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Joseph Stalin

Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin^[f] (18 December [O.S. 6 December] 1878^[1] – 5 March 1953) was a Georgian revolutionary and Soviet political leader who governed the Soviet Union from 1922 until his death in 1953. He held power both as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1922–1952) and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union (1941–1953). Despite initially governing the country as part of a collective leadership, he ultimately consolidated power to become the Soviet Union’s dictator by the 1930s. A communist ideologically committed to the Leninist interpretation of Marxism, Stalin formalised these ideas as Marxism–Leninism while his own policies are known as Stalinism.

Born to a poor family in Gori in the Russian Empire (now Georgia), Stalin attended the Tbilisi Spiritual Seminary before eventually joining the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. He went on to edit the party’s newspaper, Pravda, and raised funds for Vladimir Lenin‘s Bolshevik faction via robberies, kidnappings and protection rackets. Repeatedly arrested, he underwent several internal exiles. After the Bolsheviks seized power during the October Revolution and created a one-party state under the newly formed Communist Party in 1917, Stalin joined its governing Politburo. Serving in the Russian Civil War before overseeing the Soviet Union’s establishment in 1922, Stalin assumed leadership over the country following Lenin’s death in 1924. Under Stalin, socialism in one country became a central tenet of the party’s dogma. As a result of the Five-Year Plans implemented under his leadership, the country underwent agricultural collectivisation and rapid industrialisation, creating a centralised command economy. This led to severe disruptions of food production that contributed to the famine of 1932–33. To eradicate accused “enemies of the working class“, Stalin instituted the Great Purge, in which over a million were imprisoned and at least 700,000 executed between 1934 and 1939. By 1937, he had absolute control over the party and government.

Stalin promoted Marxism–Leninism abroad through the Communist International and supported European anti-fascist movements during the 1930s, particularly in the Spanish Civil War. In 1939, his regime signed a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany, resulting in the Soviet invasion of Poland. Germany ended the pact by invading the Soviet Union in 1941. Despite initial setbacks, the Soviet Red Army repelled the German invasion and captured Berlin in 1945, thereby ending World War II in Europe. Amid the war, the Soviets annexed the Baltic states and then established Soviet-aligned governments throughout Central and Eastern Europe, China, and North Korea. The Soviet Union and the United States emerged as global superpowers and entered a period of tensions, the Cold War. Stalin presided over the Soviet post-war reconstruction and its development of an atomic bomb in 1949. During these years, the country experienced another major famine and an antisemitic campaign that culminated in the doctors’ plot. After Stalin’s death in 1953, he was eventually succeeded by Nikita Khrushchev, who subsequently denounced his rule and initiated the de-Stalinisation of Soviet society.

Widely considered to be one of the 20th century’s most significant figures, Stalin was the subject of a pervasive personality cult within the international Marxist–Leninist movement, which revered him as a champion of the working class and socialism. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Stalin has retained popularity in Russia and Georgia as a victorious wartime leader who cemented the Soviet Union’s status as a leading world power. Conversely, his regime has been described as totalitarian, and has been widely condemned for overseeing mass repression, ethnic cleansing, wide-scale deportation, hundreds of thousands of executions, and famines that killed millions.

Early life[edit source]

Main article: Early life of Joseph Stalin

Childhood to young adulthood: 1878–1899[edit source]

1893 class table of Gori Religious School including a photo of Stalin. Some of the photos may be from earlier dates, but it is believed that this photo of Stalin was taken in 1893.

Stalin’s birth name was Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili.^[d] He was born in the Georgian town of Gori,^[2] then part of the Tiflis Governorate of the Russian Empire and home to a mix of Georgian, Armenian, Russian, and Jewish communities.^[3] He was born on 18 December [O.S. 6 December] 1878^[4]^[g] and baptised on 29 December.^[6] His parents, Besarion Jughashvili and Ekaterine Geladze,^[7] were ethnically Georgian, and Stalin grew up speaking the Georgian language.^[8] He was their only child to survive past infancy^[9] and was nicknamed “Soso”, a diminutive of “Ioseb”.^[10]

Besarion was a shoemaker who was employed in a workshop owned by another man;^[11] it was initially a financial success but later fell into decline,^[12] and the family found itself living in poverty.^[13] Besarion became an alcoholic^[14] and drunkenly beat his wife and son.^[15] Ekaterine and Stalin left the home by 1883 and began a wandering life, moving through nine different rented rooms over the next decade.^[16] In 1886, they moved into the house of a family friend, Father Christopher Charkviani.^[17] Ekaterine worked as a house cleaner and launderer and was determined to send her son to school.^[18] In September 1888, Stalin enrolled at the Gori Church School, a place secured by Charkviani.^[19] Although he got into many fights,^[20] Stalin excelled academically,^[21] displaying talent in painting and drama classes,^[22] writing his own poetry,^[23] and singing as a choirboy.^[24] Stalin faced several severe health problems: An 1884 smallpox infection left him with facial scars;^[25] and at age 12 he was seriously injured when he was hit by a phaeton, likely the cause of a lifelong disability in his left arm.^[26]In 1894 Stalin began his studies at the Tiflis Spiritual Seminary (pictured here in the 1870s).

