, The Washington Post (October 13, 2008). Retrieved October 17, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 93
^ Vartabedian, Ralph. “John McCain gets tax-free disability pension”, Los Angeles Times (April 22, 2008).
^ Gilbertson, Dawn. “McCain, his wealth tied to wife’s family beer business”, The Arizona Republic (January 23, 2007). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, p. 139
^ Thornton, Mary. “Arizona 1st District John McCain” Archived August 8, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, The Washington Post (December 16, 1982). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 143–44.
^ “McCain, Clinton Head to Memphis for MLK Anniversary”, Washington Wire (blog), The Wall Street Journal (April 3, 2008). Retrieved April 17, 2008.
^ “McCain Remarks on Dr. King and Civil Rights”, The Washington Post (April 4, 2008): “We can be slow as well to give greatness its due, a mistake I made myself long ago when I voted against a federal holiday in memory of Dr. King. I was wrong and eventually realized that, in time to give full support for a state holiday in Arizona.” Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 98–99, 104
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 100
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 100–01
^ Tapper, Jake. “McCain returns to the past” Archived December 3, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Salon (April 27, 2000). Retrieved November 21, 2007.
^ Reinhard, Beth. “Blog: McCain met with Pinochet” Archived October 9, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Naked Politics, Miami Herald (October 24, 2008). Retrieved November 1, 2008.
^ Dinges, John (October 24, 2008). “La desconocida cita entre John McCain y Pinochet” (in Spanish). Centro de Investigación e Información Periodística. Archived from the original on October 27, 2008. Retrieved October 27, 2008.
^ “Revelan inédita cita entre McCain y Pinochet en 1985”. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). October 25, 2008. Archived from the original on May 30, 2013. Retrieved May 30, 2013.
^ “John McCain“, The New York Times. Retrieved October 8, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 147
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Strong, Morgan. “Senator John McCain talks about the challenges of fatherhood” Archived December 21, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Dadmag.com (June 4, 2000). Retrieved December 19, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: The Senate calls”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved November 23, 2007.
^ “TO PASS S 557, CIVIL RIGHTS RESTORATION ACT, A BILL … — Senate Vote #432 — Jan 28, 1988”. GovTrack.us.
^ “TO ADOPT, OVER THE PRESIDENT’S VETO OF S 557, CIVIL … — Senate Vote #487 — Mar 22, 1988”. GovTrack.us.
^ Barone, Michael; Ujifusa, Grant; Cohen, Richard E. The Almanac of American Politics, 2000, p. 112 (National Journal 1999). ISBN 0-8129-3194-7.
^ Becker, Jo; Van Natta, Don. “For McCain and Team, a Host of Ties to Gambling”, The New York Times (September 27, 2008). Retrieved September 29, 2008.
^ Johnson, Tadd. “Regulatory Issues and Impacts of Gaming in Indian Country”, Increasing Understanding of Public Problems and Policies: Proceedings of the 1998 National Public Policy Education Conference, pp. 140–44 (September 1998)
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Sweeney, James. “New rules on Indian gaming face longer odds” Archived September 17, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, The San Diego Union-Tribune (September 11, 2006). Retrieved July 1, 2008.
^ Mason, W. Dale. Indian Gaming: Tribal Sovereignty and American Politics, pp. 60–64 (University of Oklahoma Press 2000). ISBN 0-8061-3260-4
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 112
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 115–20
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Abramson, Jill; Mitchell, Alison. “Senate Inquiry In Keating Case Tested McCain”, The New York Times (November 21, 1999). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Excerpts of Statement By Senate Ethics Panel”, The New York Times (February 28, 1991). Retrieved April 19, 2008.
^ Rasky, Susan. “To Senator McCain, the Savings and Loan Affair Is Now a Personal Demon”, The New York Times (December 22, 1989). Retrieved April 19, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: The Keating Five”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieval date November 23, 2007.
^ “Sen. John McCain, Former Senator for Arizona”. govtrack.us.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: Overcoming scandal, moving on”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved November 23, 2007.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 150–51
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Balz, Dan (July 5, 1998). “McCain Weighs Options Amid Setbacks”. The Washington Post. Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 152–54
^ Report of the Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs, U.S. Senate (January 13, 1993). Retrieved January 3, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Walsh, James. “Good Morning, Vietnam”, Time (July 24, 1995). Retrieved January 5, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 170–71
^ Farrell, John. “At the center of power, seeking the summit”, Boston Globe (June 21, 2003). Retrieved January 5, 2008.
^ McIntire, Mike. “Democracy Group Gives Donors Access to McCain”, The New York Times (July 28, 2008). Retrieved August 16, 2008.
^ Eilperin, Juliet. “McCain Sees Roberts, Alito as Examples” Archived May 11, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, The Trail; A Daily Diary of Campaign 2008, via washingtonpost.com (May 6, 2008). Retrieved July 26, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Curry, Tom. “McCain takes grim message to South Carolina”, NBC News (April 26, 2007). Retrieved December 27, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: McCain becomes the ‘maverick’”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved December 19, 2007.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, p. 190
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Maisel, Louis and Buckley, Kara. Parties and Elections in America: The Electoral Process, pp. 163–66 (Rowman & Littlefield 2004). ISBN 0-7425-2670-4
^ Barone, Michael; Cohen, Richard E. The Almanac of American Politics, 2006, pp. 93–98 (National Journal 2005). ISBN 0-89234-112-2.
^ McCain, Worth the Fighting For, p. 327
^ Jackson, David. “McCain: Life shaped judgment on use of force”, USA Today (March 25, 2008).
^ Clinton v. City of New York, 524 U.S. 417 (1998)
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 176–80
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Bio: Sen. John McCain” Archived April 13, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Fox News (January 23, 2003). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 184–87
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 194–95
^ McDonald, Greg (March 24, 1999). “NATO trains sights on Serb targets: Senate OKs use of force in Balkans”. Houston Chronicle. Archived from the original on May 12, 2012. Retrieved March 5, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “U.S. Senators John McCain and Russell Feingold Share 10th John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award”. John F. Kennedy Library Foundation. May 24, 1999. Archived from the original on May 6, 2008. Retrieved December 27, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: The ‘maverick’ runs”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Archived from the original on December 6, 2012.
^ Bernstein, Richard. “Books of the Times; Standing Humbly Before a Noble Family Tradition”, The New York Times (October 1, 1999). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 194–95
^ “Faith of My Fathers (1999)” (IE only), Books and Authors. Retrieved May 26, 2008.
^ Ressner, Jeffrey; Vogel, Kenneth P. (July 3, 2008). “McCain’s TV biopic, reconsidered”. The Politico. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ Knickerbocker, Brad. “From a Vietnam Prison to the United States Senate”, The Christian Science Monitor (September 16, 1999). Retrieved May 27, 2008.
^ “McCain formally kicks off campaign”, CNN (September 27, 1999). Retrieved December 27, 2007
^ Bruni, Frank. “Quayle, Outspent by Bush, Will Quit Race, Aide Says”, The New York Times (September 27, 2000). Retrieved December 27, 2007
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 188–89
^ Harpaz, Beth. The Girls in the Van: Covering Hillary, p. 86 (St. Martin’s Press 2001). ISBN 0-312-30271-1
^ Corn, David. “The McCain Insurgency”, The Nation (February 10, 2000). Retrieved January 1, 2008
^ Data for table is from “Favorability: People in the News: John McCain”, The Gallup Organization, 2010. Retrieved May 25, 2010
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Steinhauer, Jennifer. “Confronting Ghosts of 2000 in South Carolina”, The New York Times (October 19, 2007). Retrieved January 7, 2008
^ “Dirty Politics 2008”, NOW, PBS (January 4, 2008). Retrieved January 6, 2008
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 254–55, 262–63
^ Mitchell, Alison. “Bush and McCain Exchange Sharp Words Over Fund-Raising”, The New York Times (February 10, 2000). Retrieved January 7, 2008
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 250–51
^ Alexander, Man of the People, pp. 263–66
^ Gooding, Richard. “The Trashing of John McCain”, Vanity Fair (November 2004). Retrieved July 21, 2015
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Knowlton, Brian. “McCain Licks Wounds After South Carolina Rejects His Candidacy”, International Herald Tribune (February 21, 2000). Retrieved January 1, 2008
^ Barone, Michael and Cohen, Richard. The Almanac of American Politics, 2008, p. 96 (National Journal 2008). ISBN 0-89234-117-3
^ Mitchell, Alison. “McCain Catches Mud, Then Parades It”, The New York Times (February 16, 2000). Retrieved January 1, 2008.
^ McCaleb, Ian Christopher. “McCain recovers from South Carolina disappointment, wins in Arizona, Michigan”, CNN (February 22, 2000). Retrieved December 30, 2007
^ “Excerpt From McCain’s Speech on Religious Conservatives”, The New York Times (February 29, 2000). Retrieved December 30, 2007.
^ Rothernberg, Stuart. “Stuart Rothernberg: Bush Roars Back; McCain’s Hopes Dim”, CNN (March 1, 2000). Retrieved December 30, 2007.
^ McCaleb, Ian Christopher. “Gore, Bush post impressive Super Tuesday victories”, CNN (March 8, 2000). Retrieved December 30, 2007.
^ McCaleb, Ian Christopher. “Bradley, McCain bow out of party races” Archived January 25, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, CNN (March 9, 2000). Retrieved December 30, 2007.
^ Marks, Peter. “A Ringing Endorsement for Bush”, The New York Times (May 14, 2000). Retrieved March 1, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: The ‘maverick’ and President Bush”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved December 27, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Holan, Angie. “McCain switched on tax cuts”, Politifact, St. Petersburg Times. Retrieved December 27, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Carney, James. “Frenemies: The McCain-Bush Dance”, Time (July 16, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Drew, Citizen McCain, 5.
^ Edsall, Thomas and Milbank, Dana. “McCain Is Considering Leaving GOP: Arizona Senator Might Launch a Third-Party Challenge to Bush in 2004”, The Washington Post (June 2, 2001). Retrieved May 10, 2008. Archived March 8, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
^ Cusack, Bob. “Democrats say McCain nearly abandoned GOP”, The Hill (March 28, 2007). Retrieved January 17, 2008.
^ Kirkpatrick, David D. “After 2000 Run, McCain Learned to Work Levers of Power”, The New York Times (July 21, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ McCain, John. “No Substitute for Victory: War is hell. Let’s get on with it”, The Wall Street Journal (October 26, 2001). Retrieved January 17, 2008.
^ “Senate bill would implement 9/11 panel proposals”, CNN (September 8, 2004). Retrieved January 17, 2008.
^ “Senate Approves Aviation Security, Anti-Terrorism Bills”, Online NewsHour, PBS (October 12, 2001). Retrieved January 17, 2008.
^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 168
^ “Sen. McCain’s Interview With Chris Matthews”, Hardball with Chris Matthews, MSNBC (March 12, 2003). Via McCain’s Senate website and archive.org. Retrieved April 7, 2008.
^ “Newsmaker: Sen. McCain” Archived January 19, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, PBS, NewsHour (November 6, 2003). Retrieved January 17, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Nowicki, Dan and Muller, Bill. “John McCain Report: The ‘maverick’ goes establishment”, The Arizona Republic (March 1, 2007). Retrieved December 23, 2007.
^ “Summary of the Lieberman-McCain Climate Stewardship Act” Archived April 11, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Pew Center on Global Climate Change. Retrieved April 24, 2008.
^ “Lieberman, McCain Reintroduce Climate Stewardship and Innovation Act” Archived March 22, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, Lieberman Senate website (January 12, 2007). Retrieved April 24, 2008.
^ “McCain: I’d ‘entertain’ Democratic VP slot”, Associated Press for USA Today (March 10, 2004). Retrieved May 6, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Halbfinger, David. “McCain Is Said To Tell Kerry He Won’t Join”, The New York Times (June 12, 2004). Retrieved January 3, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Balz, Dan and VandeHei, Jim. “McCain’s Resistance Doesn’t Stop Talk of Kerry Dream Ticket”, The Washington Post (June 12, 2004). Retrieved January 18, 2008.
^ “Kerry wants to boost child-care credit”, Associated Press. NBC News (June 16, 2004). Retrieved March 8, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Loughlin, Sean. “McCain praises Bush as ‘tested’”, CNN (August 30, 2004). Retrieved November 14, 2007.
^ Coile, Zachary. “Vets group attacks Kerry; McCain defends Democrat”, San Francisco Chronicle (August 6, 2004). Retrieved August 15, 2006.
^ “Election 2004: U.S. Senate – Arizona – Exit Poll”, CNN. Retrieved December 23, 2007.
^ “Senators compromise on filibusters; Bipartisan group agrees to vote to end debate on three nominees”, CNN (May 24, 2005). Retrieved March 16, 2008.
^ Hulse, Carl. “Distrust of McCain Lingers Over ’05 Deal on Judges”, The New York Times (February 25, 2008). Retrieved March 16, 2008.
^ Preston, Julia. “Grass Roots Roared and Immigration Plan Collapsed”, The New York Times (July 10, 2007). Retrieved July 27, 2008.
^ “Why the Senate Immigration Bill Failed”, Rasmussen Reports (June 8, 2007). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Schmidt, Susan; Grimaldi, James. “Panel Says Abramoff Laundered Tribal Funds; McCain Cites Possible Fraud by Lobbyist”, The Washington Post (June 23, 2005). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Anderson, John. Follow the Money (Simon and Schuster 2007), p. 254. ISBN 0-7432-8643-X.
^ Butterfield, Fox. “Indians’ Wish List: Big-City Sites for Casinos“, The New York Times (April 8, 2005).
^ Frick, Ali (June 25, 2008). “In 2005, McCain Said Even The ‘Scum Of Humanity’ Deserve To Have ‘Some Adjudication Of Their Cases’”. ThinkProgress. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
^ “Roll Call Votes 109th Congress – 1st Session on the Amendment (McCain Amdt. No. 1977)”, United States Senate (October 5, 2005). Retrieved August 15, 2006.
^ “Senate ignores veto threat in limiting detainee treatment”, CNN (October 6, 2005). Retrieved January 2, 2008.
^ “McCain, Bush agree on torture ban”, CNN (December 15, 2005). Retrieved August 16, 2006.
^ Calabresi, Massimo and Bacon Jr., Perry. “America’s 10 Best Senators”, “John McCain: The Mainstreamer”, Time (April 16, 2006). Retrieved August 14, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Eggen, Dan and Shear, Michael. “Vote Against Waterboarding Bill Called Consistent”, The Washington Post (February 16, 2008): “[T]he aide said, there are noncoercive interrogation techniques not used by the Army that could be useful to the CIA.” Retrieved June 9, 2008.
^ Ricks, Thomas. Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq p. 412 (Penguin Press 2006). ISBN 1-59420-103-X.
^ Baldor, Lolita C. “McCain Defends Bush’s Iraq strategy”, Associated Press. The Arizona Republic (January 12, 2007). Retrieved July 19, 2012.
^ Giroux, Greg. “‘Move On’ Takes Aim at McCain’s Iraq Stance”, The New York Times (January 17, 2007). Retrieved January 18, 2008.
^ Carney, James. “The Resurrection of John McCain”, Time (January 23, 2008). Retrieved February 1, 2008.
^ Crawford, Jamie. “Iraq won’t change McCain” Archived July 19, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, CNN (July 28, 2007). Retrieved January 18, 2008.
^ “McCain arrives in Baghdad”, CNN (March 16, 2008). Retrieved March 16, 2008.
^ “McCain launches White House bid”, BBC News (April 25, 2007). Retrieved May 15, 2008.
^ “Remarks as Prepared for Delivery: Senator McCain’s Announcement Speech” Archived March 7, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, USA Today (April 25, 2007). Retrieved May 18, 2008.
^ Balz, Dan. “For Possible ’08 Run, McCain Is Courting Bush Loyalists”, The Washington Post (February 12, 2006). Retrieved August 15, 2006.
^ Birnbaum, Jeffrey and Solomon, John. “McCain’s Unlikely Ties to K Street”, The Washington Post (December 31, 2007). Retrieved January 3, 2008.
^ Kirkpatrick, David D. and Pilhofer, Aron. “McCain Lags in Income, but Excels in Spending”, The New York Times (April 15, 2007). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ “McCain lags in fundraising, cuts staff” Archived January 19, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, CNN (July 2, 2007). Retrieved July 6, 2007.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Lagging in Fundraising, McCain Reorganizes Staff”, NPR (July 2, 2007). Retrieved July 6, 2007.
^ Sidoti, Liz. “McCain Campaign Suffers Key Shakeups”, The Oklahoman (July 10, 2007). Retrieved February 9, 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Boshart, Rod. “McCain says he’s underdog in Iowa during State Fair visit”, The Gazette (August 8, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Martin, Jonathan. “McCain’s comeback plan”, Politico (July 19, 2007). Retrieved December 12, 2007.
^ Witosky, Tom. “McCain sees resurgence in his run for president” Archived May 24, 2012, at archive.today, The Des Moines Register (December 17, 2007). Retrieved December 29, 2007.
^ Sinderbrand, Rebecca. “McCain, Clinton win Concord Monitor endorsements” Archived January 2, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, CNN (December 29, 2007). Retrieved December 29, 2007.
^ “Lieberman: McCain can reunite our country”, CNN (December 17, 2007). Retrieved June 26, 2008.
^ Lieberman, Joseph. “Joe Lieberman: McCain for President” Archived May 9, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, New York Post (February 3, 2008): “Joe Lieberman is an independent Democratic senator from Connecticut.” Retrieved June 26, 2008.
^ “CNN: McCain wins New Hampshire GOP primary”, CNN (January 8, 2008). Retrieved January 8, 2008.
^ Jones, Tim; Anderson, Lisa. “Moderates flock to McCain in S.C.; 2nd-place finish deals blow for Huckabee”, Chicago Tribune (January 20, 2008). Retrieved November 2, 2008.
^ “Thompson Quits US Presidential Race”, Reuters (January 22, 2008). Retrieved June 2, 2008.
^ “McCain wins Florida, Giuliani expected to drop out”, CNN (January 29, 2008). Retrieved January 29, 2008.
^ Holland, Steve. “Giuliani, Edwards quit White House Race”, Reuters (January 30, 2008). Retrieved January 30, 2008.
^ Sidoti, Liz. “Romney Suspends Presidential Campaign”, Associated Press (February 7, 2008). Retrieved February 22, 2017.
^ “McCain wins key primaries, CNN projects; McCain clinches nod”, CNN (March 4, 2008). Retrieved March 4, 2008.
^ “Lawyers Conclude McCain Is “Natural Born” Archived August 8, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, Associated Press. CBS News (March 28, 2008). Retrieved May 23, 2008.
^ Dobbs, Michael. “McCain’s Birth Abroad Stirs Legal Debate”, The Washington Post (May 2, 2008). Retrieved October 24, 2008.
^ Bash, Dana. “With McCain, 72 is the new … 69?”, CNN (September 4, 2006). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ McCain, John. Interview transcript. Meet the Press via NBC News (June 19, 2005). Retrieved November 14, 2006.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Altman, Lawrence. “On the Campaign Trail, Few Mentions of McCain’s Bout With Melanoma”, The New York Times (March 9, 2008). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ “Medical records show McCain is in good health”. International Herald Tribune (May 23, 2008). Retrieved May 23, 2008.
^ Page, Susan. “McCain runs strong as Democrats battle on” USA Today (April 28, 2008). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ “McCain tells his story to voters” CNN (March 31, 2008). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Luo, Michael and Palmer, Griff. “McCain Faces Test in Wooing Elite Donors”, The New York Times (March 31, 2008). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Kuhnhenn, Jim. “Cindy McCain had $6 million income in 2006”, Associated Press. USA Today (May 24, 2008). Retrieved May 24, 2008.
^ Shear, Michael. “A Fifth Top Aide To McCain Resigns”, The Washington Post (May 19, 2008). Retrieved June 4, 2008.
^ Kammer, Jerry. “Lobbyists on John McCain’s Team Facing Some New Rules”, The Arizona Republic (May 26, 2008). Retrieved June 4, 2008.
^ Pickler, Nedra. “Obama, McCain Fail To Agree On Town Halls” Archived May 9, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, Associated Press. CBS News (June 13, 2008). Retrieved July 19, 2012.
^ Balz, Dan and Shear, Michael D. “McCain Puts New Strategist Atop Campaign”, The Washington Post (July 3, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Birnbaum, Jeffrey and Solomon, John. “Aide Helped Controversial Russian Meet McCain”, The Washington Post (January 25, 2008).
^ Carter, Sara. “Grassley gets backlash from McCain camp after asking FBI if Trump’s campaign was warned about Russia”, Circa News (September 22, 2017).
^ King, John and Raju, Manu. “Grassley asks FBI if it warned Trump about Manafort”, CNN (September 22, 2017).
^ Ames, Mark and Berman, Ari. “McCain’s Kremlin Ties”, The Nation (October 1, 2008).
^ “General Election: McCain vs. Obama”, Real Clear Politics. Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “McCain Predicts ‘Underdog’ Win in Final 48 Hours” Archived August 3, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, Fox News (June 27, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Wayne, Leslie. “McCain Raised $27 Million in July”, The New York Times (August 15, 2008). Retrieved August 16, 2008.
^ Barr, Andy. “Obama passes two million donors”, The Hill (August 14, 2008). Retrieved August 16, 2008.
^ Kuhnhenn, Jim. “Analysis: McCain tries to sow doubts about Obama”, Associated Press for USA Today (July 31, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ “McCain taps Alaska Gov. Palin as vice president pick”, CNN (August 29, 2008). Retrieved August 29, 2008.
^ Berman, Russell. “McCain-Palin Surging in the Polls”, The New York Sun (September 9, 2008). Retrieved December 31, 2008.
^ Nagourney, Adam. “In Election’s Wake, Campaigns Offer a Peek at What Really Happened”, The New York Times (December 9, 2008). Retrieved December 31, 2008.
^ Cohen, Jon and Agiesta, Jennifer. “Perceptions of Palin Grow Increasingly Negative, Poll Says”, The Washington Post (October 25, 2008). Retrieved December 31, 2008.
^ Smith, David (August 26, 2018). “John McCain opened Pandora’s box – Sarah Palin came out, but Trump was right behind her”. The Guardian. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
^ McGann, Laura (August 27, 2018). “John McCain, Sarah Palin, and the rise of reality TV politics”. Vox. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
^ Martin, Jonathan (May 5, 2018). “At His Ranch, John McCain Shares Memories and Regrets With Friends”. The New York Times. Retrieved August 29, 2018.
^ Fouhy, Beth. “Obama rejects McCain’s call to delay debate”, Associated Press. South Florida Times (September 24, 2008). Retrieved July 19, 2012.
^ “John McCain Statement: ‘Suspending’ His Campaign”, ABC News (September 24, 2008).
^ Weisman, Jonathan. “How McCain Stirred a Simmering Pot”, The Washington Post (September 27, 2008). Retrieved September 27, 2008. “In truth, McCain’s dramatic announcement Wednesday that he would suspend his campaign and come to Washington for the bailout talks had wide repercussions.”
^ Stolberg, Cheryl Gay and Bumiller, Elisabeth. “A Balancing Act as McCain Faces a Divided Party and a Skeptical Public”, The New York Times (September 26, 2008). Retrieved September 27, 2008. “His greatest contribution,” Mr. Bachus said, “was returning to Washington and standing up for Republicans who were refusing to be stampeded.”
^ “McCain To Attend Debate, Resume Campaign” Archived September 27, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, RTTNews (September 26, 2008). Retrieved September 26, 2008.
^ “Senate Passes Economic Rescue Package” Archived April 1, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, NY1 News (October 2, 2008). Retrieved April 10, 2016.
^ Steinhauser, Paul. “Obama picks up second debate win, poll says”, CNN (October 8, 2008). Retrieved October 12, 2008.
^ Daniel, Douglass. “Obama backs away from McCain’s debate challenge”, Associated Press. Houston Chronicle (August 2, 2008). Retrieved August 11, 2008.
^ Rutenberg, Jim. “Nearing Record, Obama’s Ad Effort Swamps McCain”, The New York Times (October 17, 2008). Retrieved December 30, 2008.
^ Drogin, Bob and Barabak, Mark Z. “McCain Says Obama Wants Socialism”, Los Angeles Times (October 18, 2008). Retrieved December 31, 2008.
^ Bumiller, Elisabeth. “In Ohio, McCain Is Everywhere Even if Joe the Plumber Isn’t”, The New York Times (October 30, 2008). Retrieved December 31, 2008.
^ Smith, Ben. “McCain pollster: Wright wouldn’t have worked”, Politico (December 11, 2008). Retrieved December 30, 2008.
^ Johnson, Alex. “McCain hammers Obama on Ayers ties”, NBC News (October 23, 2008). Retrieved January 1, 2009.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Romney backer sees treason, Obama’s campaign cries foul” Archived September 24, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Reuters (May 7, 2012).
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “McCain Responds to ‘Arab’ Epithet at Rally: ‘Obama a Decent Family Man’”, HuffPost (October 10, 2008).
^ “Where Are They Now?: Gayle Quinnell”. The Washington Times. October 1, 2012. Retrieved February 10, 2018.
^ Bai, Matt, “A Turning Point in the Discourse, but in Which Direction?” The New York Times (January 8, 2011).
^ King, Alexandra (February 10, 2018). “Meghan McCain sees ‘a lot of gray’ with Trump voters and their views”. CNN. Retrieved February 10, 2018.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Transcript: McCain concedes presidency”, CNN (November 4, 2008).
^ Franke-Ruta, Garance. “McCain Takes Missouri”, The Washington Post (November 19, 2008). Retrieved November 19, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “President – Election Center 2008”, CNN. Retrieved November 19, 2008.
^ Mooney, Alexander. “McCain may face bumpy shift from White House run”, CNN (November 18, 2008). Retrieved November 21, 2008.
^ Tapper, Jake. “Obama, McCain Meet While Bill Speaks About Hillary”, ABC News (November 17, 2008). Retrieved November 21, 2008.
^ Cillizza, Chris. “McCain’s Next Step: Re-Election in 2010”, The Washington Post (November 19, 2008). Retrieved November 21, 2008.
^ Kirkpatrick, David D. “Obama Reaches Out for McCain’s Counsel”, The New York Times (January 19, 2009). Retrieved January 20, 2009.
^ Brune, Tom. “Obama speech strong but anti-climatic” (sic), Newsday (January 20, 2009). Retrieved January 20, 2009.
^ Hulse, Carl and Herszenhorn, David M. “Senators Reach Deal on Stimulus Plan as Jobs Vanish”, The New York Times (February 6, 2009). Retrieved February 7, 2009.
^ O’Donnell, Kelly and Montanaro, Domenico. “McCain to vote against Sotomayor”, NBC News (August 3, 2009). Retrieved August 22, 2009.
^ Giroux, Greg. “McCain: Maverick No More?”, CQ Politics (August 19, 2009). Retrieved August 22, 2009.
^ McCain, John and others. “Only Decisive Force Can Prevail in Afghanistan”, The Wall Street Journal (September 13, 2009). Retrieved November 17, 2009.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Newton-Small, Jay. “John McCain: Can He Mend Fences with the Right?”, Time (October 8, 2009). Retrieved November 20, 2009. In print magazine as “Voice in the Wilderness”, October 19, 2009.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Lerer, Lisa. “John McCain slams ‘horrendous’ climate bill”, Politico (November 19, 2009). Retrieved November 20, 2009.
^ Shane, Leo, III, “‘Don’t ask, don’t tell’ reversal measure falters in Senate”, Stars and Stripes, September 21, 2010. Retrieved September 21, 2010.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Steinhauer, Jennifer. “From Right of Radio Dial, Challenge to McCain”, The New York Times (February 9, 2010). Retrieved February 13, 2010.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Slevin, Peter. “Hard line on immigration marks GOP race in Arizona”, The Washington Post (May 22, 2010). Retrieved May 22, 2010.
^ Jacobson, Louis. “McCain’s ultimate maverick move, denial”, PolitiFact (April 6, 2010). Retrieved October 31, 2014.
^ Margolick, David. “The McCain Mutiny”, Newsweek (April 3, 2010). Retrieved April 6, 2010.
^ O’Brien, Michael. “McCain: Don’t expect GOP cooperation on legislation for the rest of this year”, The Hill (March 22, 2010). Retrieved March 28, 2010.
^ Good, Chris. “McCain Defends Arizona’s Immigration Law”, The Atlantic (April 26, 2010). Retrieved May 22, 2010.
^ “The 2010 Results Map – Senate – 2010 – AZ”, Politico (August 25, 2010). Retrieved August 25, 2010.
^ “McCain, Republicans sweep statewides”, Phoenix Business Journal (November 3, 2010). Retrieved November 3, 2010.
^ Potts, Tracie (December 14, 2010). “Lawmakers compromise on tax deal, nobody completely happy”. WCBD-TV. Archived from the original on March 11, 2012. Retrieved November 15, 2012.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Walshe, Shushannah. “John McCain’s Lasting Anger”, The Daily Beast (December 21, 2010). Retrieved November 15, 2012.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Milbank, Dana. “John McCain at his fieriest before ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ vote”, The Washington Post (December 18, 2010). Retrieved December 26, 2010.
^ “McCain Says the Time for Mubarak to Leave Has Come”, Associated Press, ABC News (February 3, 2011). Retrieved May 22, 2011.
^ “McCain: Libyan rebels are ‘my heroes’” Archived August 8, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, CBS News (April 22, 2011). Retrieved May 11, 2011.
^ Steinhauer, Jennifer. “Kerry and McCain Introduce Libya Resolution”, The New York Times (June 21, 2011). Retrieved February 21, 2016.
^ “Boehner: House not with McCain on Libya campaign”, CNN (June 22, 2011). Retrieved February 21, 2016.
^ “McCain says he’ll ‘swallow hard’ and vote for debt deal”, Associated Press, Daily Herald (August 1, 2011). Retrieved August 7, 2011.
^ Barett, Ted. “Senate passes defense bill with detainee policy compromise”, CNN (December 2, 2011). Retrieved December 3, 2011.
^ Gerstein, Josh. “Defense bill revised in bid to avoid veto”, Politico (December 12, 2011). Retrieved December 26, 2011.
^ Chabot, Hillary. “John McCain: Close curtain on GOP ‘Greek tragedy’”, Boston Herald (February 28, 2012). Retrieved March 7, 2012.
^ Gilbert, Holly. “McCain on campaign finance: ‘The system is broken’” Archived July 5, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, CNN (June 17, 2012). Retrieved July 7, 2012.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Steinhauer, Jennifer. “Once a Rebel, McCain Now Walks the Party Line”, The New York Times (July 27, 2012). Retrieved July 31, 2012.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Steinhauer, Jennifer. “Foreign Policy’s Bipartisan Trio Becomes Republican Duo”, The New York Times (November 26, 2012). Retrieved December 20, 2014.
^ Eldridge, David. “McCain slams Obama on Libya: ‘Nobody died in Watergate’”, The Washington Times (October 28, 2012). Retrieved November 16, 2012.
^ Ioffe, Julia. “John Kerry’s Quiet Campaign Pays Off”, The New Republic (December 22, 2012). Retrieved December 23, 2012.