In August 1894, Stalin enrolled in the Orthodox Spiritual Seminary in Tiflis, enabled by a scholarship that allowed him to study at a reduced rate.^[27] He joined 600 trainee priests who boarded there,^[28] and he achieved high grades.^[29] He continued writing poetry; five of his poems, on themes such as nature, land and patriotism, were published under the pseudonym of “Soselo” in Ilia Chavchavadze‘s newspaper Iveria (Georgia).^[30] According to Stalin’s biographer Simon Sebag Montefiore, they became “minor Georgian classics”^[31] and were included in various anthologies of Georgian poetry over the coming years.^[31] As he grew older, Stalin lost interest in priestly studies, his grades dropped,^[32] and he was repeatedly confined to a cell for his rebellious behaviour.^[33] The seminary’s journal noted that he declared himself an atheist, stalked out of prayers and refused to doff his hat to monks.^[34]

Stalin joined a forbidden book club at the school;^[35] he was particularly influenced by Nikolay Chernyshevsky‘s 1863 pro-revolutionary novel What Is To Be Done?^[36] Another influential text was Alexander Kazbegi‘s The Patricide, with Stalin adopting the nickname “Koba” from that of the book’s bandit protagonist.^[37] He also read Capital, the 1867 book by German sociological theorist Karl Marx.^[38] Stalin devoted himself to Marx’s socio-political theory, Marxism,^[39] which was then on the rise in Georgia, one of various forms of socialism opposed to the empire’s governing tsarist authorities.^[40] At night, he attended secret workers’ meetings^[41] and was introduced to Silibistro “Silva” Jibladze, the Marxist founder of Mesame Dasi (“Third Group”), a Georgian socialist group.^[42] Stalin left the seminary in April 1899 and never returned.^[43]

Police photograph of Stalin, taken in 1902, when he was 23 years old.

In October 1899, Stalin began work as a meteorologist at the Tiflis observatory.^[44] He attracted a group of supporters through his classes in socialist theory^[45] and co-organised a secret workers’ mass meeting for May Day 1900,^[46] at which he successfully encouraged many of the men to take strike action.^[47] By this point, the empire’s secret police, the Okhrana, were aware of Stalin’s activities in Tiflis’ revolutionary milieu.^[47] They attempted to arrest him in March 1901, but he escaped and went into hiding,^[48] living off the donations of friends and sympathisers.^[49] Remaining underground, he helped plan a demonstration for May Day 1901, in which 3,000 marchers clashed with the authorities.^[50] He continued to evade arrest by using aliases and sleeping in different apartments.^[51] In November 1901, he was elected to the Tiflis Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP), a Marxist party founded in 1898.^[52]

That month, Stalin travelled to the port city of Batumi.^[53] His militant rhetoric proved divisive among the city’s Marxists, some of whom suspected that he might be an agent provocateur working for the government.^[54] He found employment at the Rothschild refinery storehouse, where he co-organised two workers’ strikes.^[55] After several strike leaders were arrested, he co-organised a mass public demonstration which led to the storming of the prison; troops fired upon the demonstrators, 13 of whom were killed.^[56] Stalin organised another mass demonstration on the day of their funeral,^[57] before being arrested in April 1902.^[58] Held first in Batumi Prison^[59] and then Kutaisi Prison,^[60] in mid-1903 he was sentenced to three years of exile in eastern Siberia.^[61]

Stalin left Batumi in October, arriving at the small Siberian town of Novaya Uda in late November 1903.^[62] There, he lived in a two-room peasant’s house, sleeping in the building’s larder.^[63] He made two escape attempts: On the first, he made it to Balagansk before returning due to frostbite.^[64] His second attempt, in January 1904, was successful and he made it to Tiflis.^[65] There, he co-edited a Georgian Marxist newspaper, Proletariatis Brdzola (“Proletarian Struggle”), with Philip Makharadze.^[66] He called for the Georgian Marxist movement to split from its Russian counterpart, resulting in several RSDLP members accusing him of holding views contrary to the ethos of Marxist internationalism and calling for his expulsion from the party; he soon recanted his opinions.^[67] During his exile, the RSDLP had split between Vladimir Lenin‘s “Bolsheviks” and Julius Martov‘s “Mensheviks“.^[68] Stalin detested many of the Mensheviks in Georgia and aligned himself with the Bolsheviks.^[69] Although he established a Bolshevik stronghold in the mining town of Chiatura,^[70] Bolshevism remained a minority force in the Menshevik-dominated Georgian revolutionary scene.^[71]

Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 1905–1912[edit source]

Stalin first met Vladimir Lenin at a 1905 conference in Tampere. Lenin became “Stalin’s indispensable mentor”.^[72]

In January 1905, government troops massacred protesters in Saint Petersburg. Unrest soon spread across the Russian Empire in what came to be known as the Revolution of 1905.^[73] Georgia was particularly affected.^[74] Stalin was in Baku in February when ethnic violence broke out between Armenians and Azeris; at least 2,000 were killed.^[75] He publicly lambasted the “pogroms against Jews and Armenians” as being part of Tsar Nicholas II‘s attempts to “buttress his despicable throne”.^[76] Stalin formed a Bolshevik Battle Squad which he used to try to keep Baku’s warring ethnic factions apart; he also used the unrest as a cover for stealing printing equipment.^[76] Amid the growing violence throughout Georgia he formed further Battle Squads, with the Mensheviks doing the same.^[77] Stalin’s squads disarmed local police and troops,^[78] raided government arsenals,^[79] and raised funds through protection rackets on large local businesses and mines.^[80] They launched attacks on the government’s Cossack troops and pro-Tsarist Black Hundreds,^[81] co-ordinating some of their operations with the Menshevik militia.^[82]

In November 1905, the Georgian Bolsheviks elected Stalin as one of their delegates to a Bolshevik conference in Saint Petersburg.^[83] On arrival, he met Lenin’s wife Nadezhda Krupskaya, who informed him that the venue had been moved to Tampere in the Grand Duchy of Finland.^[84] At the conference Stalin met Lenin for the first time.^[85] Although Stalin held Lenin in deep respect, he was vocal in his disagreement with Lenin’s view that the Bolsheviks should field candidates for the forthcoming election to the State Duma; Stalin saw the parliamentary process as a waste of time.^[86] In April 1906, Stalin attended the RSDLP Fourth Congress in Stockholm; this was his first trip outside the Russian Empire.^[87] At the conference, the RSDLP — then led by its Menshevik majority — agreed that it would not raise funds using armed robbery.^[88] Lenin and Stalin disagreed with this decision^[89] and later privately discussed how they could continue the robberies for the Bolshevik cause.^[90]

Stalin married Kato Svanidze in a church ceremony at Senaki in July 1906.^[91] In March 1907 she bore a son, Yakov.^[92] By that year — according to the historian Robert Service — Stalin had established himself as “Georgia’s leading Bolshevik”.^[93] He attended the Fifth RSDLP Congress, held in London in May–June 1907.^[94] After returning to Tiflis, Stalin organised the robbing of a large delivery of money to the Imperial Bank in June 1907. His gang ambushed the armed convoy in Yerevan Square with gunfire and home-made bombs. Around 40 people were killed, but all of his gang escaped alive.^[95] After the heist, Stalin settled in Baku with his wife and son.^[96] There, Mensheviks confronted Stalin about the robbery and voted to expel him from the RSDLP, but he took no notice of them.^[97]A mugshot of Stalin made in 1911 by the Tsarist secret police.

In Baku, Stalin secured Bolshevik domination of the local RSDLP branch^[98] and edited two Bolshevik newspapers, Bakinsky Proletary and Gudok (“Whistle”).^[99] In August 1907, he attended the Seventh Congress of the Second International — an international socialist organisation — in Stuttgart, Germany.^[100] In November 1907, his wife died of typhus,^[101] and he left his son with her family in Tiflis.^[102] In Baku he had reassembled his gang, the Outfit,^[103] which continued to attack Black Hundreds and raised finances by running protection rackets, counterfeiting currency, and carrying out robberies.^[104] They also kidnapped the children of several wealthy figures to extract ransom money.^[105] In early 1908, he travelled to the Swiss city of Geneva to meet with Lenin and the prominent Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov, although the latter exasperated him.^[106]

In March 1908, Stalin was arrested and interned in Bailov Prison in Baku.^[107] There he led the imprisoned Bolsheviks, organised discussion groups, and ordered the killing of suspected informants.^[108] He was eventually sentenced to two years exile in the village of Solvychegodsk, Vologda Province, arriving there in February 1909.^[109] In June, he escaped the village and made it to Kotlas disguised as a woman and from there to Saint Petersburg.^[110] In March 1910, he was arrested again and sent back to Solvychegodsk.^[111] There he had affairs with at least two women; his landlady, Maria Kuzakova, later gave birth to his second son, Konstantin.^[112] In June 1911, Stalin was given permission to move to Vologda, where he stayed for two months,^[113] having a relationship with Pelageya Onufrieva.^[114] He escaped to Saint Petersburg,^[115] where he was arrested in September 1911 and sentenced to a further three-year exile in Vologda.^[116]

Rise to the Central Committee and editorship of Pravda: 1912–1917[edit source]

The first issue of Pravda, the Bolshevik newspaper of which Stalin was editor

In January 1912, while Stalin was in exile, the first Bolshevik Central Committee was elected at the Prague Conference.^[117] Shortly after the conference, Lenin and Grigory Zinoviev decided to co-opt Stalin to the committee.^[117] Still in Vologda, Stalin agreed, remaining a Central Committee member for the rest of his life.^[118] Lenin believed that Stalin, as a Georgian, would help secure support for the Bolsheviks from the empire’s minority ethnicities.^[119] In February 1912, Stalin again escaped to Saint Petersburg,^[120] tasked with converting the Bolshevik weekly newspaper, Zvezda (“Star”) into a daily, Pravda (“Truth”).^[121] The new newspaper was launched in April 1912,^[122] although Stalin’s role as editor was kept secret.^[122]

In May 1912, he was arrested again and imprisoned in the Shpalerhy Prison, before being sentenced to three years exile in Siberia.^[123] In July, he arrived at the Siberian village of Narym,^[124] where he shared a room with a fellow Bolshevik Yakov Sverdlov.^[125] After two months, Stalin and Sverdlov escaped back to Saint Petersburg.^[126] During a brief period back in Tiflis, Stalin and the Outfit planned the ambush of a mail coach, during which most of the group — although not Stalin — were apprehended by the authorities.^[127] Stalin returned to Saint Petersburg, where he continued editing and writing articles for Pravda.^[128]Stalin in 1915

After the October 1912 Duma elections, where six Bolsheviks and six Mensheviks were elected, Stalin wrote articles calling for reconciliation between the two Marxist factions, for which Lenin criticised him.^[129] In late 1912, Stalin twice crossed into the Austro-Hungarian Empire to visit Lenin in Kraków,^[130] eventually bowing to Lenin’s opposition to reunification with the Mensheviks.^[131] In January 1913, Stalin travelled to Vienna,^[132] where he researched the ‘national question’ of how the Bolsheviks should deal with the Russian Empire’s national and ethnic minorities.^[133] Lenin, who encouraged Stalin to write an article on the subject,^[134] wanted to attract those groups to the Bolshevik cause by offering them the right of secession from the Russian state, but also hoped they would remain part of a future Bolshevik-governed Russia.^[135]

Stalin’s article Marxism and the National Question^[136] was first published in the March, April, and May 1913 issues of the Bolshevik journal Prosveshcheniye;^[137] Lenin was pleased with it.^[138] According to Montefiore, this was “Stalin’s most famous work”.^[135] The article was published under the pseudonym “K. Stalin”,^[138] a name he had used since 1912.^[139] Derived from the Russian word for steel (stal),^[140] this has been translated as “Man of Steel”;^[141] Stalin may have intended it to imitate Lenin’s pseudonym.^[142] Stalin retained the name for the rest of his life, possibly because it was used on the article that established his reputation among the Bolsheviks.^[143]