^ Cassata, Donna (May 31, 2013). “McCain: Syrian rebels need heavy weapons”. The Guardian. Associated Press. Retrieved April 3, 2014.
^ “Senate panel votes to authorize Syria strike”, Fox News (September 4, 2013). Retrieved September 11, 2013.
^ Weiner, Rachel. “McCain calls Paul, Cruz, Amash ‘wacko birds’”, The Washington Post (March 8, 2013). Retrieved September 11, 2013.
^ Deruy, Emily. “Gang of Eight Accelerates Immigration Reform Pace”, ABC News (January 30, 2013). Retrieved February 2, 2013.
^ “McCain: Immigration-reform backers ‘not winning’”, United Press International (July 19, 2013). Retrieved July 31, 2013.
^ Condon, Stephanie. “Senate reaches deal to avert ‘nuclear option’” Archived November 19, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, CBS News (July 16, 2013). Retrieved July 31, 2013.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Kane, Paul. “John McCain helps avert Senate showdown” Archived October 20, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, The Washington Post (July 16, 2013). Retrieved August 1, 2013.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Leibovich, Mark. “How John McCain Turned His Clichés Into Meaning”, The New York Times Magazine (December 18, 2013). Retrieved December 24, 2013.
^ Allen, Mike; Vandehei, Jim (July 23, 2013). “The new power triangle”. Politico. Retrieved July 31, 2013.
^ Pace, Julie. “Once heated White House rivals, Obama and McCain becoming bipartisan partners in second term”, Associated Press, Star Tribune (July 27, 2013). Retrieved July 31, 2013.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hunt, Albert R. “McCain a maverick again”, Miami Herald (July 29, 2013). Retrieved August 1, 2013.
^ Weisman, Jonathan. “Senators Restart Talks as Default Looms”, The New York Times (October 15, 2013). Retrieved October 19, 2013.
^ Barrett, Ted and Cohen, Tom. “Senate approves budget, sends to Obama”, CNN (December 18, 2013). Retrieved December 20, 2013.
^ Sanchez, Yvonne Wingett. “Arizona GOP censures McCain for ‘disastrous’ record”, The Arizona Republic (January 25, 2014). Retrieved January 26, 2014.
^ Baron, Kevin. “McCain Calls for Obama’s National Security Team to Resign Over Iraq”, National Journal (June 12, 2014). Retrieved June 14, 2014.
^ Walsh, Nick Paton and Capelouto, Susanna. “Ukrainian protesters get visit from Sen. John McCain”, CNN (December 15, 2013). Retrieved December 17, 2014.
^ Wong, Kristina. “McCain, Graham call for US to arm Ukrainians”, The Hill (November 18, 2014). Retrieved December 17, 2014.
^ John, Arit. “John McCain Fights, Loses Good Fight Against Bundler-Ambassadors”, Bloomberg News (December 2, 2014). Retrieved December 4, 2014.
^ Everett, Burgess. “Torture report divides Republicans”, Politico (December 9, 2014). Retrieved December 10, 2014.
^ Jaffe, Alexandra. “McCain makes passionate defense for torture report’s release”, CNN (December 10, 2014). Retrieved December 20, 2014.
^ Bolton, Alexander. “GOP senators slam Obama’s Cuba moves”, The Hill (December 17, 2014). Retrieved December 20, 2014.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Steinhauer, Jennifer. “With Chairmanship, McCain Seizes Chance to Reshape Pentagon Agenda”, The New York Times (June 9, 2015). Retrieved June 10, 2015.
^ “McCain Would Let Services Out of ‘Penalty Box’”, Defense News (May 22, 2015). Retrieved May 23, 2015.
^ Cheney, Kyle. “John McCain announces reelection bid”, Politico (April 7, 2015). Retrieved April 9, 2015.
^ Raju, Manu and Cheney, Kyle. “Is the tea party afraid of John McCain?”, Politico (April 15, 2015). Retrieved April 15, 2015.
^ Crowley, Michael (May 13, 2015). “John Kerry and John McCain: Once friends, now foes”. Politico. Retrieved May 13, 2015.
^ Perry, Mark. “US generals: Saudi intervention in Yemen ‘a bad idea’”, Al Jazeera (April 17, 2015). Retrieved June 20, 2015
^ “U.S. Senators Hem and Haw on Saudi Arabia’s Human Rights Abuses“. The Intercept. October 1, 2015.
^ “John McCain: Obama is ‘directly responsible’ for Orlando attack”. The Washington Post. June 16, 2016. Retrieved June 18, 2016.
^ “John McCain blamed Obama for the Orlando shooting. That’s some pretzel logic”. The Guardian. June 17, 2016. Retrieved June 18, 2016.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Dumcius, Gintautas. “Sen. John McCain backs up Mitt Romney, says Donald Trump’s comments ‘uninformed and indeed dangerous’”, The Republican (March 3, 2016). Retrieved March 3, 2016.
^ Hains, Tim (July 19, 2015). “Trump On McCain: “He Is A War Hero Because He Was Captured … I Like People Who Weren’t Captured””. Real Clear Politics.
^ Schreckinger, Ben. “Trump attacks McCain: ‘I like people who weren’t captured’”. POLITICO. Retrieved July 1, 2021.
^ Baker, Peter; Haberman, Maggie (September 4, 2020). “Trump Faces Uproar Over Reported Remarks Disparaging Fallen Soldiers”. The New York Times.
^ Raju, Manu. “Flake, McCain split over backing Trump”, CNN (May 5, 2016). Retrieved May 7, 2016.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Everett, Burgess. “How McCain finally decided he couldn’t stomach Trump anymore”, Politico (October 8, 2016). Retrieved October 8, 2016.
^ Everett, Burgess and Kim, Seung Min. “McCain on tape: Trump damages my reelection hopes”, Politico (May 5, 2016). Retrieved May 7, 2016.
^ Barabak, Mark Z. “As John McCain fights for reelection, the Trump problem cuts two ways – both against him”, Los Angeles Times (August 24, 2016). Retrieved August 24, 2016.
^ Fuller, Matt (October 8, 2016). “John McCain Unendorses Donald Trump”. Huffington Post.
^ Siddiqui, Sabrina; Jacobs, Ben; Helmore, Edward. “John McCain withdraws support for Donald Trump over groping boasts”, The Guardian (October 8, 2016). Retrieved October 8, 2016.
^ Blake, Aaron (October 9, 2016). “Three dozen Republicans have now called for Donald Trump to drop out”. The Washington Post.
^ Santos, Fernanda (November 8, 2016). “John McCain Wins Arizona Senate Race”. The New York Times.
^ Borger, Julian (January 12, 2017). “How the Trump dossier came to light: secret sources, a retired spy and John McCain”. The Guardian. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ Resnick, Gideon (May 9, 2018). “McCain Defends Giving Trump Dossier to Comey: Duty Demanded I Do It”. The Daily Beast. Retrieved May 12, 2018.
^ “Senator McCain says U.S. ‘must stand up to Vladimir Putin’”. Reuters. December 31, 2016. Retrieved August 25, 2018.
^ “U.S. says it would provide Ukraine with ‘defensive’ aid”. Reuters. December 23, 2017. Retrieved January 31, 2018.
^ “The 10 Politicians Who Have Benefited the Most From NRA Funding”. Forbes. February 15, 2018.
^ Flegenheimer, Matt; Shane, Scott (January 5, 2017). “Countering Trump, Bipartisan Voices Strongly Affirm Findings on Russian Hacking”. The New York Times. Retrieved January 6, 2017.
^ Carney, Jordain (June 13, 2017). “Senate rejects effort to block Saudi arms sale”. The Hill.
^ Cooper, Helene (June 13, 2017). “Senate Narrowly Backs Trump Weapons Sale to Saudi Arabia”. The New York Times.
^ Gautreaux, R (2016). “Framing the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act:A Content Analysis of Democratic and Republican Twitter Feeds”. Archived from the original on November 20, 2020. Retrieved March 26, 2020.
^ Nowicki, Dan. “McCain is not happy with the new Senate health bill. Here’s what he wants”, The Arizona Republic (July 14, 2017).
^ “Trump praises Xi soon after death of Chinese dissident”. CNBC. July 13, 2017.
^ Ferrechio, Susan (September 12, 2017). “John McCain to punish Myanmar in defense bill”. Washington Examiner.
^ Delk, Josh (October 13, 2017). “McCain: Iran has ‘literally been getting away with murder’”. The Hill. Retrieved September 1, 2018.
^ Mattingly, Phil; Raju, Manu; Almasy, Steve (July 17, 2017). “McConnell delays health care vote while McCain recovers from surgery”. CNN. Retrieved July 19, 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Scutti, Susan (July 19, 2017). “Sen. John McCain has brain cancer, aggressive tumor surgically removed”. CNN.
^ “McCain Recovering After Cancer Surgery”. ABC News. August 21, 2000. Retrieved July 20, 2017.
^ Caplan, David. “Sen. John McCain diagnosed with brain tumor after blood clot removed”, ABC News (July 19, 2017).
^ Obama, Barack (July 19, 2017). “John McCain is an American hero & one of the bravest fighters I’ve ever known. Cancer doesn’t know what it’s up against. Give it hell, John”. Twitter. Retrieved July 23, 2017.^{[better source needed]}
^ Sullivan, Sean (July 24, 2017). “McCain’s return to Senate injects momentum into GOP health-care battle”. The Washington Post. Retrieved July 25, 2017.
^ Werner, Erica (July 28, 2017). “McCain, fighting cancer, turns on GOP and kills health bill”. ABC News. Archived from the original on July 29, 2017.
^ Cowan, Richard; Oliphant, James (July 25, 2017). “In hero’s return, McCain blasts Congress, tells senators to stand up to Trump”. Reuters.
^ Alonso-Zaldivar, Ricardo (July 25, 2017). “Cheers for McCain, then a speech like impassioned prophet”. The Washington Post. Archived from the original on July 25, 2017. Obama and the Democrats shouldn’t have pushed the Affordable Care Act through on party-line votes when they controlled Washington back in 2010, McCain said, ‘and we shouldn’t do the same with ours. …’ The same Associated Press article was published at: “McCain Delivers a Key Health Care Vote, Scolding Message”. The New York Times. July 26, 2017. Archived from the original on July 28, 2017. Retrieved July 28, 2017.
^ Fox, Lauren (July 28, 2017). “John McCain’s maverick moment”. CNN. Retrieved July 28, 2017.
^ Samuels, Brett (April 16, 2018). “McCain recovering after surgery for infection”. The Hill. Retrieved April 16, 2018.
^ “Portman and Durbin Launch Senate Ukraine Caucus” Archived February 11, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, web site of “Rob Portman United States Senator for Ohio” (February 9, 2015). Retrieved February 11, 2015.
^ “Members”. Republican Main Street Partnership. Archived from the original on August 26, 2018. Retrieved October 4, 2017.
^ Fandos, Nicholas; Martin, Johnathan (August 24, 2018). “John McCain Will No Longer Be Treated for Brain Cancer, Family Says”. The New York Times. Retrieved August 24, 2018.
^ Nowicki, Dan (August 25, 2018). “Sen. John McCain, American ‘maverick’ and Arizona political giant, dies at age 81”. The Arizona Republic. Retrieved December 1, 2018.
^ McFadden, Robert (August 25, 2018). “John McCain, War Hero, Senator, Presidential Contender, Dies at 81”. The New York Times. Retrieved August 25, 2018.
^ “Lying in State or in Honor”. US Architect of the Capitol (AOC). Retrieved September 1, 2018.
^ “Lifelong Episcopalian Senator John McCain Remembered as ‘Hero’ Who Stood Quietly for His Faith”. Christian Post. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ “McCain’s faith: Pastor describes senator as devout, but low-key (updated)”. baptistnews.com. Baptist News Global. April 9, 2008. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ “McCain requested Obama and George W. Bush deliver eulogies at funeral”. CBS News. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ “McCain didn’t want Trump at funeral service”. CNN. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ “McCain’s choice of Russian dissident as pallbearer is final dig at Putin, Trump”. Politico. Retrieved August 29, 2018.
^ “Here’s Who is Attending McCain Memorial at National Cathedral”. Roll Call. September 1, 2018.
^ “Speaker to attend McCain service on nation’s behalf”. Taipei Times. August 31, 2018.
^ “Legislative Speaker Su attends John McCain’s memorial service”. Focus Taiwan. September 2, 2018.
^ Glasser, Susan B. (September 1, 2018). “John McCain’s Funeral Was the Biggest Resistance Meeting Yet” – via www.newyorker.com.
^ “Meghan McCain slams first family to Stephen Colbert: ‘The Trumps are unwelcome around me’”. USA TODAY.
^ “John McCain funeral: Jay Leno, Renee Fleming and more celebrities who attended”. USA TODAY.
^ Britto, Brittany (September 2, 2018). “Hundreds line sidewalks as Sen. John McCain arrives in Annapolis for burial at Naval Academy”. Baltimore Sun. Retrieved May 31, 2019.
^ “McCain to lie in state at Capitol”. Politico. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ Henderson, Cydney (August 26, 2018). “‘True American Hero’: Whoopi Goldberg, Tom Hanks and other celebs pay tribute to John McCain”. USA Today. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
^ “Jon Kyl, Former Senator, Will Replace McCain in Arizona”. Nytimes.com. Retrieved September 24, 2018.
^ Phillips, Amber (May 16, 2018). “The GOP will likely hold on to McCain’s seat until 2020”. San Francisco Chronicle. Archived from the original on August 26, 2018. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ Sullivan, Sean. “Arizona governor, a Republican, to appoint McCain successor”. The Washington Post. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ “Here’s What Happens to John McCain’s Senate Seat”. Time. August 25, 2018.
^ “Who could be appointed to replace John McCain in the Senate, and the process behind it, explained”. Vox. August 25, 2018.
^ Sanchez, Yvonne Wingett (August 26, 2018). “John McCain’s seat in Senate will stay empty until after burial, Gov. Doug Ducey says”. The Arizona Republic. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
^ Martin, Jonathan. “Jon Kyl, Former Senator, Will Replace John McCain in Arizona”. The New York Times. Retrieved September 4, 2018.
^ “Six presidents, nation, world react to John McCain’s death”. Arizona Republic. August 25, 2018.
^ Patten, Dominic (August 13, 2018). “John McCain’s Family Gets Donald Trump’s “Sympathy”; No Salute For Deceased Senator”. Yahoo!. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ Gstalter, Morgan. “Biden on McCain’s death: ‘He never lost sight of what he believed most: Country First’”. The Hill. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ “STATEMENT BY TRICIA NIXON COX AND JULIE NIXON EISENHOWER ON THE PASSING OF SENATOR JOHN MCCAIN”. Richard Nixon Foundation. August 25, 2018. Retrieved September 2, 2018.
^ 达赖喇嘛悼麦凯恩：感谢他对西藏的诚挚关切 (in Simplified Chinese). August 27, 2018. Archived from the original on September 19, 2018. Retrieved October 7, 2018.
^ Noack, Rick (August 26, 2018). “‘A great defender of liberty’: World leaders mourn Sen. John McCain”. The Washington Post. Retrieved August 29, 2018.
^ “Taiwan expresses condolences over death of John McCain: Taiwan mourns the death of a ‘determined friend’”. Taiwan News. August 26, 2018.
^ “Taiwan president: McCain a friend and a fighter”. MSN. Associated Press. August 26, 2018. Archived from the original on August 26, 2018. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ “The Latest: Germany, Pakistan Pay Tribute to McCain”. U.S. News & World Report. August 26, 2018.
^ “Trudeau, Harper among Canadians paying tribute to U.S. Sen. John McCain”. CBC News.
^ “US Senator McCain – who helps lay foundation for VN-US relations – passes away”. Việt Nam News. Retrieved August 26, 2018.
^ Edelman, Adam (August 28, 2018). “Lindsey Graham reveals McCain’s last words to him in tearful interview”. NBC News. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
^ “Meghan McCain Shares Touching Tribute to Late Father: ‘All That I Am Is Thanks to Him’”. People. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ Goodykoontz, Bill (September 17, 2018). “Emmy Awards recognize John McCain”. AZCentral. Retrieved March 27, 2019.
^ Tillett, Emily (August 26, 2018). “Schumer proposes renaming Russell Senate Office Building for John McCain”. CBS News.
^ Bb.ringingworld.co.uk. (2018). Ringing World BellBoard. [online] Available at: https://bb.ringingworld.co.uk/view.php?id=1243949 [Accessed August 30, 2018].
^ Bb.ringingworld.co.uk. (2018). Ringing World BellBoard. [online] Available at: https://bb.ringingworld.co.uk/view.php?id=1245350 [Accessed September 8, 2018].
^ Dawsey, Josh. “Trump rejected plans for a White House statement praising McCain”. The Washington Post. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ Pak, Nataly (August 27, 2018). “Trump ignores questions about John McCain as White House flag returns to full-staff”. ABC News. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ “Donald Trump believed John McCain coverage was ‘over the top’”. NZ Herald. August 28, 2018. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
^ “Unlike White House, some governors order flags at half-staff through McCain’s burial”. ABC 7. August 27, 2018. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ “Mitch McConnell and Chuck Schumer Request U.S. Flags at Half Staff After White House Flag Raised”. Mediaite. August 27, 2018. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ “American Legion Implores Trump to Issue Proclamation on John McCain, Lower Flags to Half-Staff”. Mediaite. August 27, 2018. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ “Trump Issues Statement on McCain After Silence Met With Criticism: ‘I Respect’ His Service”. Mediaite. August 27, 2018. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ Bolton, Alexander (March 21, 2019). “Trump’s attacks on McCain exacerbate tensions with Senate GOP”. The Hill. Retrieved March 22, 2019.
^ Sommerfeldt, Chris. “Trump falsely claims he ‘had to approve’ John McCain’s funeral, complains he didn’t get a ‘thank you’”. New York Daily News. Retrieved March 22, 2019.
^ Frazin, Rachel (March 21, 2019). “National Cathedral says Trump didn’t need to give ‘approval’ for McCain funeral”. The Hill. Retrieved March 22, 2019.
^ Kubota, Samantha (March 21, 2019). “After Trump blasts McCain, takes credit for funeral, National Cathedral points out he had nothing to do with it”. WUSA. Retrieved March 22, 2019.
^ Haberman, Maggie; Karni, Annie; Tackett, Michael (March 20, 2019). “Months After John McCain’s Death, Trump Keeps Feud With Him Alive”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved March 21, 2019.
^ Yen, Hope; Woodward, Calvin (March 20, 2019). “AP FACT CHECK: Trump’s slam on McCain ignores who aided vets”. Associated Press. Retrieved March 21, 2019.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Chart is built from ratings for 1983 to 2017 found at the ratings sections of the websites of the American Conservative Union and Americans for Democratic Action.
^ Mayer, William. “Kerry’s Record Rings a Bell”, The Washington Post (March 28, 2004). Retrieved May 12, 2008: “The question of how to measure a senator’s or representative’s ideology is one that political scientists regularly need to answer. For more than 30 years, the standard method for gauging ideology has been to use the annual ratings of lawmakers’ votes by various interest groups, such as the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) and the American Conservative Union (ACU).”
^ “John McCain | US Senate in Arizona (AZ)”. Crowdpac. Archived from the original on November 19, 2016. Retrieved December 20, 2016.
^ Barone, Michael and Cohen, Richard. The Almanac of American Politics, 2008, 95 (Washington, D.C.: National Journal group, 2008, ISBN 0-89234-117-3). (National Journal‘s methodology and criteria are explained in the “Guide to Usage” on pages 15–16.) In 2005, the economic ratings were 52 percent conservative and 47 percent liberal, the social ratings 64 percent conservative and 23 percent liberal, and the foreign ratings 54 / 45. In 2006, the economic ratings were 64 / 35, the social 46 / 53, and the foreign 58 / 40.
^ Michael, Barone (January 1, 2013). Almanac of American politics 2014. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-10558-1. OCLC 855896170.
^ Barnes, James A.; Keating, Holland; Charlie, Cook; Michael, Barone; Louis, Jacobson; Louis, Peck. The almanac of American politics 2016 : members of Congress and governors: their profiles and election results, their states and districts. ISBN 978-1-938518-31-7. OCLC 927103599.
^ Robb, Robert. “Is McCain a conservative?”, RealClearPolitics (February 1, 2008). Retrieved June 18, 2008.
^ Continetti, Matthew. “Not your dad’s Republicans”, Los Angeles Times (March 6, 2008). Retrieved July 19, 2012.
^ Condon, Stephanie. “John McCain ranked most conservative senator in 2010” CBS News (February 24, 2011). Retrieved February 26, 2011.
^ Lesniewski, Niels; Lesniewski, Niels (February 4, 2014). “Collins, Murkowski Most Likely Republicans to Back Obama”. Roll Call. Retrieved March 24, 2018.
^ Kimball, Richard. “Program History”, Project Vote Smart. Retrieved May 20, 2008. Also see Nintzel, Jim. “Test Study: Why are politicians like John McCain suddenly so afraid of Project Vote Smart?”, Tucson Weekly (April 17, 2008). Retrieved May 21, 2008. Also see Stein, Jonathan. “Senator Straight Talk Won’t Go on the Record with Project Vote Smart”, Mother Jones (April 7, 2008). Retrieved May 21, 2008.
^ “Senator John Sidney McCain III (AZ)”, Project Vote Smart. Retrieved May 20, 2008. Non-partisan information about McCain’s issue positions is also provided online by other sources. See, e.g., “John McCain on the Issues”, OnTheIssues. Retrieved May 18, 2008.
^ “Issues” Archived November 15, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, McCain’s official U.S. Senate website. Retrieved May 21, 2008.
^ “Favorability: People in the News”. Gallup.com. Gallup, Inc. October 12, 2007. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Brooks, David. “The Character Factor”, The New York Times (November 13, 2007). Retrieved December 19, 2007.
^ Mitchell, Josh. “Military Veterans step up for John McCain” Archived June 4, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, The Baltimore Sun (February 5, 2008). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Keller, Julia. “Me? A bad temper? Why, I oughta …”, Chicago Tribune (May 1, 2008): “Anecdotes about McCain’s short fuse – dashing off nasty letters, manhandling colleagues when they oppose him – have popped up in recent profiles. Conversely, though, we also want people in public life to be passionate and engaged. We want them to be fiery and feisty. We like them to care enough to blow their stacks every once in a while. Otherwise, we question the sincerity of their convictions.” Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Jacobson, Gary. “Partisan Differences in Job Approval Ratings of George W. Bush and U.S. Senators in the States: An Exploration”, Paper presented at annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 2006.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hunt, Albert. “John McCain and Russell Feingold” in Profiles in Courage for Our Time, 256 (Kennedy, Caroline ed., Hyperion 2003): “The hero is indispensable to the McCain persona.” ISBN 0-7868-8678-1.
^ Purdum, Todd. “Prisoner of Conscience”, Vanity Fair, February 2007. Retrieved January 19, 2008. The surgery took place in 2000.
^ Simon, Roger. “McCain’s Health and Age Present Campaign Challenge”, The Politico (January 27, 2007). Retrieved November 23, 2007.
^ Lewis, Michael, “I Liked a Pol”, The New York Times Magazine (November 21, 1999) Retrieved July 2, 2008.
^ Margolick, David, “The McCain Mutiny”, Newsweek (April 2, 2010). Retrieved September 12, 2010.
^ Fallows, James, “The Mystery of John McCain”, The Atlantic (December 3, 2010). Retrieved May 21, 2011.
^ O’Dowd, Niall, “John McCain a sad figure as he loses all that made him great and an American original”, Irish Central (December 18, 2010). Retrieved May 21, 2011.
^ Purdum, Todd S., “The Man Who Never Was”, Vanity Fair (November 2010). Retrieved May 21, 2011.
^ “John McCain: Traitor to the conservative cause”. Washington Times. Retrieved March 28, 2020.
^ McCain, Worth the Fighting For, xvii: “God has given me heart enough for my ambitions, but too little forbearance to pursue them by routes other than a straight line.”
^ Milbank, Dana. “A Candidate’s Lucky Charms”, The Washington Post (February 19, 2000). Retrieved April 8, 2006.
^ Campanille, Carl. “‘Like to Hike’ McC Loves Uphill Climb, Stays Fit in Ariz. Outdoors” Archived April 15, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, New York Post (March 10, 2008). Retrieved May 19, 2008.
^ Corn, David. “A joke too bad to print?”, Salon (June 25, 1998). Retrieved August 16, 2006. Chelsea Clinton is the daughter of Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton. In 1998, Janet Reno was the Attorney General of the United States.
^ Pilkington, Ed. “The joke that should have sunk McCain”, The Guardian (September 2, 2008). Retrieved September 3, 2008.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, 194.
^ Gerhart, Ann; Groer, Annie (June 16, 1998). “The Reliable Source”. The Washington Post. Archived from the original on May 11, 2011. Retrieved May 24, 2008.
^ Dowd, Maureen. “The Joke’s On Him”, The New York Times (June 21, 1998). Retrieved April 2, 2008.
^ Drew, Citizen McCain, 23.
^ “Best and Worst of Congress”, Washingtonian, September 2006. Retrieved January 19, 2008.
^ Drew, Citizen McCain, pp. 21–22.
^ Zengerle, Jason. “Papa John”, The New Republic (April 23, 2008). Retrieved April 11, 2008.
^ “A Conversation About What’s Worth the Fight”. Newsweek. March 29, 2008. Archived from the original on June 25, 2009. Retrieved May 10, 2008. I have – although certainly not in recent years – lost my temper and said intemperate things … I feel passionately about issues, and the day that passion goes away is the day I will go down to the old soldiers’ home and find my rocking chair.
^ “On The Hustings – April 21, 2008”, The New York Sun (April 21, 2008): “I am very happy to be a passionate man … many times I deal passionately when I find things that are not in the best interests of the American people. And so, look, 20, 25 years ago, 15 years ago, that’s fine, and those stories here are either totally untrue or grossly exaggerated.” Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Renshon, Stanley. “The Comparative Psychoanalytic Study of Political Leaders: John McCain and the Limits of Trait Psychology” in Profiling Political Leaders: Cross-cultural Studies of Personality and Behavior, 245 (Feldman and Valenty eds., Greenwood Publishing 2001): “McCain was not the only candidate or leader to have a temper.” ISBN 0-275-97036-1.
^ Coleman, Michael. “Domenici Knows McCain Temper”, Albuquerque Journal, (April 27, 2008). Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Kranish, Michael. “Famed McCain temper is tamed”, The Boston Globe (January 27, 2008). Retrieved April 28, 2008.
^ Kane, Paul. “GOP Senators Reassess Views About McCain”, The Washington Post (February 4, 2008): “the past few years have seen fewer McCain outbursts, prompting some senators and aides to suggest privately that he is working to control his temper.” Retrieved May 10, 2008.
^ Novak, Robert. “A Pork Baron Strikes Back”, The Washington Post (February 7, 2008). Retrieved May 4, 2008.
^ Leahy, Michael. “McCain: A Question of Temperament”, The Washington Post (April 20, 2008). (“Cornyn is now a McCain supporter, as is Republican Sen. Thad Cochran of Mississippi, himself a past target of McCain’s sharp tongue, especially over what McCain regarded as Cochran’s hunger for pork-barrel projects in his state. Cochran landed in newspapers early during the campaign after declaring that the thought of McCain in the Oval Office ‘sends a cold chill down my spine.’”) Retrieved April 28, 2008. McCain aide Mark Salter challenged the accuracy of some other elements of Leahy’s article; see “McCain’s Temper, Ctd.”, National Review (April 20, 2008). Retrieved May 4, 2008.
^ Raju, Manu. “McCain reaches out to GOP senators with weekly meetings”, The Hill (April 30, 2008). Retrieved May 4, 2008
^ “John McCain, American patriot”. Chicago Tribune. August 25, 2018. Retrieved August 27, 2018.
^ Timberg, American Odyssey, pp. 144–45.
^ Bumiller, Elisabeth. “Two McCain Moments, Rarely Mentioned”, The New York Times (March 24, 2008). Retrieved March 24, 2008.
^ Tilghman, Andrew. “McCain win might stop sons from deploying”, Navy Times (March 10, 2008). Retrieved March 28, 2008.
^ Stolberg, Sheryl Gay. “Obama Is Embraced at Annapolis”, The New York Times (May 23, 2009). Retrieved May 25, 2009.
^ Parker, Kathleen. “Another McCain Throws Down a Challenge”, The Washington Post (March 25, 2009). Retrieved May 25, 2009.
^ Tobin, Frances. “Is Meghan McCain, Miss Maverick, Undermining Her Daddy?”, Politics Daily (February 10, 2010). Retrieved February 27, 2010.
^ “Meghan McCain”. ABC The View. Retrieved October 7, 2018.
^ “Senator John McCain on ‘The View’: Clarifies Draft Dodging Comment and Laughs at Trump’s Threats”. ABC The View. Retrieved October 7, 2018.
^ “John McCain”. IMDb. Retrieved September 2, 2018.
^ “Paul H. Douglas Award for Ethics in Government”, Institute of Government and Public Affairs, University of Illinois. Retrieved July 24, 2015.
^ “Senator John S. McCain to Receive 2005 Eisenhower Leadership Prize”, The Eisenhower Institute (August 24, 2005). Retrieved November 14, 2007.
^ “National Park Trust Awards Senator John McCain Highest Honor” Archived July 25, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, National Park Trust (June 8, 2006). Retrieved June 18, 2015.
^ “JINSA Bestows Distinguished Service Award Upon Senator John McCain” Archived December 14, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (December 5, 2006). Retrieved December 27, 2007.
^ Turner, Malcolm. “Senator John McCain receives Policy Maker of the Year Award”, World Leadership Forum (February 20, 2007). Retrieved August 5, 2015.
^ “Senator McCain Visits Batumi (January 10–11)” Archived October 23, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, U.S. Embassy to Georgia. Retrieved March 28, 2010.
^ “Leader of Ukrainian schismatics awards anti-Russian senator McCain”, Interfax-Ukraine (February 5, 2015). Retrieved June 18, 2015.
^ Mauriello, Tracie. “Allegheny College awards civility prize to Joe Biden and John McCain”, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (June 8, 2016). Retrieved June 23, 2016.
^ “УКАЗ ПРЕЗИДЕНТА УКРАЇНИ №340/2016”, Office of the President of Ukraine (August 22, 2016). Retrieved August 22, 2016.
^ “Thaçi dekoron Mc Cain me çmimin ‘Urdhëri i lirisë’” Archived April 15, 2017, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved August 14, 2017.
^ “McCain condemns isolationist politics, calls it ‘unpatriotic’”. Fox News. October 17, 2017. Retrieved October 18, 2017.
^ “2018 Spring Conferment of Decoration on Foreign Nationals” (PDF). Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Retrieved September 22, 2018.
^ “Honorary degree recipients” Archived March 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Colgate University (July 2000). Retrieved June 18, 2015.
^ “Citadel announces graduation awards” Archived June 18, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, The Citadel (May 11, 2002). Retrieved June 18, 2015.
^ “Commencement News”, Wake Forest University (June 2002). Retrieved June 18, 2015.
^ “Senator John McCain will deliver address, receive honorary degree at WFU commencement”. Archived from the original on December 18, 2015. Retrieved May 9, 2017.
^ “Past Recipients”, University of Southern California. Retrieved June 18, 2015.
^ “McCain to Speak at Commencement, Eight to Receive Honorary Degrees”, Northwestern University (June 7, 2005). Retrieved August 5, 2015.
^ “Office of the Provost: Honorary Degree Recipients” Archived April 11, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Northwestern University. Retrieved August 5, 2015.
^ Vrazilek, Jessica. “John McCain: For Liberty at Liberty”, National Review Online. CBS News (May 15, 2006).
^ “Commencement: Past Recipients”, The New School. Retrieved August 5, 2015.
^ “Royal Military College of Canada Honorary Degree Recipients”. Royal Military College of Canada. May 30, 2017. Archived from the original on August 4, 2017. Retrieved July 25, 2017.
^ “MacKay gives honorary degree to John McCain in Washington”, CBC News (June 18, 2013).
^ Goodman, Lee-Anne. “Peter MacKay in U.S. meeting with Chuck Hagel, John McCain”, CTV News (June 18, 2013).
^ “John McCain” Archived September 10, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, University Philosophical Society, Trinity College Dublin. Retrieved September 21, 2013.
^ Doornbos, Caitlin (July 12, 2018). “McCain joins father and grandfather on ship’s list of namesakes”. Stars and Stripes. Retrieved July 12, 2018.
^ “Pentagon tells White House to stop politicizing military after McCain ship request”. Associated Press. Retrieved June 3, 2019 – via Los Angeles Times.
^ “Phoenix city council approves naming Sky Harbor airport terminal after John McCain”. ABC News.
^ “Про перейменування вулиці у Печерському районі міста Києва”. kmr.ligazakon.ua. Retrieved August 18, 2020.
^ “Маккейн замість Кудрі: хто справжній український герой?”. ukrainian.voanews.com. Retrieved August 18, 2020.
^ “Kyiv City Council renames street to honor John McCain | KyivPost – Ukraine’s Global Voice”. KyivPost. April 4, 2019. Retrieved November 8, 2020.