In February 1913, Stalin was arrested while back in Saint Petersburg.^[144] He was sentenced to four years exile in Turukhansk, a remote part of Siberia from which escape was particularly difficult.^[145] In August, he arrived in the village of Monastyrskoe, although after four weeks was relocated to the hamlet of Kostino.^[146] In March 1914, concerned over a potential escape attempt, the authorities moved Stalin to the hamlet of Kureika on the edge of the Arctic Circle.^[147] In the hamlet, Stalin had a relationship with Lidia Pereprygia, who was fourteen at the time but within the legal age of consent in Tsarist Russia.^[148] In or about December 1914, Pereprygia gave birth to Stalin’s child, although the infant soon died.^[149] She gave birth to another of his children, Alexander, circa April 1917.^[150]^[151]

In Kureika, Stalin lived closely with the indigenous Tunguses and Ostyak,^[152] and spent much of his time fishing.^[153]

Russian Revolution: 1917[edit source]

While Stalin was in exile, Russia entered the First World War, and in October 1916 Stalin and other exiled Bolsheviks were conscripted into the Russian Army, leaving for Monastyrskoe.^[154] They arrived in Krasnoyarsk in February 1917,^[155] where a medical examiner ruled Stalin unfit for military service because of his crippled arm.^[156] Stalin was required to serve four more months on his exile, and he successfully requested that he serve it in nearby Achinsk.^[157] Stalin was in the city when the February Revolution took place; uprisings broke out in Petrograd — as Saint Petersburg had been renamed — and Tsar Nicholas II abdicated to escape being violently overthrown. The Russian Empire became a de facto republic, headed by a Provisional Government dominated by liberals.^[158] In a celebratory mood, Stalin travelled by train to Petrograd in March.^[159] There, Stalin and a fellow Bolshevik Lev Kamenev assumed control of Pravda,^[160] and Stalin was appointed the Bolshevik representative to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, an influential council of the city’s workers.^[161] In April, Stalin came third in the Bolshevik elections for the party’s Central Committee; Lenin came first and Zinoviev came second.^[162] This reflected his senior standing in the party at the time.^[163]

The existing government of landlords and capitalists must be replaced by a new government, a government of workers and peasants.
The existing pseudo-government which was not elected by the people and which is not accountable to the people must be replaced by a government recognised by the people, elected by representatives of the workers, soldiers and peasants and held accountable to their representatives.

— Stalin’s editorial in Pravda, October 1917^[164]

Stalin helped organise the July Days uprising, an armed display of strength by Bolshevik supporters.^[165] After the demonstration was suppressed, the Provisional Government initiated a crackdown on the Bolsheviks, raiding Pravda.^[166] During this raid, Stalin smuggled Lenin out of the newspaper’s office and took charge of the Bolshevik leader’s safety, moving him between Petrograd safe houses before smuggling him to Razliv.^[167] In Lenin’s absence, Stalin continued editing Pravda and served as acting leader of the Bolsheviks, overseeing the party’s Sixth Congress, which was held covertly.^[168] Lenin began calling for the Bolsheviks to seize power by toppling the Provisional Government in a coup d’état. Stalin and a fellow senior Bolshevik Leon Trotsky both endorsed Lenin’s plan of action, but it was initially opposed by Kamenev and other party members.^[169] Lenin returned to Petrograd and secured a majority in favour of a coup at a meeting of the Central Committee on 10 October.^[170]

On 24 October, police raided the Bolshevik newspaper offices, smashing machinery and presses; Stalin salvaged some of this equipment to continue his activities.^[171] In the early hours of 25 October, Stalin joined Lenin in a Central Committee meeting in the Smolny Institute, from where the Bolshevik coup — the October Revolution — was directed.^[172] Bolshevik militia seized Petrograd’s electric power station, main post office, state bank, telephone exchange, and several bridges.^[173] A Bolshevik-controlled ship, the Aurora, opened fire on the Winter Palace; the Provisional Government’s assembled delegates surrendered and were arrested by the Bolsheviks.^[174] Although he had been tasked with briefing the Bolshevik delegates of the Second Congress of Soviets about the developing situation, Stalin’s role in the coup had not been publicly visible.^[175] Trotsky and other later Bolshevik opponents of Stalin used this as evidence that his role in the coup had been insignificant, although later historians reject this.^[176] According to the historian Oleg Khlevniuk, Stalin “filled an important role [in the October Revolution]… as a senior Bolshevik, member of the party’s Central Committee, and editor of its main newspaper”;^[177] the historian Stephen Kotkin similarly noted that Stalin had been “in the thick of events” in the build-up to the coup.^[178]

In Lenin’s government[edit source]

Main article: Joseph Stalin during the Russian Revolution, Civil War, and the Polish–Soviet War

Consolidating power: 1917–1918[edit source]

Joseph Stalin in 1917 as a young People’s Commissar.

On 26 October 1917, Lenin declared himself chairman of a new government, the Council of People’s Commissars (“Sovnarkom”).^[179] Stalin backed Lenin’s decision not to form a coalition with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary Party, although they did form a coalition government with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries.^[180] Stalin became part of an informal foursome leading the government, alongside Lenin, Trotsky, and Sverdlov;^[181] of these, Sverdlov was regularly absent and died in March 1919.^[182] Stalin’s office was based near to Lenin’s in the Smolny Institute,^[183] and he and Trotsky were the only individuals allowed access to Lenin’s study without an appointment.^[184] Although not so publicly well known as Lenin or Trotsky,^[185] Stalin’s importance among the Bolsheviks grew.^[186] He co-signed Lenin’s decrees shutting down hostile newspapers,^[187] and along with Sverdlov, he chaired the sessions of the committee drafting a constitution for the new Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.^[188] He strongly supported Lenin’s formation of the Cheka security service and the subsequent Red Terror that it initiated; noting that state violence had proved an effective tool for capitalist powers, he believed that it would prove the same for the Soviet government.^[189] Unlike senior Bolsheviks like Kamenev and Nikolai Bukharin, Stalin never expressed concern about the rapid growth and expansion of the Cheka and Red Terror.^[189]The Moscow Kremlin, which Stalin moved into in 1918

Having dropped his editorship of Pravda,^[190] Stalin was appointed the People’s Commissar for Nationalities.^[191] He took Nadezhda Alliluyeva as his secretary^[192] and at some point married her, although the wedding date is unknown.^[193] In November 1917, he signed the Decree on Nationality, according ethnic and national minorities living in Russia the right of secession and self-determination.^[194] The decree’s purpose was primarily strategic; the Bolsheviks wanted to gain favour among ethnic minorities but hoped that the latter would not actually desire independence.^[195] That month, he travelled to Helsinki to talk with the Finnish Social-Democrats, granting Finland’s request for independence in December.^[195] His department allocated funds for establishment of presses and schools in the languages of various ethnic minorities.^[196] Socialist revolutionaries accused Stalin’s talk of federalism and national self-determination as a front for Sovnarkom’s centralising and imperialist policies.^[188]

Because of the ongoing First World War, in which Russia was fighting the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary, Lenin’s government relocated from Petrograd to Moscow in March 1918. Stalin, Trotsky, Sverdlov, and Lenin lived at the Kremlin.^[197] Stalin supported Lenin’s desire to sign an armistice with the Central Powers regardless of the cost in territory.^[198] Stalin thought it necessary because — unlike Lenin — he was unconvinced that Europe was on the verge of proletarian revolution.^[199] Lenin eventually convinced the other senior Bolsheviks of his viewpoint, resulting in signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918.^[200] The treaty gave vast areas of land and resources to the Central Powers and angered many in Russia; the Left Socialist Revolutionaries withdrew from the coalition government over the issue.^[201] The governing RSDLP party was soon renamed, becoming the Russian Communist Party.^[202]

Military Command: 1918–1921[edit source]

After the Bolsheviks seized power, both right and left-wing armies rallied against them, generating the Russian Civil War.^[203] To secure access to the dwindling food supply, in May 1918 Sovnarkom sent Stalin to Tsaritsyn to take charge of food procurement in southern Russia.^[204] Eager to prove himself as a commander,^[205] once there he took control of regional military operations.^[206] He befriended two military figures, Kliment Voroshilov and Semyon Budyonny, who would form the nucleus of his military and political support base.^[207] Believing that victory was assured by numerical superiority, he sent large numbers of Red Army troops into battle against the region’s anti-Bolshevik White armies, resulting in heavy losses; Lenin was concerned by this costly tactic.^[208] In Tsaritsyn, Stalin commanded the local Cheka branch to execute suspected counter-revolutionaries, sometimes without trial^[209] and — in contravention of government orders — purged the military and food collection agencies of middle-class specialists, some of whom he also executed.^[210] His use of state violence and terror was at a greater scale than most Bolshevik leaders approved of;^[211] for instance, he ordered several villages to be torched to ensure compliance with his food procurement program.^[212]

In December 1918, Stalin was sent to Perm to lead an inquiry into how Alexander Kolchak‘s White forces had been able to decimate Red troops based there.^[213] He returned to Moscow between January and March 1919,^[214] before being assigned to the Western Front at Petrograd.^[215] When the Red Third Regiment defected, he ordered the public execution of captured defectors.^[214] In September he was returned to the Southern Front.^[214] During the war, he proved his worth to the Central Committee, displaying decisiveness, determination, and willingness to take on responsibility in conflict situations.^[205] At the same time, he disregarded orders and repeatedly threatened to resign when affronted.^[216] He was reprimanded by Lenin at the 8th Party Congress for employing tactics which resulted in far too many deaths of Red Army soldiers.^[217] In November 1919, the government nonetheless awarded him the Order of the Red Banner for his wartime service.^[218]

The Bolsheviks won the Russian civil war by the end of 1919.^[219] By that time, Sovnarkom had turned its attention to spreading proletarian revolution abroad, to this end forming the Communist International in March 1919; Stalin attended its inaugural ceremony.^[220] Although Stalin did not share Lenin’s belief that Europe’s proletariat were on the verge of revolution, he acknowledged that as long as it stood alone, Soviet Russia remained vulnerable.^[221] In December 1918, he drew up decrees recognising Marxist-governed Soviet republics in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia;^[222] during the civil war these Marxist governments were overthrown and the Baltic countries became fully independent of Russia, an act Stalin regarded as illegitimate.^[223] In February 1920, he was appointed to head the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate;^[224] that same month he was also transferred to the Caucasian Front.^[225]Joseph Stalin in 1920.

Following earlier clashes between Polish and Russian troops, the Polish–Soviet War broke out in early 1920, with the Poles invading Ukraine and taking Kyiv on 7 May.^[226] On 26 May, Stalin was moved to Ukraine, on the Southwest Front.^[227] The Red Army retook Kyiv on 10 June and soon forced the Polish troops back into Poland.^[228] On 16 July, the Central Committee decided to take the war into Polish territory.^[229] Lenin believed that the Polish proletariat would rise up to support the Russians against Józef Piłsudski‘s Polish government.^[229] Stalin had cautioned against this; he believed that nationalism would lead the Polish working-classes to support their government’s war effort.^[229] He also believed that the Red Army was ill-prepared to conduct an offensive war and that it would give White Armies a chance to resurface in Crimea, potentially reigniting the civil war.^[229] Stalin lost the argument, after which he accepted Lenin’s decision and supported it.^[225] Along the Southwest Front, he became determined to conquer Lviv; in focusing on this goal he disobeyed orders in early August to transfer his troops to assist Mikhail Tukhachevsky‘s forces that were attacking Warsaw.^[230]