References[edit source]

Alexander, Paul. Man of the People: The Life of John McCain (John Wiley & Sons, Hoboken, New Jersey 2002). ISBN 0-471-22829-X.
Brock, David and Waldman, Paul. Free Ride: John McCain and the Media (Anchor Books, New York 2008). ISBN 0-307-27940-5.
Drew, Elizabeth. Citizen McCain (Simon & Schuster, New York 2002). ISBN 0-641-57240-9.
Feinberg, Barbara Silberdick. John McCain: Serving His Country (Millbrook Press, Brookfield, Connecticut 2000). ISBN 0-7613-1974-3.
Hubbell, John G. P.O.W.: A Definitive History of the American Prisoner-Of-War Experience in Vietnam, 1964–1973 (Reader’s Digest Press, New York 1976). ISBN 0-88349-091-9.
Karaagac, John. John McCain: An Essay in Military and Political History (Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland 2000). ISBN 0-7391-0171-4.
McCain, John and Salter, Mark, Faith of My Fathers (Random House, New York 1999). ISBN 0-375-50191-6.
McCain, John and Salter, Mark. Worth the Fighting For (Random House, New York 2002). ISBN 0-375-50542-3.
Rochester, Stuart I. and Kiley, Frederick. Honor Bound: American Prisoners of War in Southeast Asia, 1961–1973 (Naval Institute Press, Annapolis, Maryland 1999). ISBN 1-55750-694-9.
Schecter, Cliff. The Real McCain: Why Conservatives Don’t Trust Him and Why Independents Shouldn’t (PoliPoint Press, Sausalito, California 2008). ISBN 0-9794822-9-1.
Timberg, Robert. John McCain: An American Odyssey (Touchstone Books, New York 1999). ISBN 0-684-86794-X. Chapter 1 available online.
Timberg, Robert. The Nightingale’s Song (Simon & Schuster, New York 1996). ISBN 0-684-80301-1. Chapter 1 available online.
Welch, Matt. McCain: The Myth of a Maverick (Palgrave Macmillan, New York 2007). ISBN 0-230-60396-3.