In mid-August 1920, the Poles repulsed the Russian advance, and Stalin returned to Moscow to attend the Politburo meeting.^[231] In Moscow, Lenin and Trotsky blamed him for his behavior in the Polish–Soviet war.^[232] Stalin felt humiliated and under-appreciated; on 17 August, he demanded demission from the military, which was granted on 1 September.^[233] At the 9th Bolshevik Conference in late September, Trotsky accused Stalin of “strategic mistakes” in his handling of the war.^[234] Trotsky claimed that Stalin sabotaged the campaign by disobeying troop transfer orders.^[235] Lenin joined Trotsky in criticising him, and nobody spoke on his behalf at the conference.^[236] Stalin felt disgraced and increased his antipathy toward Trotsky.^[217] The Polish-Soviet War ended on 18 March 1921, when a peace treaty was signed in Riga.^[237]

Lenin’s final years: 1921–1923[edit source]

Stalin wearing a Order of the Red Banner. According to info published in Pravda (Pravda. 24 December 1939. No: 354 (8039)), this photograph was taken in Ordzhonikidze‘s house in 1921.

The Soviet government sought to bring neighbouring states under its domination; in February 1921 it invaded the Menshevik-governed Georgia,^[238] while in April 1921, Stalin ordered the Red Army into Turkestan to reassert Russian state control.^[239] As People’s Commissar for Nationalities, Stalin believed that each national and ethnic group should have the right to self-expression,^[240] facilitated through “autonomous republics” within the Russian state in which they could oversee various regional affairs.^[241] In taking this view, some Marxists accused him of bending too much to bourgeois nationalism, while others accused him of remaining too Russocentric by seeking to retain these nations within the Russian state.^[240]

Stalin’s native Caucasus posed a particular problem because of its highly multi-ethnic mix.^[242] Stalin opposed the idea of separate Georgian, Armenian, and Azerbaijani autonomous republics, arguing that these would likely oppress ethnic minorities within their respective territories; instead he called for a Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic.^[243] The Georgian Communist Party opposed the idea, resulting in the Georgian affair.^[244] In mid-1921, Stalin returned to the southern Caucasus, there calling on Georgian Communists to avoid the chauvinistic Georgian nationalism which marginalised the Abkhazian, Ossetian, and Adjarian minorities in Georgia.^[245] On this trip, Stalin met with his son Yakov, and brought him back to Moscow;^[246] Nadezhda had given birth to another of Stalin’s sons, Vasily, in March 1921.^[246]

After the civil war, workers’ strikes and peasant uprisings broke out across Russia, largely in opposition to Sovnarkom’s food requisitioning project; as an antidote, Lenin introduced market-oriented reforms: the New Economic Policy (NEP).^[247] There was also internal turmoil in the Communist Party, as Trotsky led a faction calling for abolition of trade unions; Lenin opposed this, and Stalin helped rally opposition to Trotsky’s position.^[248] Stalin also agreed to supervise the Department of Agitation and Propaganda in the Central Committee Secretariat.^[249] At the 11th Party Congress in 1922, Lenin nominated Stalin as the party’s new General Secretary. Although concerns were expressed that adopting this new post on top of his others would overstretch his workload and give him too much power, Stalin was appointed to the position.^[250] For Lenin, it was advantageous to have a key ally in this crucial post.^[251]

Stalin is too crude, and this defect which is entirely acceptable in our milieu and in relationships among us as communists, becomes unacceptable in the position of General Secretary. I therefore propose to comrades that they should devise a means of removing him from this job and should appoint to this job someone else who is distinguished from comrade Stalin in all other respects only by the single superior aspect that he should be more tolerant, more polite and more attentive towards comrades, less capricious, etc.

— Lenin’s Testament, 4 January 1923;^[252] this was possibly composed by Krupskaya rather than Lenin himself.^[253]Stalin (right) confers with an ailing Lenin at Gorky in September 1922

In May 1922, a massive stroke left Lenin partially paralyzed.^[254] Residing at his Gorki dacha, Lenin’s main connection to Sovnarkom was through Stalin, who was a regular visitor.^[255] Lenin twice asked Stalin to procure poison so that he could commit suicide, but Stalin never did so.^[256] Despite this comradeship, Lenin disliked what he referred to as Stalin’s “Asiatic” manner and told his sister Maria that Stalin was “not intelligent”.^[257] Lenin and Stalin argued on the issue of foreign trade; Lenin believed that the Soviet state should have a monopoly on foreign trade, but Stalin supported Grigori Sokolnikov‘s view that doing so was impractical at that stage.^[258] Another disagreement came over the Georgian affair, with Lenin backing the Georgian Central Committee’s desire for a Georgian Soviet Republic over Stalin’s idea of a Transcaucasian one.^[259]

They also disagreed on the nature of the Soviet state. Lenin called for establishment of a new federation named the “Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia”, reflecting his desire for expansion across the two continents and insisted that the Russian state should join this union on equal terms with the other Soviet states.^[260] Stalin believed this would encourage independence sentiment among non-Russians, instead arguing that ethnic minorities would be content as “autonomous republics” within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.^[261] Lenin accused Stalin of “Great Russian chauvinism”; Stalin accused Lenin of “national liberalism”.^[262] A compromise was reached, in which the federation would be renamed the “Union of Soviet Socialist Republics” (USSR).^[260] The USSR’s formation was ratified in December 1922; although officially a federal system, all major decisions were taken by the governing Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Moscow.^[263]

Their differences also became personal; Lenin was particularly angered when Stalin was rude to his wife Krupskaya during a telephone conversation.^[264] In the final years of his life, Krupskaya provided governing figures with Lenin’s Testament, a series of increasingly disparaging notes about Stalin. These criticised Stalin’s rude manners and excessive power, suggesting that Stalin should be removed from the position of general secretary.^[265] Some historians have questioned whether Lenin ever produced these, suggesting instead that they may have been written by Krupskaya, who had personal differences with Stalin;^[253] Stalin, however, never publicly voiced concerns about their authenticity.^[266]