External links[edit source]

John McCainat Wikipedia’s sister projects

Media from Commons
News from Wikinews
Quotations from Wikiquote
Texts from Wikisource
Data from Wikidata

Senator John McCain official U.S. Senate website
John McCain for Senate
Sean Wilentz: John McCain. In: Encyclopædia Britannica, February 15, 2018
John McCain at Curlie
Appearances on C-SPAN
Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
Profile at Vote Smart
Financial information (federal office) at the Federal Election Commission
Legislation sponsored at the Library of Congress
Gates, H.L. John McCain’s Interactive Family Tree. PBS. February 11, 2016. Accessed February 17, 2017 Archived February 18, 2017, at the Wayback Machine

U.S. House of Representatives
Preceded byJohn Jacob Rhodes	Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Arizona’s 1st congressional district 1983–1987	Succeeded byJohn Jacob Rhodes III
Party political offices
Preceded byBarry Goldwater	Republican nominee for U.S. Senator from Arizona (Class 3) 1986, 1992, 1998, 2004, 2010, 2016	Succeeded byMartha McSally
Preceded bySusan Molinari	Keynote Speaker of the Republican National Convention 2000 Served alongside: Colin Powell	Succeeded byZell Miller
Preceded byGeorge W. Bush	Republican nominee for President of the United States 2008	Succeeded byMitt Romney
U.S. Senate
Preceded byBarry Goldwater	U.S. senator (Class 3) from Arizona 1987–2018 Served alongside: Dennis DeConcini, Jon Kyl, Jeff Flake	Succeeded byJon Kyl
Preceded byDaniel Inouye	Chair of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee 1995–1997	Succeeded byBen Nighthorse Campbell
Preceded byLarry Pressler	Chair of the Senate Commerce Committee 1997–2001	Succeeded byFritz Hollings
Preceded byFritz Hollings	Ranking Member of the Senate Commerce Committee 2001
Chair of the Senate Commerce Committee 2001
Ranking Member of the Senate Commerce Committee 2001–2003
Chair of the Senate Commerce Committee 2003–2005	Succeeded byTed Stevens
Preceded byBen Nighthorse Campbell	Chair of the Senate Indian Affairs Committee 2005–2007	Succeeded byByron Dorgan
Preceded byCarl Levin	Ranking Member of the Senate Armed Services Committee 2007–2013	Succeeded byJim Inhofe
Chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee 2015–2018
Honorary titles
Preceded byBilly Graham	Persons who have lain in state or honor in the United States Capitol rotunda August 31, 2018	Succeeded byGeorge H. W. Bush

16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army

Georgy Zhukov

Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov (Russian: Георгий Константинович Жуков; listen (help·info); 1 December 1896 – 18 June 1974) was a Soviet general and Marshal of the Soviet Union. He also served as Chief of the General Staff, Minister of Defence, and was a member of the Presidium of the Communist Party (later Politburo). During the Second World War, Zhukov oversaw some of the Red Army‘s most decisive victories.

Born to a poor peasant family from central Russia, Zhukov was conscripted into the Imperial Russian Army and fought in the First World War. He served in the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. Gradually rising through the ranks, by 1939 Zhukov had been given command of an army group and won a decisive battle over Japanese forces at Khalkhin Gol, for which he won the first of his four Hero of the Soviet Union awards. In February 1941, Zhukov was appointed as chief of the Red Army’s General Staff.

Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union, Zhukov lost his position as chief of the general staff. Subsequently, he organized the defense of Leningrad, Moscow, and Stalingrad. He participated in planning several major offensives, including the Battle of Kursk, and Operation Bagration. In 1945, Zhukov commanded the 1st Belorussian Front; he took part in the Vistula–Oder Offensive, and the Battle of Berlin, which resulted in the defeat of Nazi Germany, and the end of the war in Europe. In recognition of Zhukov’s role in the war, he was chosen to accept the German Instrument of Surrender, and inspect the Moscow Victory Parade of 1945.

After the war, Zhukov’s success and popularity caused Joseph Stalin to see him as a potential threat. Stalin stripped him of his positions and relegated him to military commands of little strategic significance. After Stalin’s death in 1953, Zhukov supported Nikita Khrushchev‘s bid for Soviet leadership. In 1955, he was appointed as Defence Minister and made a member of the Presidium. In 1957 Zhukov lost favour again and was forced to retire. He never returned to a position of influence, and died in 1974.

Early life and career[edit source]

Zhukov was born into a poverty-stricken peasant family of Russian^[1] ethnicity in Strelkovka, Maloyaroslavsky, Kaluga Governorate in western Russia.^[2] His father Konstantin, who had been orphaned at age two and then adopted by Anuska Zhukova, was a cobbler.^[3] His mother Ustin’ya was a peasant laborer. Zhukov was said to resemble his mother, and he believed he inherited his physical strength from her; Ustin’ya was reportedly able to accomplish demanding tasks such as carrying 200-pound sacks of grain over long distances.^[3] In an era when most members of Russia’s poor and working classes completed only two years of schooling, Zhukov completed the three-year primary education course at his hometown school.^[3] He was then apprenticed to his mother’s brother Mikhail as a furrier in Moscow.^[4]

While working for his uncle, Zhukov supplemented his education by reading with his cousin Alexander on a wide range of topics, including the Russian language, German language, science, geography, and mathematics.^[4] In addition, he enrolled in a night school, where he completed courses as the work in his uncle’s shop permitted.^[4] He completed his apprenticeship in 1914 and established his own business, which included three young employees under his leadership.^[4]

World War I[edit source]

Non-commissioned officer Georgy Zhukov, Russian Imperial army, 1916

In 1915, Zhukov was conscripted into the Imperial Russian Army, where he served in the 10th Dragoon Novgorod Regiment, and was wounded in action against the Germans at Kharkiv. During World War I, Zhukov was awarded the Cross of St. George twice, and promoted to the rank of non-commissioned officer for his bravery in battle.

He joined the Bolshevik Party after the 1917 October Revolution; in party circles his background of poverty became a significant asset. After recovering from a serious case of typhus, he fought in the Russian Civil War, serving in the Second Cavalry Brigade, commanded by Semyon Timoshenko, which was later absorbed into the 1st Cavalry Army, led by Semyon Budyonny. He completed a cavalry training course for officers in 1920 and received his commission as an officer. He received the Order of the Red Banner for his part in subduing the Tambov Rebellion in 1921.^[5]

Interwar period[edit source]

Zhukov as a regimental commander, 1920s Graduates of the Leningrad Higher Cavalry School 1924/25
Sitting in the second row (right to left): 1. Bagramyan, 3. Yeremenko. Standing in the third row (right to left): 1. Zhukov, 5. Rokossovsky.

Zhukov quickly advanced through the ranks as the commander of a cavalry troop and squadron, and deputy commander of a cavalry regiment. At the end of May 1923, he was appointed commander of the 39th Cavalry Regiment.^[6] In 1924, he entered the Higher School of Cavalry,^[7] from which he graduated the next year, returning afterward to command the same regiment.^[8] He attended the Frunze Military Academy beginning in 1929, and graduated in 1930.^[9]

In May 1930, Zhukov became commander of the 2nd Cavalry Brigade of the 7th Cavalry Division.^[10] In February 1931, he was appointed as the Assistant Inspector of Cavalry for the Red Army.^[11]

In May 1933, Zhukov was appointed commander of the 4th Cavalry Division.^[11] His career was accelerated by the Great Purge, when thousands of officers were arrested and shot, but those associated with the First Cavalry Army were protected. In 1937, Zhukov became commander of first the 3rd Cavalry Corps, and later the 6th Cavalry Corps.^[12] In 1938, he became deputy cavalry commander of the Belorussian Military District.^[13]

Khalkhin Gol[edit source]

In 1938, Zhukov was directed to command the First Soviet Mongolian Army Group, and saw action against Japan’s Kwantung Army on the border between the Mongolian People’s Republic and the Japanese-controlled state of Manchukuo. The Soviet–Japanese Border Wars lasted from 1938 to 1939. What began as a border skirmish rapidly escalated into a full-scale war, with the Japanese pushing forward with an estimated 80,000 troops, 180 tanks and 450 aircraft.

These events led to the strategically decisive battle of Khalkhin Gol. Zhukov requested major reinforcements, and on 20 August 1939, his Soviet offensive commenced. After a massive artillery barrage, nearly 500 BT-5 and BT-7 tanks advanced,^[14] supported by over 500 fighters and bombers.^[15] This was the Soviet Air Force‘s first fighter-bomber operation.^[16]

The offensive first appeared to be a typical conventional frontal attack. However, two tank brigades were initially held back and then ordered to advance around on both flanks, supported by motorized artillery, infantry, and other tanks. This daring and successful maneuver encircled the Japanese 6th Army and captured the enemy’s vulnerable rear supply areas. By 31 August, the Japanese had been cleared from the disputed border, leaving the Soviets clearly victorious.^[16]

This campaign had significance beyond the immediate tactical and local outcome. Zhukov demonstrated and tested the techniques later used against the Germans in the Eastern Front of the Second World War. His innovations included the deployment of underwater bridges, and improving the cohesion and battle-effectiveness of inexperienced units by adding a few experienced, battle-hardened troops to bolster morale and overall training.^[17]

Evaluation of the problems inherent in the performance of the BT tanks led to the replacement of their fire-prone petrol (gasoline) engines with diesel engines. This battle provided valuable practical knowledge that was essential to the Soviet success in development of the T-34 medium tank used in World War II. After this campaign, veterans were transferred to untested units, to better spread the benefits of their battle experience.^[18]

For his victory, Zhukov was declared a Hero of the Soviet Union. However, the campaign—and especially Zhukov’s pioneering use of tanks—remained little known outside the Soviet Union. Zhukov considered Khalkhin Gol to be invaluable preparation for conducting operations during the Second World War.^[19] In May 1940, Zhukov became an army general, making him one of the eight high-ranking Red Army officers.

Pre-war military exercises[edit source]

Zhukov and Semyon Timoshenko in 1940

In the autumn of 1940, Zhukov started preparing plans for the military exercise concerning the defence of the Western border of the Soviet Union. It had been pushed further to the west after the Soviet Union annexed eastern Poland and the Baltic republics.^[20] In his memoirs, Zhukov reports that in this exercise, he commanded the Western or Blue forces—the supposed invasion troops—and his opponent was Colonel General Dmitry Pavlov, the commander of the Eastern or Red forces –the supposed Soviet troops. He noted that Blue had 60 divisions, while Red had 50 divisions. Zhukov describes the exercise as being similar to events that later took place during the German invasion.^[21]

Russian historian Bobylev noted that the details of the exercises were reported differently by the various participants who published memoirs.^[22] He said that there were two exercises; one from 2 to 6 January 1941, for the North-West direction; another from 8 to 11 January, for the South-West direction.^[22] During the first, Western forces attacked Eastern forces on 15 July, but the Eastern forces counterattacked and, by 1 August, reached the original border.^[22]

At the time, the Eastern forces had a numerical advantage: 51 infantry division against 41; 8,811 tanks against 3,512 – with the exception of anti-tank guns.^[22] Bobylev describes how by the end of the exercise, the Eastern forces did not manage to surround and destroy the Western forces. In their turn, the Western forces threatened to surround the Eastern forces.^[22] The same historian reported that the second game was won by the Easterners, meaning that on the whole, both games were won by the side commanded by Zhukov.^[22] However, he noted that the games had a serious disadvantage since they did not consider an initial attack by Western forces, but only an attack by Eastern forces from the initial border.^[22]

According to Marshal Aleksandr Vasilevsky, the war-game defeat of Pavlov’s Red Troops against Zhukov was not widely known. The victory of Zhukov’s Red Troops was widely publicized, which created a popular illusion of easy success for a preemptive offensive.^[23] On 1 February 1941, Zhukov became chief of the Red Army’s General Staff.^[24] He was also elected a candidate member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union In February 1941, and was appointed a Deputy People’s Commissar for Defence in March.

Soviet offensive controversy[edit source]

From 2 February 1941, as the chief of the general staff, and Deputy Minister of Defense, Zhukov was said to take part in drawing up the “Strategic plan for deployment of the forces of the Soviet Union in the event of war with Germany and its allies.”^[25] The plan was completed no later than 15 May 1941, according to a dated document found in the Soviet archives after they were declassified in the 1990s. Some researchers, such as Victor Suvorov, have theorized that on 14 May, Soviet People’s Commissar of Defense Semyon Timoshenko and General Zhukov presented these plans to Stalin for a preemptive attack against Germany through Southern Poland.

Soviet forces would occupy the Vistula Border and continue to Katowice or even Berlin—should the main German armies retreat—or the Baltic coast, should German forces not retreat and be forced to protect Poland and East Prussia. The attacking Soviets were supposed to reach Siedlce, Dęblin, and then capture Warsaw before penetrating toward the southwest and imposing final defeat at Lublin.^[26]

Historians do not have the original documents that could verify the existence of such a plan, and there is no evidence that Stalin accepted it. In a transcript of an interview on 26 May 1965, Zhukov said that Stalin did not approve the plan. But Zhukov did not clarify whether execution was attempted. As of 1999, no other approved plan for a Soviet attack had been found.^[27]

On 10 June 1941, Zhukov sent a message to the Military Council of the Kiev Special Military District, after someone, most likely the commander of the Kiev district, Mikhail Kirponos, had ordered troops on the border to occupy forward positions. Zhukov ordered: “Such action could provoke the Germans into armed confrontation fraught with all sorts of consequences. Revoke this order immediately and report who, specifically, gave such an unauthorised order.” On 11 June, he sent a telegram saying that his immediate superior, Timoshenko, had ordered that they were to report back by 16 June confirming that the troops had been withdrawn from their forward positions.” According to the historian David E. Murphy, “the action by Timoshenko and Zhukov must have been initiated at the request of Stalin.”^[28]

David Glantz and Jonathan House, American scholars of the Red Army, argue that “the Soviet Union was not ready for war in June 1941, nor did it intend, as some have contended, to launch a preventative war.”^[29] Gerhard Weinberg, a scholar of Nazi foreign policy, supports their view, arguing that Adolf Hitler‘s decision to launch Operation Barbarossa was not because of a sense of urgent foreboding, but rather from a “purposeful determination” and he had started his planning for the invasion well in advance of the summer of 1941^[30]

Eastern Front of World War II[edit source]

Zhukov speaking in 1941

On 22 June 1941, Germany launched Operation Barbarossa, an invasion of the Soviet Union. On the same day, Zhukov responded by signing the “Directive of Peoples’ Commissariat of Defence No. 3”, which ordered an all-out counteroffensive by Red Army forces. He commanded the troops to “encircle and destroy [the] enemy grouping near Suwałki and to seize the Suwałki region by the evening of 24 June” and “to encircle and destroy the enemy grouping invading in [the] Vladimir-Volynia and Brody direction” and even “to seize the Lublin region by the evening of 24 June”.^[31]

Despite numerical superiority, this manoeuvre failed and disorganized Red Army units were destroyed by the Wehrmacht.^[32] Zhukov subsequently claimed that he was forced to sign the document by Joseph Stalin, despite the reservations that he raised.^[33] This document was supposedly written by Aleksandr Vasilevsky.^[34]

When Stalin arrived unannounced at command headquarters on 29 June, demanding to know why he was not being told what was happening at the front, Zhukov courageously told him: “Comrade Stalin, our duty is first of all to help the front commanders and only then to inform you.” But when he had to admit that they lost contact with the front commanders in Belarus, Stalin lost his temper and called him “useless”.^[35]

On 29 July, Zhukov was removed from his post of chief of the general staff. In his memoirs he gives his suggested abandoning of Kiev to avoid an encirclement as a reason for it.^[36] On the next day the decision was made official and he was appointed the commander of the Reserve Front.^[36] There he oversaw the Yelnya Offensive, delivering the Red Army’s first victory over the Germans. On 10 September, Zhukov was made the commander of the Leningrad Front.^[37] There he oversaw the defense of the city.

On 6 October, Zhukov was appointed the representative of Stavka for the Reserve and Western Fronts.^[38] On 10 October, those fronts were merged into the Western Front under Zhukov’s command.^[39] This front then participated in the Battle of Moscow and several Battles of Rzhev.

In late August 1942, Zhukov was made deputy commander in chief and sent to the southwestern front to take charge of the defence of Stalingrad.^[40] He and Vasilevsky later planned the Stalingrad counteroffensive.^[41] In November, Zhukov was sent to coordinate the Western Front and the Kalinin Front during Operation Mars. In January 1943, he—together with Kliment Voroshilov—coordinated the actions of the Leningrad and Volkhov Fronts and the Baltic Fleet in Operation Iskra.^[42] On January 18, 1943, Zhukov was promoted to Marshal of the Soviet Union.^[43]Zhukov and Ivan Konev during the Battle of Kursk, 1943

Zhukov was a Stavka coordinator at the battle of Kursk in July 1943. He was considered the main architect of the Soviet victory together with Vasilevsky.^[44] According to Zhukov’s memoirs, he played a central role in the planning of the battle and the hugely successful offensive that followed. Commander of the Central Front Konstantin Rokossovsky, said, however, that the planning and decisions for the Battle of Kursk were made without Zhukov, that he only arrived just before the battle, made no decisions and left soon afterwards, and that Zhukov exaggerated his role.^[45] A sense of the nature of the beginning of Rokossovsky’s famous World War II rivalry with Zhukov can be gathered from reading Rokossovsky’s comments in an official report on Zhukov’s character:^[46]

Has a strong will. Decisive and firm. Often demonstrates initiative and skillfully applies it. Disciplined. Demanding and persistent in his demands. A somewhat ungracious and not sufficiently sympathetic person. Rather stubborn. Painfully proud. In professional terms well trained. Broadly experienced as a military leader… Absolutely cannot be used in staff or teaching jobs because constitutionally he hates them.

From 12 February 1944, Zhukov coordinated the actions of the 1st Ukrainian and 2nd Ukrainian Fronts.^[47] On 1 March, Zhukov was appointed the commander of the 1st Ukrainian Front until early May following the ambush of Nikolai Vatutin, its commander, by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army near Ostroh.^[48] During the Soviet offensive Operation Bagration, Zhukov coordinated the 1st Belorussian and 2nd Belorussian Fronts, later the 1st Ukrainian Front as well.^[49] On 23 August, Zhukov was sent to the 3rd Ukrainian Front to prepare for the advance into Bulgaria.^[50]Zhukov accepting the German Instrument of Surrender in Berlin, 1945

On 16 November, he became commander of the 1st Belorussian Front which took part in the Vistula–Oder Offensive and the battle of Berlin.^[51] He called on his troops to “remember our brothers and sisters, our mothers and fathers, our wives and children tortured to death by [the] Germans … We shall exact a brutal revenge for everything.” More than 20 million Soviet soldiers and civilians died as a result of the war. In a reprise of atrocities committed by German soldiers against Soviet civilians in the eastward advance into Soviet territory during Operation Barbarossa, the westward march by Soviet forces was marked by brutality towards German civilians, which included looting, burning and systematic rapes.^[52]

Zhukov was chosen to personally accept the German Instrument of Surrender in Berlin.^[53]

Post-war service[edit source]

Soviet occupation zone[edit source]

Zhukov, Montgomery, Sokolovsky and Rokossovsky at the Brandenburg Gate.

After the German capitulation, Zhukov became the first commander of the Soviet occupation zone. On 10 June 1945, he returned to Moscow to prepare for the Moscow Victory Parade of 1945. On 24 June, Stalin appointed him commander in chief of the parade. After the ceremony, on the night of 24 June, Zhukov went to Berlin to resume his command.^[54]

In May 1945, Zhukov signed three resolutions to improve living standards in the Soviet occupation zone:

11 May: resolution 063 – provision of food
12 May: resolution 064 – restoration of the public services sector
13 May: resolution 080 – provision of milk supplies for children

Zhukov requested the Soviet government to transport urgently to Berlin 96,000 tons of grain, 60,000 tons of potatoes, 50,000 cattle, and thousands of tons of other foodstuffs, such as sugar and animal fat. He issued strict orders that his subordinates were to “hate Nazism but respect the German people,”^[55] and to make all possible efforts to restore and maintain a stable living standard for the German population.^[56]

Inter-allied diplomacy[edit source]

Zhukov sharing a toast with Eisenhower, Montgomery and other Allied officials, June 1945

From 16 July to 2 August, Zhukov participated in the Potsdam Conference with the fellow representatives of the Allied governments. As one of the four commanders of the Allied occupational forces, Zhukov established good relationships with his new colleagues, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, and Marshal Jean de Lattre, and the four frequently exchanged views about such matters as the sentencing, trials, and judgments of war criminals, geopolitical relationships between the Allied states, and how to defeat the Japanese and rebuild Germany.

Eisenhower developed a good relationship with Zhukov and it proved beneficial in resolving differences in post-war occupational issues.^[57] Eisenhower’s successor, General Lucius D. Clay, also praised the Zhukov–Eisenhower friendship, and commented: “The Soviet–America relationship should have developed well if Eisenhower and Zhukov had continued to work together.”^[58] Zhukov and Eisenhower went on to tour the Soviet Union together in the immediate aftermath of the victory over Germany.^[59] During this tour Eisenhower introduced Zhukov to Coca-Cola. As Coca-Cola was regarded in the Soviet Union as a symbol of American imperialism,^[60] Zhukov was apparently reluctant to be photographed or reported as consuming such a product. Zhukov asked if the beverage could be made colourless to resemble vodka. A European subsidiary of the Coca-Cola Export Corporation delivered an initial 50 cases of White Coke to Marshal Zhukov.

Decline of career[edit source]

Zhukov at a post-war victory parade in Sverdlovsk, between 1948–1950

Zhukov was not only the supreme military commander of the Soviet occupation zone, but became its military governor on 10 June 1945. He was replaced with Vasily Sokolovsky on 10 April 1946. After an unpleasant session of the main military council — in which Zhukov was accused of egoism, disrespect to his peers and of political unreliability and hostility to the Party Central Committee — he was stripped of his position as commander in chief of the Soviet Army.^[2]^[61]^[62]

He was assigned command of the Odessa Military District, far from Moscow and lacking in strategic significance and troops. He arrived there on 13 June 1946. Zhukov suffered a heart attack in January 1948, spending a month in the hospital. In February 1948, he was given another secondary posting, this time command of the Urals Military District. Peter G. Tsouras described the move from Odessa to the Urals as a relegation from a “second-rate” to a “fifth-rate” assignment.^[63]

Throughout this time, security chief Lavrentiy Beria was supposedly trying to topple Zhukov. Two of Zhukov’s subordinates, Marshal of Aviation Alexander Novikov and Lieutenant-General Konstantin Telegin, were arrested and tortured in Lefortovo Prison at the end of 1945. After Stalin’s death it was claimed that Novikov was allegedly forced by Beria into a “confession” which implicated Zhukov in a conspiracy.^[64] In reality, Novikov may have been encouraged to point the finger at Zhukov because he saw Zhukov’s membership at the investigation commission of the Aviators Affair – a purge of the Soviet aircraft industry following accusations that, during the war, the fighter planes had been of poor quality – which Novikov was implicated in, as instrumental to his downfall.^[2] Regardless, in a conference, all generals except GRU director Filipp Golikov defended Zhukov against accusation of misspending these accusations. During this time, Zhukov was accused of unauthorized looting of goods confiscated by the Germans and Bonapartism.^[61]^[65]

In 1946, seven rail carriages with furniture that Zhukov was taking to the Soviet Union from Germany were impounded. In 1948, his apartments and house in Moscow were searched and many valuables looted from Germany were found.^[66] In his investigation Beria concluded that Zhukov had in his possession 17 golden rings, three gemstones, the faces of 15 golden necklaces, more than four kilometers (2.5 mi) of cloth, 323 pieces of fur, 44 carpets taken from German palaces, 55 paintings and 20 guns.”^[67]^{[incomplete short citation]} Zhukov admitted in a memorandum to Zhdanov:

“I felt very guilty. I shouldn’t have collected those useless junks and put them into some warehouse, assuming nobody needs them any more. I swear as a Bolshevik that I would avoid such errors and follies thereafter. Surely I still and will wholeheartedly serve the Motherland, the Party, and the Great Comrade Stalin.”^[68]

When learning of Zhukov’s “misfortunes”—and despite not understanding all the problems—Eisenhower expressed his sympathy for his “comrade-in-arms.”^[69] In February 1953, Stalin relieved Zhukov of his post as Commander of the Urals Military District, recalling Zhukov to Moscow. It was thought Zhukov’s expertise was needed in the Korean War; however, in practice, Zhukov received no orders from Stalin after arriving in Moscow. On 5 March 1953, at 09:50, Stalin died of a stroke. Following Stalin’s passing, Zhukov’s life entered a new phase.^[58]

Relationship with Stalin[edit source]

Zhukov with Stalin and Semyon Budyonny during the Soviet Victory Parade of 1945

During the war, Zhukov was one of only a few people who understood Stalin’s personality. As the chief of staff and deputy supreme commander, Zhukov had hundreds of meetings with Stalin, both private and during Stavka conferences. Consequently, Zhukov understood Stalin’s personality and methods well. According to Zhukov, Stalin was a bold and secretive person, but he was also hot-tempered and skeptical. Zhukov was able to gauge Stalin’s mood: for example, when Stalin drew deeply on his tobacco pipe, it was a sign of a good mood. Conversely, if Stalin failed to light his pipe once it was out of tobacco, it was a sign of imminent rage.^[70] His outstanding knowledge of Stalin’s personality was an asset that allowed him to deal with Stalin’s outbursts in a way other Soviet generals could not.^[71]

Both Zhukov and Stalin were hot-tempered, and both made concessions necessary to sustain their relationship. While Zhukov viewed his relationship with Stalin as one of a subordinate–senior, Stalin was in awe and possibly jealous of Zhukov. Both were military commanders, but Stalin’s experience was limited to a previous generation of non-mechanized warfare. By contrast, Zhukov was highly influential in the development of contemporary combined operations of highly mechanized armies. The differences in their outlooks were the cause of many tempestuous disagreements between the two of them at Stavka meetings. Nonetheless, Zhukov was less competent than Stalin as a politician, highlighted by Zhukov’s many failures in politics. Stalin’s unwillingness to value Zhukov beyond the marshal’s military talents was one of the reasons why Zhukov was recalled from Berlin.^[72]

Significant to their relationship as well was Zhukov’s bluntness towards his superior. Stalin was dismissive of the fawning of many of his entourage and openly criticized it.^[73] Many people around Stalin—including Beria, Yezhov, and Mekhlis—felt obliged to flatter Stalin to remain on his good side.^[74] Zhukov remained obstinate and argumentative, and did not hesitate to publicly contradict Stalin to the point of risking his career and life. Their heated argument about whether to abandon Kiev due to the Germans’ rapid advance in summer of 1941 was typical of Zhukov’s approach.^[75] Zhukov’s ability to remain skeptical and unwavering at giving into pressure did garner him the respect of Stalin.

After Stalin[edit source]

Arresting Beria[edit source]

After Stalin’s death, Zhukov returned to favour, becoming Deputy Defence Minister in 1953. He then had an opportunity to avenge himself on Beria. With Stalin’s sudden death, the Soviet Union fell into a leadership crisis. Georgy Malenkov temporarily became First Secretary. Malenkov and his allies attempted to purge Stalin’s influence and personality cult; however, Malenkov himself did not have the courage to do this alone. Moreover, Lavrentiy Beria remained dangerous. The politicians sought reinforcement from the powerful and prestigious military men. In this matter, Nikita Khrushchev chose Zhukov because the two had forged a good relationship, and, in addition, during World War II, Zhukov had twice saved Khrushchev from false accusations.^[76]^[77]

On 26 June 1953, a special meeting of the Soviet Politburo was held by Malenkov. Beria came to the meeting with an uneasy feeling because it was called hastily—indeed, Zhukov had ordered General Kirill Moskalenko to secretly prepare a special force and permitted the force to use two of Zhukov’s and Bulganin’s special cars (which had black glass) in order safely to infiltrate the Kremlin. Zhukov also ordered him to replace the MVD Guard with the guard of the Moscow Military District.

Finally, Khrushchev suggested expelling Beria from the Communist Party and bringing him before a military court. Moskalenko’s special forces obeyed.^[78]^[79]

Zhukov was a member of the military tribunal during the Beria trial, which was headed by Marshal Ivan Konev.^[80] On 18 December 1953, the Military Court sentenced Beria to death. During the burial of Beria, Konev commented: “The day this man was born deserves to be damned!” Then Zhukov said: “I considered it as my duty to contribute my little part in this matter.”^[78]^[79]

Minister of Defence[edit source]

When Nikolai Bulganin became premier in 1955, he appointed Zhukov as Defence Minister.^[80] Zhukov participated in many political activities. He successfully opposed the re-establishment of the Commissar system, because the Party and political leaders were not professional military, and thus the highest power should fall to the army commanders. Until 1955, Zhukov had both sent and received letters from Eisenhower. Both leaders agreed that the two superpowers should coexist peacefully.^[81] In July 1955, Zhukov—together with Khrushchev, Bulganin, Vyacheslav Molotov and Andrei Gromyko—participated in a Summit Conference at Geneva after the USSR signed the Austrian State Treaty and withdrew its army from the country.

Zhukov followed orders from the then Prime Minister Georgy Malenkov and Communist Party leader Khrushchev during the invasion of Hungary following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.^[82] Along with the majority of members of the Presidium, he urged Khrushchev to send troops to support the Hungarian authorities and to secure the Austrian border. Zhukov and most of the Presidium were not, however, eager to see a full-scale intervention in Hungary. Zhukov even recommended the withdrawal of Soviet troops when it seemed that they might have to take extreme measures to suppress the revolution.

The mood in the Presidium changed again when Hungary’s new Prime Minister, Imre Nagy, began to talk about Hungarian withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact. That led the Soviets to attack the revolutionaries and to replace Nagy with János Kádár. In the same years, when the UK, France, and Israel invaded Egypt during the Suez crisis, Zhukov expressed support for Egypt’s right of self-defence. In October 1957, Zhukov visited Yugoslavia and Albania aboard the Chapayev-class cruiser Kuibyshev, attempting to repair the Tito–Stalin split of 1948.^[83] During the voyage, Kuibyshev encountered units of the U.S. Sixth Fleet and “passing honours” were exchanged between the vessels.

Fall from power[edit source]

Zhukov c. 1960

On his 60th birthday, in 1956, Zhukov received his fourth Hero of the Soviet Union title – making him the first person to receive the honour four times. The only other four-time recipient was Leonid Brezhnev, who never rose above modest military rank and received all of his four Hero of the Soviet Union medals for his birthday as part of his overall cult of personality and love for medals, titles, and decorations. Despite his general lack of political ability, Zhukov became the highest-ranking military professional who was also a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. He further became a symbol of national strength, the most widely-esteemed Soviet military hero of World War II. Zhukov’s prestige was even higher than the police and security agencies of the USSR, and thus rekindled concerns among political leaders.

Going even further than Khrushchev, Zhukov demanded that the political agencies in the Red Army report to him before the Party. He demanded an official condemnation of Stalin’s crimes during the Great Purge.^{[citation needed]} He also supported the political vindication and rehabilitation for Mikhail Tukhachevsky, Grigoriy Shtern, Vasily Blyukher, Alexander Yegorov and many others. In response his opponents accused him of being a Reformist and Bonapartist. Such enviousness and hostility proved to be the key factor that led to his later downfall.^[84]

The relationship between Zhukov and Khrushchev reached its peak during the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1956. After becoming the First Secretary of the Party, Khrushchev moved against Stalin’s legacy and criticised his personality cult in a speech, “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences.” To complete such startling acts, Khrushchev needed the approval—or at least the acquiescence—of the military, headed by Minister of Defense Zhukov.

At the plenary session of the Central Committee of the CPSU held in June 1957 Zhukov supported Khrushchev against the “Anti-Party Group“, that had a majority in the Presidium and voted to replace Khrushchev as First Secretary with Bulganin. At that plenum, Zhukov stated: “The Army is against this resolution and not even a tank will leave its position without my order!”^[85] In the same session the “Anti-Party Group” was condemned and Zhukov was made a member of the Presidium.

His second fall was more sudden and public even than his first. On 4 October 1957, he left on an official visit to Yugoslavia, and Albania.^[86] He returned to Moscow on 26 October, straight to a meeting of the Presidium, during which he was removed from that body. On 2 November, the Central Committee convened to hear Zhukov being accused of ‘non-party behaviour’, conducting an ‘adventurist foreign policy’, and sponsoring his own personality cult. He was expelled from the Central Committee and sent into forced retirement at age 62. The same issue of the Krasnaya Zvezda that announced Zhukov’s return also reported that he had been relieved of his duties.^[87] According to many researchers, Soviet politicians—including Khrushchev himself—had a deep-seated fear of “powerful people.”^[88]^[89]

Retirement[edit source]

Zhukov on vacation in Sochi

After being forced out of the government, Zhukov stayed away from politics. Many people—including former subordinates—frequently paid him visits, joined him on hunting excursions, and waxed nostalgic. In September 1959, while visiting the United States, Khrushchev told President Eisenhower that the retired Marshal Zhukov “liked fishing.” Zhukov was actually a keen aquarist.^[90] In response, Eisenhower sent Zhukov a set of fishing tackle. Zhukov respected this gift so much that he is said to have exclusively used Eisenhower’s fishing tackle for the remainder of his life.^[91]

After Khrushchev was deposed in October 1964, Brezhnev restored Zhukov to favor—though not to power—in a move to use Zhukov’s popularity to strengthen his political position. Zhukov’s name was put in the public eye yet again when Brezhnev lionised Zhukov in a speech commemorating the Great Patriotic War. On 9 May 1965, Zhukov was invited to sit on the tribune of the Lenin Mausoleum and given the honour of reviewing the parade of military forces in Red Square.^[92]

Zhukov had begun writing his memoirs, Memories and Recollections, in 1958. He now worked intensively on them, which together with steadily deteriorating health, served to worsen his heart disease. It would take another decade until publication after Zhukov clashed constantly with Mikhail Suslov, the Communist Party’s Chief Ideologue and Second in Command in charge of Censorship, who demanded many revisions and removals, particularly his criticisms of Stalin, Voroshilov, Budyonny and Molotov. After Brezhnev came to power, Suslov made further demands to exaggerate the then-Colonel Brezhnev’s role in WWII by glorifying the little known and strategically unimportant Battles of Malaya Zemlya and Novorossiysk as a decisive turning point in the Eastern Front, both of which Zhukov refused to do.^[93] In December 1967, Zhukov had a serious stroke. He was hospitalised until June 1968, and continued to receive medical and rehabilitative treatment at home under the care of his second wife, Galina Semyonova, a former officer in the Medical Corps. The stroke left him paralysed on his left side, his speech became slurred and he could only walk with assistance.

His memoirs were published in 1969 and became a best-seller. Within several months of the date of publication of his memoirs, Zhukov had received more than 10,000 letters from readers that offered comments, expressed gratitude, gave advice, or lavished praise. Supposedly, the Communist Party invited Zhukov to participate in the 24th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1971, but the invitation was rescinded.^[94]

Death[edit source]

Zhukov’s grave in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis

On 18 June 1974, Zhukov died after another stroke. Contrary to Zhukov’s last will for an Orthodox Christian burial, and despite the requests of the family to the country’s top leadership,^[95] his body was cremated and his ashes were buried at the Kremlin Wall Necropolis alongside fellow generals and marshals of the Soviet Union.

In 1995, an equestrian statue of Zhukov was erected in front of the State Historical Museum.^[96] In 1996, on the 100th anniversary of Zhukov’s birth, a panikhida Orthodox memorial service was conducted at his grave, the first such service in the history of the Kremlin Wall Necropolis.^[97]

Family[edit source]

FatherKonstantin Artemyevich Zhukov (1851–1921); a shoemakerMotherUstinina Artemievna Zhukova (1866–1944); farmer from a poor familySiblings1. Maria Kostantinovna Zhukova (born 1894)2. Alexei Konstantinovich Zhukov (born 1901); died prematurelySpouse1. Alexandra Dievna Zuikova (1900–1967); common-law wife since 1920; married in 1953; divorced in 1965; died after a stroke2. Galina Alexandrovna Semyonova (1926–1973);^[98] married in 1965; medical corps officer, at Burdenko hospital; specialized in therapeutics; died of breast cancerChildren1. Era Zhukova (born 1928); by Alexandra Dievna Zukova2. Margarita Zhukova (1929–2010); by Maria Nikolaevna Volokhova (1897–1983)3. Ella Zhukova (1937–2010); by Alexandra Dievna Zukova4. Maria Zhukova (born 1957); by Galina Alexandrovna Semyonova

Legacy[edit source]

Russian president Dmitry Medvedev and Mongolian president Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj visit the monument to Georgy Zhukov in Ulaanbaatar, near the Zhukov Museum in Zhukov Street (Mongolian: Жуковын гудамж) in memory of the Battle of Khalkin Gol Statue of Zhukov on horse in Moscow, with symbols below the horse denoting victory over Germany.

The first monument to Georgy Zhukov was erected in Mongolia, in memory of the Battle of Khalkin Gol. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this monument was one of the few that did not suffer from anti-Soviet backlash in former Communist states. There is a statue of Zhukov on horseback as he appeared at the 1945 victory parade on Manezhnaya Square at the entrance of the Kremlin in Moscow. Another statue of Zhukov in Moscow is located on Prospekt Marshala Zhukova. A statue of Zhukov is located in the town of Irbit, in the Sverdlovsk Oblast. Other statues of Zhukov are found in Omsk, Irkutsk and Yekaterinburg.

A minor planet, 2132 Zhukov, discovered in 1975, by Soviet astronomer Lyudmila Chernykh, is named in his honour.^[99] In 1996, Russia adopted the Order of Zhukov and the Zhukov Medal to commemorate the 100th anniversary of his birthday.

Nobel laureate Joseph Brodsky‘s poem On the Death of Zhukov (“Na smert’ Zhukova”, 1974) is regarded by critics as one of the best poems on the war written by an author of the post-war generation.^[100] The poem is a stylization of The Bullfinch, Derzhavin‘s elegy on the death of Generalissimo Suvorov in 1800. Brodsky draws a parallel between the careers of these two famous commanders. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn re-interpreted Zhukov’s memoirs in the short story Times of Crisis.