Consolidation of power[edit source]

Main article: Rise of Joseph Stalin

Succeeding Lenin: 1924–1927[edit source]

(From left to right) Stalin, Alexei Rykov, Lev Kamenev, and Grigori Zinoviev in 1925

Lenin died in January 1924.^[267] Stalin took charge of the funeral and was one of its pallbearers; against the wishes of Lenin’s widow, the Politburo embalmed his corpse and placed it within a mausoleum in Moscow’s Red Square.^[268] It was incorporated into a growing personality cult devoted to Lenin, with Petrograd being renamed “Leningrad” that year.^[269] To bolster his image as a devoted Leninist, Stalin gave nine lectures at Sverdlov University on the “Foundations of Leninism“, later published in book form.^[270] During the 13th Party Congress in May 1924, “Lenin’s Testament” was read only to the leaders of the provincial delegations.^[271] Embarrassed by its contents, Stalin offered his resignation as General Secretary; this act of humility saved him and he was retained in the position.^[272]

As General Secretary, Stalin had a free hand in making appointments to his own staff, implanting his loyalists throughout the party and administration.^[273] Favouring new Communist Party members, many from worker and peasant backgrounds, to the “Old Bolsheviks” who tended to be university educated,^[274] he ensured he had loyalists dispersed across the country’s regions.^[275] Stalin had much contact with young party functionaries,^[276] and the desire for promotion led many provincial figures to seek to impress Stalin and gain his favour.^[277] Stalin also developed close relations with the trio at the heart of the secret police (first the Cheka and then its replacement, the State Political Directorate): Felix Dzerzhinsky, Genrikh Yagoda, and Vyacheslav Menzhinsky.^[278] In his private life, he divided his time between his Kremlin apartment and a dacha at Zubalova;^[279] his wife gave birth to a daughter, Svetlana, in February 1926.^[280]

In the wake of Lenin’s death, various protagonists emerged in the struggle to become his successor: alongside Stalin was Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Alexei Rykov, and Mikhail Tomsky.^[281] Stalin saw Trotsky — whom he personally despised^[282] — as the main obstacle to his dominance within the party.^[283] While Lenin had been ill Stalin had forged an anti-Trotsky alliance with Kamenev and Zinoviev.^[284] Although Zinoviev was concerned about Stalin’s growing authority, he rallied behind him at the 13th Congress as a counterweight to Trotsky, who now led a party faction known as the Left Opposition.^[285] The Left Opposition believed the NEP conceded too much to capitalism; Stalin was called a “rightist” for his support of the policy.^[286] Stalin built up a retinue of his supporters in the Central Committee,^[287] while the Left Opposition were gradually removed from their positions of influence.^[288] He was supported in this by Bukharin, who, like Stalin, believed that the Left Opposition’s proposals would plunge the Soviet Union into instability.^[289]Stalin and his close associates Anastas Mikoyan and Sergo Ordzhonikidze in Tbilisi, 1925

In late 1924, Stalin moved against Kamenev and Zinoviev, removing their supporters from key positions.^[290] In 1925, the two moved into open opposition to Stalin and Bukharin.^[291] At the 14th Party Congress in December, they launched an attack against Stalin’s faction, but it was unsuccessful.^[292] Stalin in turn accused Kamenev and Zinoviev of reintroducing factionalism — and thus instability — into the party.^[292] In mid-1926, Kamenev and Zinoviev joined with Trotsky’s supporters to form the United Opposition against Stalin;^[293] in October they agreed to stop factional activity under threat of expulsion, and later publicly recanted their views under Stalin’s command.^[294] The factionalist arguments continued, with Stalin threatening to resign in October and then December 1926 and again in December 1927.^[295] In October 1927, Zinoviev and Trotsky were removed from the Central Committee;^[296] the latter was exiled to Kazakhstan and later deported from the country in 1929.^[297] Some of those United Opposition members who were repentant were later rehabilitated and returned to government.^[298]

Stalin was now the party’s supreme leader,^[299] although he was not the head of government, a task he entrusted to his key ally Vyacheslav Molotov.^[300] Other important supporters on the Politburo were Voroshilov, Lazar Kaganovich, and Sergo Ordzhonikidze,^[301] with Stalin ensuring his allies ran the various state institutions.^[302] According to Montefiore, at this point “Stalin was the leader of the oligarchs but he was far from a dictator”.^[303] His growing influence was reflected in naming of various locations after him; in June 1924 the Ukrainian mining town of Yuzovka became Stalino,^[304] and in April 1925, Tsaritsyn was renamed Stalingrad on the order of Mikhail Kalinin and Avel Enukidze.^[305]

In 1926, Stalin published On Questions of Leninism.^[306] Here, he argued for the concept of “Socialism in One Country“, which he presented as an orthodox Leninist perspective. It nevertheless clashed with established Bolshevik views that socialism could not be established in one country but could only be achieved globally through the process of world revolution.^[306] In 1927, there was some argument in the party over Soviet policy regarding China. Stalin had called for the Chinese Communists to ally themselves with Kuomintang (KMT) nationalists, viewing a Communist-Kuomintang alliance as the best bulwark against Japanese imperial expansionism. Instead, the KMT repressed the Communists and a civil war broke out between the two sides.^[307]

Dekulakisation, collectivisation, and industrialisation: 1927–1931[edit source]

Economic policy[edit source]

We have fallen behind the advanced countries by fifty to a hundred years. We must close that gap in ten years. Either we do this or we’ll be crushed.
This is what our obligations before the workers and peasants of the USSR dictate to us.