In his book of recollections,^[101] Zhukov was critical of the role the Soviet leadership played during the war. The first edition of Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya was published during Brezhnev’s premiership only on the conditions that criticism of Stalin was removed, and that Zhukov add a (fictional) episode of a visit to Leonid Brezhnev, politruk on the Southern Front, to consult on military strategy.^[102]

In 1989, parts of previously unpublished chapters from Zhukov’s memoir were published by Pravda, which his daughter said had been hidden in a safe until they could be published. The excerpts included criticism of the 1937–1939 purges for annihilating “[M]any thousands of outstanding party workers” and stated that Stalin had played no role in directing the war effort, although he often issued orders devised by the general staff as if they were his own.^[103]

Appraisals of Zhukov’s career vary. For example, historian Konstantin Zaleski claimed that Zhukov exaggerated his own role in World War II.^[104] Marshal Konstantin Rokossovsky said that the planning and decisions for the battle of Kursk were made without Zhukov, that he only arrived just before the battle, made no decisions and left soon after.^[45]

Zhukov also received many positive comments, mostly from his Army companions, from the modern Russian Army, and from his Allied contemporaries. General of the Army Eisenhower stated that, because of Zhukov’s achievements fighting the Nazis, the United Nations owed him much more than any other military leader in the world. “The war in Europe ended with victory and nobody could have done that better than Marshal Zhukov – we owed him that credit. He is a modest person, and so we can’t undervalue his position in our mind. When we can come back to our Motherland, there must be another type of Order in Russia, an Order named after Zhukov, which is awarded to everybody who can learn the bravery, the far vision, and the decisiveness of this soldier.”^[105]

Marshal of the Soviet Union Aleksandr Vasilevsky commented that Zhukov is one of the most outstanding and brilliant military commanders of the Soviet military forces.^[106] Major General Sir Francis de Guingand, chief of staff of Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, described Zhukov as a friendly person.^[107] John Gunther, who met Zhukov many times after the war, said that Zhukov was more friendly and honest than any of the other Soviet leaders.^[108]

John Eisenhower—son of Dwight Eisenhower—claimed that Zhukov was really ebullient and was a friend of his.^[81] Albert Axell in his work “Marshal Zhukov, the one who beat Hitler” claimed that Zhukov was a military genius like Alexander the Great and Napoleon. Axell also commented that Zhukov was a loyal communist and a patriot.^[109] At the end of his work about Zhukov, Otto Chaney concluded: “But Zhukov belongs to all of us. In the darkest period of World War II his fortitude and determination eventually triumphed. For Russians and people everywhere he remains an enduring symbol of victory on the battlefield.”^[110]

In Russia, Zhukov is often credited for his “prophetic” words confessed to Konstantin Rokossovsky in Berlin, 1945: “We have liberated them, and they will never forgive us for that”.^[111]

In popular culture[edit source]

Zhukov has been portrayed by the following actors:

Fedor Blasevich in The Vow and The Fall of Berlin
Mikhail Ulyanov in Stalingrad, Battle of Moscow, and Take Aim
Vladimir Menshov in The General and Liquidation
Valeriy Grishko in White Tiger
Jason Isaacs in The Death of Stalin

Decorations[edit source]

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev laying a wreath at a monument to Zhukov in Ulaanbaatar, while on a state visit to Mongolia in August 2009.Marshal Zhukov depicted on façade of Victory Memorial, Prokhorovka, Russia

Zhukov was the recipient of many decorations. Most notably he was awarded the Hero of the Soviet Union four times. Aside from Zhukov, only Leonid Brezhnev was a four-time recipient (the latter’s were self-awarded).

Zhukov was one of only three recipients to receive the Order of Victory twice. He was also awarded high honours from many other countries. A partial listing is presented below.

Imperial Russia[edit source]

Cross of St. George, 3rd class

Cross of St. George, 4th class

Soviet Union[edit source]

Hero of the Soviet Union (29 August 1940, 29 July 1944, 1 June 1945, 1 December 1956)

Order of Victory (Serial No. 1, 10 April 1944 and Serial No. 5, 30 March 1945)

Order of Lenin (16 August 1936, 29 August 1939, 21 February 1945, 1 December 1956, 1 December 1966, 1 December 1971)

Order of the October Revolution (22 February 1968)

Order of the Red Banner (31 August 1922, 3 November 1944, 20 June 1949)

Order of Suvorov, 1st class (Serial No. 1, 28 January 1943 and Serial No. 39, 28 July 1943)

Medal “For the Defence of Stalingrad”

Medal “For the Defence of Leningrad”

Medal “For the Defence of the Caucasus”

Medal “For the Defence of Moscow”

Medal “For the Liberation of Warsaw”

Medal “For the Capture of Berlin”

Medal “For the Victory over Germany in the Great Patriotic War 1941–1945”

Medal “For the Victory over Japan”

Jubilee Medal “Twenty Years of Victory in the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945”

Jubilee Medal “XX Years of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army”

Jubilee Medal “30 Years of the Soviet Army and Navy”

Jubilee Medal “40 Years of the Armed Forces of the USSR”

Jubilee Medal “50 Years of the Armed Forces of the USSR”

Jubilee Medal “In Commemoration of the 100th Anniversary of the Birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin”

Medal “In Commemoration of the 250th Anniversary of Leningrad”

Medal “In Commemoration of the 800th Anniversary of Moscow”

Honorary weapon – sword inscribed with golden national emblem of the Soviet Union

Foreign[edit source]

Hero of the Mongolian People’s Republic (Mongolian People’s Republic, 1969)

Order of Sukhbaatar (Mongolian People’s Republic, 1968, 1969, 1971)

Order of the Red Banner (Mongolian People’s Republic, 1939, 1942)

Medal “30 Years of the Victory in Khalkhin-Gol” (Mongolian People’s Republic)

Medal “50 Years of the Mongolian People’s Revolution” (Mongolian People’s Republic)

Medal “For Victory over Japan” (Mongolian People’s Republic)

Medal “50 Years of the Mongolian People’s Army” (Mongolian People’s Republic)

Order of the White Lion, 1st class (Czechoslovakia)

Military Order of the White Lion, 1st class (Czechoslovakia)

War Cross 1939–1945 (Czechoslovakia)

Virtuti Militari, 1st class (Poland)

Order of Polonia Restituta, 1st class (Poland)

Order of Polonia Restituta, 3rd class (Poland)

Cross of Grunwald, 1st class (Poland)

Medal “For Warsaw 1939-1945” (Poland)

Medal “For Oder, Neisse and the Baltic” (Poland)

Medal “25 Years of the Bulgarian People’s Army” (Bulgaria)

Medal “90th Anniversary of the Birth of Georgi Dimitrov” (Bulgaria)

Garibaldi Partisan Star (Italy, 1956)

Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (Egypt, 1956)

Grand Officer of the Legion d’Honneur (France, 1945)

Croix de guerre (France, 1945)

Honorary Knight-Commander, Order of the Bath, (military division) (UK, 1945)

Chief Commander, Legion of Merit (United States, 1946)

Order of Freedom (Yugoslavia, 1956)

Medal of Sino-Soviet Friendship (China, 1953 and 1956)

References[edit source]

Citations[edit source]

^ “Герои Страны”.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Roberts, Geoffrey (2012). Stalin’s General: The Life of Georgy Zhukov. London, UK: Icon Books. p. 11, 244–245. ISBN 978-1-8483-1443-6 – via Google Books.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Stalin’s General, p. 12.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Stalin’s General, p. 13.
^ (in Russian) B. V. Sokolov (2000) В огне революции и гражданской войны, in Неизвестный Жуков: портрет без ретуши в зеркале эпохи, Minsk: Rodiola-plus.
^ Zhukov 2002, pp. 79, 90.
^ Zhukov 2002, p. 87.
^ Zhukov 2002, p. 89.
^ Stalin’s General, p. 49.
^ Zhukov 2002, p. 99.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b M. A. Gareev (1996) Маршал Жуков. Величие и уникальность полководческого искусства. Ufa
^ Zhukov 2002, p. 151.
^ Zhukov 2002, p. 158.
^ Coox 1985, p. 579.
^ Coox 1985, p. 590.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Coox 1985, p. 633.
^ Coox 1985, pp. 991–998.
^ Coox 1985, p. 998.
^ Coox 1985, p. 996.
^ “Folio 37977. inventory 5, file 564, sheets 32–34”. Central State Archive of the Red Army. TsGAKA.
^ Zhukov 2002, pp. 224–225.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g П. Н. БОБЫЛЕВ “Репетиция катастрофы” // “Военно-исторический журнал” № 7, 8, 1993 г. [1]
^ Vasilevsky 1973, p. 24.
^ Zhukov 2002, p. 205.
^ A. M. Vasilevsky (May 1941) “Соображения по плану стратегического развёртывания сил Советского Союза на случай войны с Германией и её союзниками”. Archived from the original on 19 December 2007. Retrieved 4 June 2012.. tuad.nsk.ru
^ Viktor Suvorov (2006). Стратегические замыслы Сталина накануне 22 июня 1941 года, in Правда Виктора Суворова: переписывая историю Второй мировой, Moscow: Yauza
^ Mikhail I. Meltyukhov (1999) Упущенный шанс Сталина. Советский Союз и борьба за Европу, 1939–1941. Moscow
^ Murphy, David E. (2005). What Stalin Knew: The Enigma of Barbarossa. New Haven: Yale U.P. pp. 135–36. ISBN 0-300-10780-3.
^ Uldricks 1999, p. 629.
^ Uldricks 1999, pp. 629–630.
^ Chant, Christopher (2020). “Operation Barbarossa”. Retrieved 24 May 2020.
^ Kashuba, Steven (2013). Destination Gulag. Bloomington: Trafford Publishing. p. 260. ISBN 978-1-4669-8312-0.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 269.
^ P. Ya. Mezhiritzky (2002), Reading Marshal Zhukov, Philadelphia: Libas Consulting, chapter 32.
^ Pleshakov, Constantine (2005). Stalin’s Folly: The Secret History of the German Invasion of Russia, June 1941. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. p. 214. ISBN 978-0-297-84626-0.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Zhukov 2003, p. 353.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 382.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 8.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 16.
^ Chaney 1996, pp. 212–213.
^ Chaney 1996, p. 224.
^ Махмут А. Гареев Маршал Жуков. Величие и уникальность полководческого искусства. М.: – Уфа, 1996.
^ Ziemke, Earl Frederick; Bauer, Magna E. (1987). Moscow to Stalingrad: Decision in the East. Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army. p. 507. ISBN 978-0-1608-0081-8 – via Google Books.
^ Roberts, Geoffrey (2006). Stalin’s Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939-1953. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 159. ISBN 0-300-11204-1.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Военно-исторический журнал, 1992 N3 p. 31.
^ Kokoshin, Andreĭ Afanas’evich (1998). Soviet Strategic Thought, 1917–1991. MIT Press. p. 43.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 205.
^ Zhukov 2003, pp. 209–217.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 222.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 246.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 259.
^ William I. Hitchcock, The Bitter Road to Freedom: A New History of the Liberation of Europe (2008) pp. 160–161.
^ Zhukov 2003, p. 332.
^ Shtemenko 1989, pp. 566–569.
^ Tibbetts, Jann (30 July 2016). 50 Great Military Leaders of All Time. Vij Books India Pvt Ltd. ISBN 978-93-85505-66-9.
^ Grigori Deborin (1958). Вторая мировая война. Военно-политический очерк, Moscow: Voenizdat, pp. 340–343.
^ Clark, Douglas E. (2013). Eisenhower in Command at Columbia. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. p. 33. ISBN 978-0-7391-7836-2.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Axell 2003, p. 356.
^ Chaney 1996, pp. 346–347.
^ Mark Pendergrast (15 August 1993). “Viewpoints; A Brief History of Coca-Colonization”. The New York Times. Retrieved 12 September 2012.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Boterbloem, Kees (1 March 2004). Life and Times of Andrei Zhdanov, 1896-1948. McGill-Queen’s Press – MQUP. p. 477. ISBN 978-0-7735-7173-0.
^ Spahr 1993, pp. 200–205.
^ Tsouras, P.G. (1994). Changing Orders: The evolution of the World’s Armies, 1945 to the Present. Facts on File, Inc. pp. 43–44. ISBN 0-8160-3122-3.
^ Kornukov, A. M. [2] (Chief Marshal of Aviation AA. Novikov – His 100th Birthday) Warheroes.ru. Retrieved on 8 July 2019.
^ I. S. Konev (1991) Записки командующего фронтом (Diary of the Front Commander). Voenizdat. Moscow. pp. 594–599. Warheroes.ru. Retrieved on 12 July 2013.
^ Boris Vadimovich Sokolov (2000) Неизвестный Жуков: портрет без ретуши в зеркале эпохи. (Unknown Zhukov), Minsk, Rodiola-plyus, ISBN 985-448-036-4.
^ Жуков Георгий Константинович. БИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЙ УКАЗАТЕЛЬ. Hrono.ru. Retrieved on 12 July 2013.
^ Военные архивы России. – М., 1993, p. 244.
^ The New York Times. 29 July 1955.
^ G. K. Zhukov. Reminiscences and Reflections. vol. 2, pp. 139, 150.
^ Axell 2003, p. 280.
^ Chaney 1996.
^ Shtemenko 1989, p. 587.
^ Vasilevsky 1973, p. 62.
^ A. I. Sethi. Marshal Zhukov: The Great Strategician. New Delhi: 1988, p. 187.
^ Vasilevsky 1973, p. 137.
^ Sergei Khrushchev (1990). Khrushchev on Khrushchev. An Inside Account of the Man and His Era, Little, Brown & Company, Boston, pp. 243, 272, 317. ISBN 0316491942.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b K. S. Moskalenko (1990). The arrest of Beria. Newspaper Московские новости. No. 23.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Afanasyev 1989, p. 141.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Associated Press, 9 February 1955, reported in The Albuquerque Journal p. 1.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b John Eisenhower (1974). Strictly Personal. New York. 1974. p. 237, ISBN 0385070713.
^ Johanna Granville (2004) The First Domino: International Decision Making During the Hungarian Crisis of 1956, Texas A & M University Press, ISBN 1-58544-298-4
^ Spahr 1993, pp. 235–238.
^ Spahr 1993, p. 391.
^ Afanasyev 1989, pp. 151–152.
^ Chaney 1996, pp. 444–445.
^ Spahr 1993, p. 238.
^ Afanasyev 1989, p. 152.
^ Chaney 1996, pp. 453–455.
^ Nowak, Eugeniusz (1998). “Erinnerungen an Ornithologen, die ich kannte”. J. Ornithol. (in German). 139 (3): 325–348. doi:10.1007/BF01653343. S2CID 28973619.
^ Korda, M. (2008) Ike: An American Hero
^ Axell 2003, p. 277.
^ Thelman, Joseph (December 2012). “The Man in Galoshes”. Jew Observer. Retrieved 28 February 2021.
^ Spahr 1993, p. 411.
^ “Маршал Жуков – Воспоминания дочери (Марии)“.
^ Williams, C. J. (2 May 1995). “At Last, a Soviet Hero Gets Respect: Marshal Georgi Zhukov was demoted twice after leading victorious World War II forces. Now he is being honored with a medal, a monument and a museum”. LA Times. Retrieved 23 July 2019.
^ Станислав МИНАКОВ. Жуков как сын церкви (Еженедельник 2000 выпуск № 51 (347) 22–28 декабря 2006 г.) Archived 29 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine
^ Tony Le Tissier (1996). Zhukov at the Oder: The Decisive Battle for Berlin. London, p. 258, ISBN 0811736091.
^ Schmadel, Lutz D. (2003). Dictionary of Minor Planet Names (5th ed.). New York: Springer Verlag. p. 173. ISBN 3-540-00238-3.
^ Shlapentokh, Dmitry. The Russian boys and their last poet. The National Interest. 22 June 1996 Retrieved on 17 July 2002
^ G. K. Zhukov (2002) Воспоминания и размышления. Olma-Press.
^ Mauno Koivisto Venäjän idea, Helsinki. Tammi. 2001.
^ “Soviets Print Excerpts of Attack by Zhukov on Stalin’s War Role”. The New York Times. 21 January 1989. Retrieved 20 March 2018.
^ Залесский К. А. Империя Сталина. Биографический энциклопедический словарь. Москва, Вече, 2000; Жуков Георгий Константинович. Хронос, биографии (in Russian)
^ Dwight D. Eisenhower (1948) Crusade in Europe, New York.
^ Vasilevsky 1973, p. 568.
^ Sir Francis de Guingand. Generals at War. London. 1972
^ John Gunther. Inside Russia Today. New York. 1958.
^ The general who defeated Hitler. 8 May 2005. BBC Vietnamese (in Vietnamese)
^ Chaney 1996, p. 483.
^ “«Мы их освободили, и они нам этого никогда не простят», — пророческая фраза маршала Победы Георгия Жукова” [“We have liberated them, and they will never forgive us for that,” – the prophetic phrase of Victory Marshal Georgy Zhukov]. gazeta-delovoy-mir.ru (in Russian). 10 June 2021. Retrieved 26 October 2021.

Bibliography[edit source]

Afanasyev, Y. N., ed. (1989). There Is No Other Way (in Russian). Moscow: Progress Publishers. OCLC 495955198.
Axell, A. (2003). Marshal Zhukov: The Man Who Beat Hitler. London: Pearson Longman. ISBN 9780582772335.
Chaney, O. P. (1996). Zhukov (revised ed.). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 9780806128078.
Coox, A. D. (1985). Nomonhan: Japan Against Russia, 1939. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804711609.
Isaev, A. V. (2006). Zhukov: The Last Argument of the King (in Russian). Moscow: Yauza Publishing. ISBN 9785699165643.
Roberts, Geoffrey (2012). Stalin’s General: The Life of Georgy Zhukov. New York: Random House. ISBN 9780679645177.
Shtemenko, S. M. (1989). General Staff during the War (in Russian). Moscow: Voenizdat. ISBN 9785203004918.
Spahr, W. J. (1993). Zhukov: The Rise and Fall of a Great Captain. Novato: Presidio Press. ISBN 9780891414698.
Uldricks, T. J. (1999). “The Icebreaker Controversy”. Slavic Review. 58 (3): 626–643. doi:10.2307/2697571. JSTOR 2697571.
Vasilevsky, A. M. (1973). A Lifelong Cause (in Russian). Moscow: Progress Publishers. OCLC 988160134.
Zhukov, G. К. (1973). The Memoirs of Marshal Zhukov. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 9780224619240.
Zhukov, G. K. (2002). Memories and Reflections (in Russian). Vol. 1. Moscow: Olma Press. ISBN 9785224031955.
Zhukov, G. K. (2003). Memories and Reflections (in Russian). Vol. 2. Moscow: Olma Press. ISBN 9785224031979.
Zhukov, Georgi (1969). Marshal Zhukov’s Greatest Battles. New York: Harper & Row. (in English, edited & commentary by Harrison E. Salisbury)

External links[edit source]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Georgy Zhukov

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Georgy Zhukov.

Reminiscences and Reflections, two-volume English-language translation of Zhukov’s memoirs by Progress Publishers, 1985: Volume 1, Volume 2
Georgy Zhukov Newsreels at Net-Film Newsreels and Documentary Films Archive
Works by Georgy Zhukov at Open Library
Works by or about Georgy Zhukov at Internet Archive
Works by or about Georgy Zhukov in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
Georgy Zhukov – WWII Marshal of the Soviet Union
Newspaper clippings about Georgy Zhukov in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army

Heinz Guderian
Heinz Wilhelm Guderian (German: [ɡuˈdeːʁi̯an]; 17 June 1888 – 14 May 1954) was a German general during World War II who, after the war, became a successful memoirist. An early pioneer and advocate of the “blitzkrieg” approach, he played a central role in the development of the panzer division concept. In 1936, he became the Inspector of Motorized Troops.

At the beginning of the Second World War, Guderian led an armoured corps in the Invasion of Poland. During the Invasion of France, he commanded the armoured units that attacked through the Ardennes forest and overwhelmed the Allied defenses at the Battle of Sedan. He led the 2nd Panzer Army during Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of the Soviet Union. The campaign ended in failure after the German offensive Operation Typhoon failed to capture Moscow, after which Guderian was dismissed.

In early 1943, Adolf Hitler appointed Guderian to the newly created position of Inspector General of Armoured Troops. In this role, he had broad responsibility to rebuild and train new panzer forces but saw limited success due to Germany’s worsening war economy. Guderian was appointed Acting Chief of the General Staff of the Army High Command, immediately following the 20 July Plot to assassinate Hitler.

Guderian was placed in charge of the “Court of Honour” by Hitler, which in the aftermath of the plot was used to dismiss people from the military so they could be tried in the “People’s Court” and executed. He was Hitler’s personal advisor on the Eastern Front and became closely associated with the Nazi regime. Guderian’s troops carried out the criminal Commissar Order during Barbarossa, and he was implicated in the commission of reprisals after the Warsaw Uprising of 1944.

Guderian surrendered to the United States forces on 10 May 1945 and was interned until 1948. He was released without charge and retired to write his memoirs. Entitled Panzer Leader, the autobiography became a bestseller, widely read to this day. Guderian’s writings promoted several post-war myths, including that of the “clean Wehrmacht“. In his autobiography, Guderian portrayed himself as the sole originator of the German panzer force; he omitted any mentions of crimes that he authorised or condoned. Guderian died in 1954 and was buried in Goslar.

Contents
Early life and World War I[edit source]

Guderian was born in Kulm, West Prussia (now Poland), on 17 June 1888, the son of Friedrich and Clara (née Kirchhoff).^[2] His father and grandfathers were Prussian officers and he grew up in garrison towns surrounded by the military.^[3] In 1903, he left home and enrolled at a military cadet school. He was a capable student, although he performed poorly in his final exam.^[3] He entered the army as an officer cadet in February, 1907 with the 10th Hanoverian Light Infantry Battalion, under his father’s command. He became a second lieutenant in January, 1908.^[4] On 1 October 1913 he married Margarete Goerne, with whom he had two sons: Heinz Günther (2 August 1914 – 25 September 2004) and Kurt (17 September 1918 – 1984).^[2]

At the outbreak of World War I, Guderian served as a communications officer and the commander of a radio station. In November, 1914 he was promoted to first lieutenant.^[5] Between May, 1915 and January, 1916 Guderian was in charge of signals intelligence for the 4th Army. He fought at the Battle of Verdun during this period and was promoted to captain on 15 November 1915. He was then sent to the 4th Infantry Division before becoming commander of the Second Battalion of Infantry Regiment 14.^[5] On 28 February 1918, Guderian was appointed to the General Staff Corps.^[6] Guderian finished the war as an operations officer in occupied Italy.^[7] He disagreed with Germany signing the armistice in 1918, believing that the German Empire should have continued the fight.^[8]

Interwar period[edit source]

Guderian, left, in Sweden, 1929

Early in 1919, Guderian was selected as one of the four thousand officers allowed by the Versailles Treaty in the reduced-size German army, the Reichswehr. He was assigned to serve on the staff of the central command of the Eastern Frontier Guard Service which was intended to control and coordinate the independent freikorps units in the defense of Germany’s eastern frontiers against Polish and Soviet forces engaged in the Russian Civil War in conjunction with the Estonian War of Independence. In June, 1919 Guderian joined the Iron Brigade (later known as the Iron Division) as its second General Staff officer.^[9]

In the 1920s, Guderian was introduced to armored warfare tactics by Ernst Volckheim, a World War I tank commander and a prolific writer on the subject.^[10] He studied the leading European literature on armored warfare and, between 1922 and 1928, wrote five papers for Military Weekly, an armed forces journal.^[10] While the topics covered were mundane, Guderian related them to why Germany had lost World War I, a controversial subject at the time, and thus raised his profile in the military.^[11] There were some trial maneuvers conducted in the Soviet Union and Guderian academically evaluated the results. Britain was experimenting with armoured units under General Percy Hobart, and Guderian kept abreast of Hobart’s writings.^[12] In 1924, he was appointed as an instructor and military historian at Stettin. As a lecturer he was polarizing; some of his pupils enjoyed his wit, but he alienated others with his biting sarcasm.^[11]

In 1927, Guderian was promoted to major and in October he was posted to the transport section of the Truppenamt, a clandestine form of the army’s General Staff, which had been forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles.^[11] By the autumn of 1928, he was a leading speaker on tanks; however, he did not set foot in one until the summer of 1929, when he briefly drove a Swedish Stridsvagn m/21-29.^[11] In October, 1928 he was transferred to the Motor Transport Instruction Staff to teach.^[7] In 1931, he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel and became chief of staff to the Inspectorate of Motorized Troops under Oswald Lutz.^[7] This placed Guderian at the center of Germany’s development of mobile warfare and armored forces.^[7]

Panzer Division and mobile warfare[edit source]

Guderian helped develop panzer divisions and the blitzkrieg approach.

In the 1930s, Guderian played a significant role in the development of both the panzer division concept and a doctrine of mechanized offensive warfare that would later become known as blitzkrieg.^[13] Guderian’s 3rd Motor Transport Battalion became the blueprint for the future German armored force. However, his role was less central than he claimed in his memoirs and that historians repeated in the postwar era.^[14]

Guderian and his immediate superior Lutz had a symbiotic relationship.^[15] Both men worked tirelessly with the shared aim of creating a panzer force. Guderian was the public face advocating mechanized warfare and Lutz worked behind the scenes.^[15] Guderian reached into the Nazi regime to promote the panzer force concept, attract support and secure resources. This included a demonstration of the concept to Hitler himself.^[16] Lutz persuaded, cajoled and compensated for Guderian’s often arrogant and argumentative behavior towards his peers.^[17] The modern historian Pier Battistelli writes that it is difficult to determine exactly who developed each of the ideas behind the panzer force. Many other officers, such as Walther Nehring and Hermann Breith, were also involved.^[18] However, Guderian is widely accepted as having pioneered the communications system developed for the panzer units.^[18] The central tenets of blitzkrieg – independence, mass and surprise – were first published in doctrinal statements of mechanized warfare by Lutz.^[19]

During the autumn of 1936, Lutz asked Guderian to write Achtung – Panzer! He requested a polemical tone that promoted the Mobile Troops Command and strategic mechanized warfare.^[20] In the resulting work, Guderian mixed academic lectures, a review of military history and armored warfare theory that partly relied on a 1934 book on the subject by Ludwig von Eimannsberger.^[21] While limited, the book was in many respects a success.^[21] It contained two important questions which would require answering if the army was to be mechanized: how will the army be supplied with fuel, spares and replacement vehicles; and how to move large mechanized forces, especially those that are road-bound?^[22] He answered his own questions in discussions of three broad areas: refueling; spare parts; and access to roads.^[23]

In 1938, Hitler purged the army of personnel who were unsympathetic to the Nazi regime. Lutz was dismissed and replaced by Guderian. In the spring of that year, Guderian had his first experience of commanding a panzer force during the annexation of Austria.^[24] The mobilization was chaotic: tanks ran out of fuel or broke down and the combat value of the formation was non-existent. Had there been any real fighting Guderian would certainly have lost.^[24] He stood beside the Führer in Linz as Hitler addressed Germany and Austria in celebration. Afterwards, he set about remedying the problems that the panzer force had encountered.^[25] In the last year before the outbreak of World War II, Guderian fostered a closer relationship with Hitler. He attended opera with the Führer and received invitations to dinner.^[26] When Neville Chamberlain, in his policy of appeasement, gave Hitler the Sudetenland, it was occupied by Guderian’s XVI Motorized Corps.^[26]

Second World War[edit source]

Invasion of Poland[edit source]

Main article: Invasion of Poland Guderian with Mauritz von Wiktorin (left) and Soviet KombrigSemyon Krivoshein at the German–Soviet military parade in Brest-Litovsk after the invasion of Poland, 1939

During August, 1939 Guderian took command of the newly formed XIX Army Corps. At short notice he was ordered to spearhead the northern element of the invasion of Poland which began on 1 September.^[27] Under his corps command was one of Germany’s six panzer divisions; Guderian’s corps controlled 14.5 per cent of Germany’s armoured fighting vehicles. His task was to advance through the former West Prussian territory (which included his birthplace of Kulm), then travel through East Prussia before heading south towards Warsaw.^[28] Guderian used the German concept of “leading forward”, which required commanders to move to the battlefront and assess the situation. He made use of modern communication systems by travelling in a radio-equipped command vehicle with which he kept himself in contact with corps command.^[29]

By 5 September, XIX Corps had linked up with forces advancing west from East Prussia. Guderian had accomplished his first operational victory and he gave a tour of the battlefield to Hitler and Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS. The next day, he shifted his corps across East Prussia to participate in the advance on Warsaw.^[30] On 9 September his corps was reinforced by 10 Panzer Division and he continued deeper into Poland, finishing at Brest-Litovsk. In ten days Guderian’s XIX Corps advanced 330 kilometres (210 mi), at times against strong resistance. The tank had proven itself to be a powerful weapon, with only 8 destroyed out of 350 employed.^[31] On 16 September, Guderian launched an attack on Brest Litovsk; the next day the Soviet Union invaded Poland. He issued an ultimatum to the city – surrender to the Germans or Soviets – the garrison capitulated to the Germans. The Soviet Union’s entry into the war shattered Polish morale and Polish forces began to surrender en masse to Guderian’s troops.^[32] At the conclusion of the campaign, Guderian was awarded a Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross.^[33]

The historian Russell Hart writes that Guderian supported the invasion because he “despised the Catholic, Slavic Poles who now occupied parts of his native, beloved Prussia”.^[34] Foremost in his mind was the “liberation” of his former family estate at Gross-Klonia; Guderian ordered the advance on Gross-Klonia at night and through fog, leading to what he subsequently admitted were “serious casualties”.^[35]

During the invasion, the German military mistreated and killed prisoners of war, ignoring both the Geneva Convention and their own army regulations.^[36] Guderian’s corps withdrew before the SS began its ethnic cleansing campaign. He learned of murder operations and of Jews being forced into Nazi ghettos from his son, Heinz Günther Guderian, who had witnessed some of them. There is no record of his having made any protest.^[37]

Invasion of France and the Low Countries[edit source]

Main article: Battle of France Guderian with an Enigma machine in a half-track being used as a mobile command center during the Battle of France, 1940

Guderian was involved in the strategic debates that preceded the invasion of France and the Low Countries. The plan was being developed by his classmate at the 1907 War Academy, Erich von Manstein. The Manstein Plan shifted the weight of the armoured formations away from a head-on attack through the Low Countries to one through the Ardennes. Guderian confidently proclaimed the feasibility of taking armor through the hilly Ardennes Forest and was subsequently told he may have to command the spearhead of the attack himself. He then complained about the lack of resources until he was given seven mechanized divisions with which to accomplish the task. The plan established a force for the penetration of the forest that comprised the largest concentration of German armor to that date: 1,112 out of Germany’s total of 2,438 tanks.^[38]

Guderian’s corps spearheaded the drive through the Ardennes and over the Meuse River. He led the attack that broke the French lines at the Battle of Sedan. Guderian’s panzer group led the “race to the sea”, ending with the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) and French forces trapped at Dunkirk.^[39] A British counter-attack at Arras on 21 May slowed down the German advance and allowed BEF to establish defenses around points of evacuation, while Hitler, conscious of potential reverses and of allowing unsupported armor into urban fighting, issued the order to halt. A general resumption of the attack was ordered on 26 May, but by that time the Allied forces rallied, offering stiff resistance. On 28 May, with his losses mounting, Guderian advised the abandonment of the armoured assault in favor of a traditional artillery-infantry operation.^[40] Guderian was then ordered to advance to the Swiss border. The offensive started at the Weygand Line on 9 June and finished on 17 June with the encirclement of the Maginot Line defences and the remaining French forces.^[41]

Despite the success of the invasion, French defeat was not inevitable; the French had better, more numerous military equipment and were not overwhelmed by a numerically or technologically superior military force. Instead, the French loss stemmed from poor army morale, faulty military strategy and a lack of coordination among Allied troops.^[42] Hitler and his generals became overconfident after their historic victory, and came to believe they could defeat the Soviet Union: a country with significantly more natural resources, manpower and industrial capacity.^[43]

Invasion of the Soviet Union[edit source]

Main article: Operation Barbarossa Guderian inspecting a panzer regiment during Operation Barbarossa, August, 1941

In Guderian’s 1937 book Achtung — Panzer! he wrote that “the time has passed when the Russians had no instinct for technology” and that Germany would have to reckon “with the Eastern Question in a form more serious than ever before in history”.^[44] However, during the planning for Operation Barbarossa—the German invasion of the Soviet Union—he had become optimistic about the supposed superiority of German arms.^[45] By May, 1941 Guderian had accepted Hitler’s official position that Operation Barbarossa was a preemptive strike.^[46] He had accepted some core elements of National Socialism: the Lebensraum concept of territorial expansion and the destruction of the supposed Judeo-Bolshevik threat.^[46]

Guderian’s 2nd Panzer Group began its offensive on 22 June by crossing the Bug River and advancing towards the Dnieper.^[47] The combined forces of 2nd and 3rd Panzer Groups closed the Minsk pocket, taking 300,000 prisoners before attacking towards Smolensk.^[47] Guderian was awarded a Knight’s Cross with Oak Leaves on 17 July 1941.^[48] Following the conclusion of the Battle of Smolensk, which ended with the encirclement and destruction of the Soviet 16th, 19th and 20th Armies, General Franz Halder, Chief-of-Staff of the OKH, argued in favor of the all-out drive toward Moscow.^[49] Halder had Guderian fly to Führer Headquarters to argue the Army’s case for continuing the assault against Moscow.^[50] Guderian, who had just recently been vehemently opposed to Hitler’s plan for the drive to the south, unexpectedly sided with the dictator. This abrupt change of heart angered both Halder and Field Marshal Fedor von Bock, commander of Army Group Centre, and turned Guderian into somewhat of a pariah amid Army leaders.^[51]

By 15 September, German forces including the 1st and 2nd Panzer Groups had completed the largest encirclement in history: the Battle of Kiev. Owing to the 2nd Panzer Group’s southward turn during the battle, the Wehrmacht destroyed the entire Southwestern Front east of Kiev, inflicting over 600,000 losses on the Red Army by 26 September. However, the campaign had been costly; the German forces had just half the tanks they had three months earlier. They were bogged down in a war of attrition for which the Wehrmacht was not prepared.^[52] Guderian’s 2nd Panzer Group was in the worst shape; it had just 21 per cent of its tanks in working order.^[52] In mid-September, he was ordered to make a drive for Moscow.^[53] On 30 September the Battle of Moscow began.^[54] On 4 October, the 4th Panzer Division, part of the 2nd Panzer Group, suffered a severe setback at Mtsensk, near Oryol. Guderian demanded an inquiry into the realities of tank warfare on the Eastern Front, eventually suggesting in November to senior German tank designers and manufacturers that the quickest solution was to produce a direct copy of the Soviet T-34 tank.^[55]

By November, the attack by the 2nd Panzer Group on Tula and Kashira, 125 km (78 mi) south of Moscow, achieved limited success, while Guderian vacillated between despair and optimism, depending on the situation at the front.^[56] Facing pressure from the German High Command, Field Marshal Günther von Kluge finally committed the weaker south flank of his 4th Army to the attack on 1 December. In the aftermath of the battle, Guderian blamed slow commitment of 4th Army to the attack for the German failure to reach Moscow. This assessment grossly overestimated the capabilities of Kluge’s remaining forces.^[57] It also failed to appreciate the reality that Moscow was a metropolis that German forces lacked the numbers to either encircle or to capture in a frontal assault.^[58] In the aftermath of the German failure, Guderian refused to pass on Hitler’s ‘stand fast’ order and fell out with Kluge, the new commander of the Army Group Centre. Guderian was relieved of command on 25 December.^[59]

The German formations on the Eastern Front ubiquitously implemented the criminal Commissar Order and the Barbarossa Decree. For all divisions within Guderian’s panzer group where files are preserved, there is evidence of illegal reprisals against the civilian population.^[60] In his memoirs, Guderian denied having given the Commissar Order. However, General Joachim Lemelsen, a corps commander within Guderian’s panzer group, is documented as saying “prisoners, who could be shown to have been commissars, had to be immediately taken aside and shot” – and that the order came directly from Guderian.^[61] Reporting to the OKW, Guderian is documented as saying his panzer group had “shunted off” 170 commissars by the beginning of August.^[61]

In September, 1942, when Erwin Rommel was recuperating in Germany from health problems, he suggested Guderian to OKW as the only man suitable to replace him in Africa. The response from OKH came in the same night: “Guderian is not accepted”.

Inspector General of Armoured Troops[edit source]

Guderian being transported to the Eastern Front, 1943

On 1 March 1943, after the German defeat in the Battle of Stalingrad, Hitler appointed Guderian to the newly created position of Inspector General of Armoured Troops.^[62] The latter had successfully lobbied to be reinstated, resulting in the new posting.^[63] Guderian’s responsibilities were to oversee the panzer arm and the training of Germany’s panzer forces. He established a collaborative relationship with Albert Speer regarding the manufacture and development of armored fighting vehicles.^[62] The military failures of 1943 prevented Guderian from restoring combat power to the armored forces to any significant degree. He had limited success with improved tank destroyers and fixing flaws in the third generation of tanks, the Panther and the Tiger.^[64]

Operation Citadel, the last major German offensive operation in the east, was an attempt by the German army to regain the initiative.^[65] Guderian opposed the offensive.^[66] In a conversation with Hitler prior to the offensive, Guderian said: “Why are we attacking in the east at all this year?” Hitler responded, “You are right. Whenever I think of this attack, my stomach turns over.” Guderian concluded, “Then you have the right attitude towards this situation. Leave it alone.”^[67]

Acting Chief of Army General Staff[edit source]

Guderian (left), Hans Lammers, and Himmler (at podium) at a Volkssturm militia rally, October, 1944

Guderian became the Acting Chief of the General Staff of the Army High Command with the responsibility of advising Hitler on the Eastern Front.^[68] He replaced General of the Infantry Kurt Zeitzler, who had abandoned the position on 1 July after losing faith in Hitler’s judgement and suffering a nervous breakdown.^[69]

Germany was already heading to inevitable defeat, and Guderian could not shape the military situation nor Hitler’s strategic decisions.^[68] Hitler placed Guderian in charge of the “Honour Court”: a kangaroo court for those accused of involvement in the 20 July Plot.^[70] Guderian himself denied any involvement with the plot; nevertheless, he had unexpectedly retired to his estate on the day of the assassination attempt.^[71] The court discharged those found guilty of participating in the plot from the armed forces so that they could be tried by the People’s Court, set up for the purpose of prosecuting the alleged plotters.^[72] Those accused were tortured by the Gestapo and executed by hanging. Some plotters were hanged by a thin hemp rope, by Hitler’s direct orders, so that they slowly strangled to death after a lengthy agony. ^[70]

Post-war, Guderian claimed that he had attempted to get out of this duty and that he had found the sessions “repulsive”.^[72] In reality, Guderian had applied himself to the task with the vigour of a Nazi adherent, which perhaps was due to the desire to deflect attention from himself.^[73] Hart writes that he fought to save Rommel’s chief of staff, Hans Speidel, because Speidel could have implicated Guderian in the plot.^[70]

As head of the OKH, Guderian was faced with the pressing issues of the staff work being impacted by arrests, which among the OKH staff and their families eventually ran into the hundreds. Guderian had to fill serious gaps, such as one created by the suicide of General Eduard Wagner, the quartermaster general, in July. Even with vacancies filling up, a key problem remained: too many of the personnel were new to their roles and lacked institutional knowledge, including Guderian himself. Guderian relied heavily on Colonel Johann von Kielmansegg who was the most senior staff officer with experience at the OKH, but he was himself arrested in August. The situation was not improved by Guderian’s long-standing bias against the General Staff which he blamed for having allegedly opposed his attempts to introduce modern armored doctrine into the army back in the 1930s.^[74] The latter months of 1944 were marked by the ever-increasing strife between the OKH and the OKW (Oberkommando der Wehrmacht), as the two organizations competed for resources, especially in the run-up to the last-ditch German December, 1944 offensive on the Western Front. After the war, Guderian blamed Hitler for frittering away the last German reserves in the operation; nonetheless, Germany’s strategic situation was such that even twenty or thirty extra divisions would not have helped.^[75]

Guderian completed the total Nazification of the army general staff with a 29 July order that demanded that all officers join the party. He also made the Nazi salute obligatory throughout the armed forces.^[76] He supported the politicization of the military, but failed to see why other officers perceived him as a Nazi.^[76] As chief-of-staff of the OKH, Guderian did not object to the orders that Hitler and Himmler issued during the brutal suppression of the Warsaw Uprising nor the atrocities being perpetrated against the civilian population of the city.^[77] At a Volkssturm rally in November, 1944, Guderian said that there were “95 million National Socialists who stand behind Adolf Hitler”.^[78]

After the war, Guderian claimed that his actions in the final months as head of the OKH were driven by a search for a solution to Germany’s increasingly-bleak prospects. This was supposedly the rationale behind Guderian’s plans to turn major urban centers along the Eastern Front into so-called fortress cities (feste Plätze). This fantastical plan had no hope of succeeding against the mobile operations of the Red Army. In any event, most of the “fortresses” were poorly provisioned and staffed by older garrison troops.^[79] On 28 March, following the failed operation to retake the town of Küstrin (now Kostrzyn nad Odrą in Poland), Guderian was sent on leave. He was replaced by General Hans Krebs.^[80]

Guderian cultivated close personal relationships with the most powerful people in the regime. He had an exclusive dinner with Himmler on Christmas Day, 1944.^[81] On 6 March 1945, shortly before the end of the war, Guderian participated in a propaganda broadcast that denied the Holocaust; the Red Army in its advance had just liberated several extermination camps.^[82] Despite the general’s later claims of being anti-Nazi, Hitler most likely found Guderian’s values to be closely aligned with Nazi ideology. Hitler brought him out of retirement in 1943 and especially appreciated the orders he issued in the aftermath of the failed plot.^[78]

Later life and death[edit source]

Guderian’s grave

Guderian and his staff surrendered to US forces on 10 May 1945. He avoided being convicted as a war criminal at the Nuremberg Trials because there was no substantial documentary evidence against him at that time.^[83] He answered questions from the Allied forces and denied being an ardent supporter of Nazism.^[83] He joined the US Army Historical Division in 1945 and the US refused requests from the Soviet Union to have him extradited.^[84] Even after the war, Guderian retained an affinity with Hitler and National Socialism. While interned by the Americans, his conversations were secretly taped. In one such recording, while conversing with former Field Marshal Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb and former General Leo Geyr von Schweppenburg, Guderian opined: “The fundamental principles [of Nazism] were fine”.^[85]

Guderian was released from captivity without trial in 1948. Many of his peers were not so lucky. Von Manstein was sentenced to 18 years and Albert Kesselring was given a life sentence.^[86] Guderian had informed on his ex-colleagues and co-operated with the Allies, which had helped him evade prosecution.^[83] He retired to Schwangau near Füssen in Southern Bavaria and began writing. His most successful book was Panzer Leader.^[86] He remained an ardent German nationalist for the rest of his life. Guderian died on 14 May 1954 at the age of 65 and is buried at the Friedhof Hildesheimer Straße in Goslar.^[87]

Writings and mythology[edit source]

Panzer Leader myth[edit source]

Guderian’s post-war autobiography Panzer Leader was a success with the reading public. He cast himself as an innovator and the “father” of the German panzer arm, both before the war and during the blitzkrieg years.^[2] This allowed him to re-imagine himself as the master of the blitzkrieg between 1939 and 1941; however, this was an exaggeration.^[87] Guderian’s German memoirs were first published in 1950. At that time they were the only source on the development of panzer forces, German military records having been misplaced or lost. Consequently, historians based their interpretation of historical events upon Guderian’s self-centred autobiography.^[88] Subsequent biographers supported the myth and embellished it.^[87] In 1952 Guderian’s memoirs were reprinted in English. British journalist and military theorist B. H. Liddell Hart gained access to a group of German Wehrmacht generals, imprisoned in the No. 1 POW camp in Grizedale Hall in the north of England from 9 August 1945, as a Political Intelligence Department lecturer taking part in the Re-education programme, in an effort to use that to re-establish his reputation as a military theorist and commentator. He asked Guderian to say that he had based his military theories on Liddell Hart’s; Guderian obliged.^[89] Liddell Hart, in turn, became an advocate for West German rearmament.^[90]

In newer studies, historians began to question Guderian’s memoirs and criticize the myth that they had created.^[88] Battistelli, examining Guderian’s record, said he was not the father of the panzer arm.^[91] He was one of a number of innovators.^[91] He stood out from his arguably more able compatriot, Lutz, for two reasons. Firstly, he sought the limelight, and secondly, he fostered a close relationship with Hitler.^[92] In portraying himself as the father of blitzkrieg and ingratiating himself with the Americans, he avoided being handed over to the Soviet Union.^[93] Battistelli writes that his most remarkable skill was not as a theoretician or commander, it was as an author. His books Achtung-Panzer! and Panzer Leader were a critical and commercial success upon publication and continue to be discussed, researched and analysed 67 years after his death.^[2]

Guderian was a capable tactician and technician, leading his troops successfully in the Invasion of Poland, the Battle of France and during the early stages of the invasion of the Soviet Union: especially in the advance to Smolensk and the Battle of Kiev. Hart writes that most of his success came from positions of substantial advantage, and he was never able to accomplish victory from a position of weakness.^[94] Hart suggests that his strengths were outweighed by his deficiencies, such as deliberately creating animosity between his panzer force and the other military arms, with disastrous consequences.^[95] His memoirs omitted mention of his military failings and his close relationship with Hitler.^[2] James Corum writes in his book The Roots of Blitzkrieg: Hans von Seeckt and German Military Reform that Guderian was an excellent general, a first-rate tactician and a man who played a central role in developing Panzer divisions, irrespective of his memoirs.^[96]

Myth of the clean Wehrmacht[edit source]

Main article: Clean Wehrmacht

Battistelli writes that Guderian rewrote history in his memoirs, but notes that the biggest re-writing of history comes not in his putative fathering of the panzer force but in the cover-up of his culpability for war crimes during Operation Barbarossa.^[93] Units under his command carried out the Commissar order, which entailed the murder of Red Army political officers. He also played a large role in the commission of reprisals after the Warsaw Uprising of 1944.^[93]

Like other generals, Guderian’s memoirs emphasized his loyalty to Germany and the German people; however, he neglected to mention that Hitler bought this loyalty with bribes, including landed estates and a monthly payment of 2,000 Reichsmarks.^[97] Guderian wrote in his memoirs that he had been given a Polish estate as a retirement gift.^[98] Worth 1.24 million Reichsmarks,^[72] the estate covered an area of 2,000 acres (810 ha) and it was located at Deipenhof (now Głębokie, Poland) in the Warthegau area of occupied Poland. The occupants had been evicted.^[99] Guderian also did not mention that he had initially requested an estate three times larger, but he was turned down by the local Gauleiter, with support from Himmler. The Gauleiter balked at giving such an opulent estate to someone with the rank of only a Colonel-General.^[72]

In 1950, Guderian published a pamphlet entitled Can Europe Be Defended?, where he lamented that the Western powers had picked the wrong side to ally themselves with during the war, even as Germany “was fighting for its naked existence”, as a “defender of Europe” against the supposed Bolshevik menace. Guderian issued apologetics for Hitler, writing: “For one may judge Hitler’s acts as one will, in retrospect his struggle was about Europe, even if he made dreadful mistakes and errors”. He claimed that only the Nazi civilian administration (not the Wehrmacht) was responsible for atrocities against Soviet civilians, and scapegoated Hitler and the Russian winter for the Wehrmacht’s military reverses, as he later did in Panzer Leader;^[100] in addition, he wrote that six million Germans died during their expulsion from the Eastern territories by the Soviet Union and its allies,^[101] while also writing that the defendants executed at the Nuremberg trials (for war crimes such as the Holocaust) were “defenders of Europe”.^[102]

Ronald Smelser and Edward J. Davies, in their book The Myth of the Eastern Front, conclude that Guderian’s memoirs are full of “egregious untruths, half truths, and omissions”, as well as outright “nonsense”. Guderian claimed, contrary to historical evidence, that the criminal Commissar Order was not carried out by his troops because it “never reached [his] panzer group”. He also lied about the Barbarossa Decree that preemptively exempted German troops from prosecution for crimes committed against Soviet civilians, claiming that it was never carried out either. Guderian claimed to have been solicitous towards the civilian population, that he took pains to preserve Russian cultural objects and that his troops had “liberated” Soviet citizens.^[103]

David Stahel writes that English-speaking historians too readily presented a distorted image of German generals in the post-war era.^[104] In his book Operation Barbarossa and Germany’s Defeat in the East, Stahel wrote: “The men in control of Hitler’s armies were not honourable men, carrying out their orders as dutiful servants of the state. With resolute support for the regime, the generals unquestioningly waged one war of aggression after the other, and, once Barbarossa began, willingly partook in the genocide of the Nazi regime”.^[105]

In popular culture[edit source]

A postcard used to publicize Guderian during the war

Guderian’s memoirs remain popular. The favourable descriptions started with the British journalist and military theorist Liddell Hart, who described Guderian as one of the “Great Captains of History” in a book published by the mass-market Ballantine Books in 1957. As late as 2002, for the 55th anniversary of the first publication of the book, The New York Times, Newsweek, The New Yorker and other outlets published positive reviews, reinforcing the tenets of the myth of the clean Wehrmacht. The reviews stressed the separation between the professional soldiers and the Nazi regime, while The New York Times Book Review described the book as one of the best written by former German generals.^[106] Kenneth Macksey in his biography eulogized Guderian, inflating his true accomplishments.^[87]

In 1976, the leading wargaming magazine, Strategy and Tactics, spotlighted Guderian in a featured game of the month called Panzergruppe Guderian. The magazine cover included a photo of Guderian in military dress, with his Knight’s Cross and a pair of binoculars, suggesting a commanding role.^[107] The magazine featured a glowing profile of Guderian in which he was identified as the originator of blitzkrieg and lauded for his military achievements. Adhering to the postwar myths, the profile posited that a commander like this could “function in any political climate and be unaffected by it”. Guderian thus came across as a consummate professional who stood apart from the crimes of the Nazi regime.^[107]

Works[edit source]
- Guderian, Heinz (1937). Achtung – Panzer! (reissue ed.). Sterling Press. ISBN 0-304-35285-3. Guderian reviews the development of armoured forces in the European nations and Soviet Russia, and describes what he felt was essential for the effective use of armoured forces.
- Guderian, Heinz (1942). Mit Den Panzern in Ost und West [With the Panzers in the East and West]. Volk & Reich Verlag. OCLC 601435526.
- Guderian, Heinz (1950). Kann Westeuropa verteidigt werden? [Can Western Europe Be Defended?]. Plesse-Verlag. OCLC 8977019.
- Guderian, Heinz (1952). Panzer Leader. Da Capo Press Reissue edition, 2001. New York: Da Capo Press. ISBN 0-306-81101-4. Originally published in German, titled Erinnerungen eines Soldaten (Memories of a Soldier) (Kurt Vowinckel Verlag [de], Heidelberg 1950; 10th edition 1977).
Awards[edit source]
- Iron Cross First Class 1914
- Iron Cross Second Class 1914
- Friedrich Order Knight 1st Class (Württemberg)
- Order of the White Rose of Finland First class Knight with Swords
- Honour Cross of the World War 1914/1918 with Swords
- War Commemorative Medal (Austria) with Swords
- Hungarian War Memorial Medal 1914/1918
- Wehrmacht Long Service Award 1st to 4th Class
- Anschluss Medal
- Sudetenland Medal with Prague Castle bar
- Clasp to the Iron Cross First and Second Class
- Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross with Oak Leaves
- Eastern Front Medal
- Panzer Badge In Silver
See also[edit source]
- Guderian-Plan – for the fortification of the German East Front in 1944
References[edit source]
1. ^ Boot 2006, p. 223.
2. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Battistelli 2011, p. 5.
3. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 5.
4. ^ Hart 2006, p. 6.
5. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 6.
6. ^ Hart 2006, p. 12.
7. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Battistelli 2011, p. 7.
8. ^ Hargreaves 2009, p. 29.
9. ^ Hart 2006, pp. 16–17.
10. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 23.
11. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Hart 2006, p. 24.
12. ^ Shepperd 1990, pp. 10–11.
13. ^ Hart 2006, pp. 27–28.
14. ^ Hart 2006, pp. 28–29.
15. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 30.
16. ^ Hart 2006, p. 33.
17. ^ Hart 2006, pp. 38–39.
18. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 14.
19. ^ Hart 2006, p. 28.
20. ^ Hart 2006, p. 39.
21. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 40.
22. ^ Stahel 2009, p. 136.
23. ^ Stahel 2009, p. 137.
24. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 42.
25. ^ Hart 2006, p. 44.
26. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 46.
27. ^ Hart 2006, p. 50.
28. ^ Hart 2006, p. 51.
29. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 17.
30. ^ Hart 2006, p. 53.
31. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 18.
32. ^ Hart 2006, p. 56.
33. ^ Fellgiebel 2000, p. 171.
34. ^ Hart 2006, p. 47.
35. ^ Hart 2006, p. 52.
36. ^ Epstein 2015, p. 126.
37. ^ Hart 2006, p. 58.
38. ^ Hart 2006, p. 60.
39. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 9.
40. ^ Hart 2006, p. 63.
41. ^ Battistelli 2011, pp. 9–10.
42. ^ Epstein 2015, p. 131.
43. ^ Luther 2019, p. 6.
44. ^ Stahel 2009, p. 144.
45. ^ Stahel 2009, p. 79.
46. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 69.
47. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 10.
48. ^ Fellgiebel 2000, p. 50.
49. ^ Keegan 1989, pp. 192–194.
50. ^ Müller 2015, p. 253.
51. ^ Stahel 2012, pp. 101–102.
52. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 32.
53. ^ Hart 2006, p. 76.
54. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 11.
55. ^ Hart 2006, pp. 3–4.
56. ^ Stahel 2015, p. 186−189, 228.
57. ^ Stahel 2015, pp. 229–230.
58. ^ Stahel 2015, pp. 235–237, 250.
59. ^ Mawdsley 2005, p. 107.
60. ^ Römer 2012, pp. 83–84.
61. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Stein 2007, p. 254.
62. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, pp. 86–87.
63. ^ Shepherd 2016, p. 327.
64. ^ Hart 2006, p. 94.
65. ^ Citino 2012, p. 117.
66. ^ Citino 2012, p. 125.
67. ^ Citino 2012, p. 127.
68. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 103.
69. ^ Kershaw 2000, p. 650.
70. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Hart 2006, p. 104.
71. ^ Hart 2006, p. 99.
72. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Smelser & Davies 2008, p. 107.
73. ^ Shepherd 2016, p. 470.
74. ^ Megargee 2000, pp. 214–215.
75. ^ Megargee 2000, pp. 224–255.
76. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hart 2006, p. 105.
77. ^ Shepherd 2016, p. 487.
78. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Smelser & Davies 2008, pp. 107–108.
79. ^ Shepherd 2016, pp. 497–498.
80. ^ Shepherd 2016, p. 515.
81. ^ Hart 2006, p. 110.
82. ^ Hart 2006, p. 112.
83. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Hart 2006, p. 114.
84. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 54.
85. ^ Smelser & Davies 2008, pp. 108–109.
86. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 55.
87. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Hart 2006, p. 115.
88. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 13.
89. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 53.
90. ^ Searle, Alaric. “A Very Special Relationship: Basil Liddell Hart, Wehrmacht Generals and the Debate on West German Rearmament, 1945–1953.” War in History, vol. 5, no. 3, 1998, pp. 327–357.
91. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Battistelli 2011, p. 59.
92. ^ Battistelli 2011, p. 61.
93. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Battistelli 2011, p. 58.
94. ^ Hart 2006, p. 116.
95. ^ Hart 2006, p. 117.
96. ^ Corum 1992, p. 138.
97. ^ Smelser & Davies 2008, pp. 106–107.
98. ^ Kreike & Jordan 2004, p. 123.
99. ^ Hart 2006, pp. 82–83.
100. ^ Smelser & Davies 2008, pp. 109–110.
101. ^ Guderian, Heinz. Kann Westeuropa verteidigt werden? Translation into Russian (Можно ли защитить Западную Европу?). Moscow: Voenizdat, 1954. p. 39.
102. ^ Guderian, Heinz. Kann Westeuropa verteidigt werden? p. 22.
103. ^ Smelser & Davies 2008, pp. 104–106.
104. ^ Stahel 2009, p. 443.
105. ^ Stahel 2009, pp. 443–444.
106. ^ Smelser & Davies 2008, p. 133.
107. ^ Jump up to:^a ^b Smelser & Davies 2008, p. 191.
Bibliography[edit source]
- Battistelli, Pier (2011). Heinz Guderian: Leadership, Strategy, Conflict. United Kingdom: Osprey Publishing Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84908-366-9.
- Boot, Max (2006). War Made New: Technology, Warfare, and the Course of History, 1500 to Today. New York: Gotham Books. ISBN 978-1-59240-222-9. LCCN 2006015518.
- Citino, Robert M. (2012). The Wehrmacht Retreats: Fighting a Lost War, 1943. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1826-2.
- Corum, James (1992). The Roots of Blitzkrieg: Hans von Seeckt and German Military Reform. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0541-X.
- Epstein, Catherine (2015). Nazi Germany Confronting the Myths. U.K.: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. ISBN 978-1-118-29479-6.
- Fellgiebel, Walther-Peer (2000). Die Träger des Ritterkreuzes des Eisernen Kreuzes 1939–1945 [The Bearers of the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross 1939–1945] (in German). Friedberg, Germany: Podzun-Pallas. ISBN 978-3-7909-0284-6.
- Hargreaves, Richard (2009). Blitzkrieg w Polsce wrzesien 1939 [Blitzkrieg Unleashed: The German Invasion of Poland, 1939] (in Polish). Warsaw: Bellona. ISBN 9788311115774.
- Hart, Russell A. (2006). Guderian: Panzer Pioneer or Myth Maker?. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books. ISBN 978-1-59797-453-0.
- Keegan, John (1989). The Second World War. New York: Viking. ISBN 978-0-670-82359-8.
- Kershaw, Ian (2000). Hitler. 1936–45: Nemesis. London: Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0-14-027239-0.
- Kreike, Emmanuel; Jordan, William Chester (2004). Corrupt Histories. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press. ISBN 978-1-58046-173-3.
- Luther, Craig (2019). The First Day on the Eastern Front. Connecticut: Stackpole Books. ISBN 978-0-8117-6765-1.
- Mawdsley, Evan (2005). Thunder in the East: the Nazi-Soviet War, 1941–1945. Hodder Arnold. p. 502. ISBN 0-340-80808-X.
- Megargee, Geoffrey P. (2000). Inside Hitler’s High Command. Lawrence, Kansas: Kansas University Press. ISBN 0-7006-1015-4.
- Müller, Rolf-Dieter (2015). Enemy in the East: Hitler’s Secret Plans to Invade the Soviet Union. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-78076-829-8.
- Römer, Felix (2012). “The Wehrmacht in the War of Ideologies: The Army and Hitler’s Criminal Orders on the Eastern Front”. In Alex J. Kay; Jeff Rutherford; David Stahel (eds.). Nazi Policy on the Eastern Front, 1941: Total War, Genocide, and Radicalization. University of Rochester Press. ISBN 978-1-58046-407-9.
- Shepherd, Ben (2016). Hitler’s Soldiers: The German Army in the Third Reich. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-17903-3.
- Shepperd, Alan (1990). France, 1940: Blitzkrieg in the West. Oxford, UK: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-0-85045-958-6.
- Smelser, Ronald; Davies, Edward J. (2008). The Myth of the Eastern Front: The Nazi-Soviet War in American Popular Culture. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-83365-3.
- Stahel, David (2009). Operation Barbarossa and Germany’s Defeat in the East. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-76847-4.
- Stahel, David (2015). The Battle for Moscow. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-08760-6.
- Stahel, David (2012). Kiev 1941: Hitler’s Battle for Supremacy in the East. London: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01459-6.
- Stein, Marcel (2007). Von Manstein, A Portrait: The Janus Head. UK: Helion & Company Ltd. ISBN 978-1-906033-02-6.
Further reading[edit source]
- Pöhlmann, Markus (2016). Der Panzer und die Mechanisierung des Krieges: Eine deutsche Geschichte 1890 bis 1945. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. ISBN 978-3-506-78355-4.
- Searle, Alaric (2003). Wehrmacht Generals, West German Society, and the Debate on Rearmament, 1949–1959. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. ISBN 978-0-275-97968-3.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Heinz Guderian.

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Heinz Guderian

show v t eGerman Colonel Generals and General Admirals of Nazi Germany
16 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Army

Contents

Early life

Military career

Early years

Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)

Balkan Wars (1912–13)

First World War (1914–18)

Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)

Establishment of the Republic of Turkey

Presidency

Domestic policies

Emergence of the state, 1923–1924

Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925

Educational reform

Western attire

Religious insignia

Opposition to Atatürk in 1924–1927

Modernization efforts, 1926–1930

Opposition to Atatürk in 1930–1931

Modernization efforts, 1931–1938

Unification and nationalisation efforts

Foreign policies

Issue of Mosul

Relations with the Russian SFSR/Soviet Union

Turkish-Greek alliance

Neighbours to the east

Turkish Straits

Balkan Pact

Issue of Hatay

Economic policies

State intervention, 1923–1929

Great Depression, 1929–1931

Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939

Personal life

Illness and death

Turkey

Worldwide

Awards and decorations

Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey

Foreign honours

Notes

References

Bibliography

Contents

Early life and education

Career

Chairman of the State Duma

Membership in advisory and scientific councils and commissions

Sanctions

Notes

References

Contents

Early life

Career

Final years

Rumors and legend

Koshigoe Letter

In literature

Family

Traditional arts

References

Contents

Biography

Later career developments

Death

References

Contents

Early life and education[edit source]

Career[edit source]

U.S. Foreign Service[edit source]

Director of the Central Intelligence Agency[edit source]

Publications[edit source]

Awards[edit source]

Foreign government decorations[edit source]

Personal life[edit source]

References[edit source]

External links[edit source]

Contents

Early life[edit source]