— Stalin, February 1931^[308]

The Soviet Union lagged behind the industrial development of Western countries,^[309] and there had been a shortfall of grain; 1927 produced only 70% of grain produced in 1926.^[310] Stalin’s government feared attack from Japan, France, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Romania.^[311] Many Communists, including in Komsomol, OGPU, and the Red Army, were eager to be rid of the NEP and its market-oriented approach;^[312] they had concerns about those who profited from the policy: affluent peasants known as “kulaks” and small business owners or “Nepmen“.^[313] At this point, Stalin turned against the NEP, which put him on a course to the “left” even of Trotsky or Zinoviev.^[314]

In early 1928 Stalin travelled to Novosibirsk, where he alleged that kulaks were hoarding their grain and ordered that the kulaks be arrested and their grain confiscated, with Stalin bringing much of the area’s grain back to Moscow with him in February.^[315] At his command, grain procurement squads surfaced across Western Siberia and the Urals, with violence breaking out between these squads and the peasantry.^[316] Stalin announced that both kulaks and the “middle peasants” must be coerced into releasing their harvest.^[317] Bukharin and several other Central Committee members were angry that they had not been consulted about this measure, which they deemed rash.^[318] In January 1930, the Politburo approved the liquidation of the kulak class; accused kulaks were rounded up and exiled to other parts of the country or to concentration camps.^[319] Large numbers died during the journey.^[320] By July 1930, over 320,000 households had been affected by the de-kulakisation policy.^[319] According to Stalin biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, de-kulakisation was “the first mass terror applied by Stalin in his own country.”^[321]Aleksei Grigorievich Stakhanov with a fellow miner; Stalin’s government initiated the Stakhanovite movement to encourage hard work. It was partly responsible for a substantial rise in production during the 1930s.^[322]

In 1929, the Politburo announced the mass collectivisation of agriculture,^[323] establishing both kolkhozy collective farms and sovkhoz state farms.^[324] Stalin barred kulaks from joining these collectives.^[325] Although officially voluntary, many peasants joined the collectives out of fear they would face the fate of the kulaks; others joined amid intimidation and violence from party loyalists.^[326] By 1932, about 62% of households involved in agriculture were part of collectives, and by 1936 this had risen to 90%.^[327] Many of the collectivised peasants resented the loss of their private farmland,^[328] and productivity slumped.^[329] Famine broke out in many areas,^[330] with the Politburo frequently ordering distribution of emergency food relief to these regions.^[331]

Armed peasant uprisings against dekulakisation and collectivisation broke out in Ukraine, northern Caucasus, southern Russia, and central Asia, reaching their apex in March 1930; these were suppressed by the Red Army.^[332] Stalin responded to the uprisings with an article insisting that collectivisation was voluntary and blaming any violence and other excesses on local officials.^[333] Although he and Stalin had been close for many years,^[334] Bukharin expressed concerns about these policies; he regarded them as a return to Lenin’s old “war communism” policy and believed that it would fail. By mid-1928 he was unable to rally sufficient support in the party to oppose the reforms.^[335] In November 1929 Stalin removed him from the Politburo.^[336]

Officially, the Soviet Union had replaced the “irrationality” and “wastefulness” of a market economy with a planned economy organised along a long-term, precise, and scientific framework; in reality, Soviet economics were based on ad hoc commandments issued from the centre, often to make short-term targets.^[337] In 1928, the first five-year plan was launched, its main focus on boosting heavy industry;^[338] it was finished a year ahead of schedule, in 1932.^[339] The USSR underwent a massive economic transformation.^[340] New mines were opened, new cities like Magnitogorsk constructed, and work on the White Sea-Baltic Canal began.^[340] Millions of peasants moved to the cities, although urban house building could not keep up with the demand.^[340] Large debts were accrued purchasing foreign-made machinery.^[341]

Many of major construction projects, including the White Sea-Baltic Canal and the Moscow Metro, were constructed largely through forced labour.^[342] The last elements of workers’ control over industry were removed, with factory managers increasing their authority and receiving privileges and perks;^[343] Stalin defended wage disparity by pointing to Marx’s argument that it was necessary during the lower stages of socialism.^[344] To promote intensification of labour, a series of medals and awards as well as the Stakhanovite movement were introduced.^[322] Stalin’s message was that socialism was being established in the USSR while capitalism was crumbling amid the Wall Street crash.^[345] His speeches and articles reflected his utopian vision of the Soviet Union rising to unparalleled heights of human development, creating a “new Soviet person“.^[346]

Cultural and foreign policy[edit source]

In 1928, Stalin declared that class war between the proletariat and their enemies would intensify as socialism developed.^[347] He warned of a “danger from the right”, including in the Communist Party itself.^[348] The first major show trial in the USSR was the Shakhty Trial of 1928, in which several middle-class “industrial specialists” were convicted of sabotage.^[349] From 1929 to 1930, further show trials were held to intimidate opposition:^[350] these included the Industrial Party Trial, Menshevik Trial, and Metro-Vickers Trial.^[351] Aware that the ethnic Russian majority may have concerns about being ruled by a Georgian,^[352] he promoted ethnic Russians throughout the state hierarchy and made the Russian language compulsory throughout schools and offices, albeit to be used in tandem with local languages in areas with non-Russian majorities.^[353] Nationalist sentiment among ethnic minorities was suppressed.^[354] Conservative social policies were promoted to enhance social discipline and boost population growth; this included a focus on strong family units and motherhood, re-criminalisation of homosexuality, restrictions placed on abortion and divorce, and abolition of the Zhenotdel women’s department.^[355]Photograph taken of the 1931 demolition of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow in order to make way for the Palace of the Soviets

Stalin desired a “cultural revolution“,^[356] entailing both creation of a culture for the “masses” and wider dissemination of previously elite culture.^[357] He oversaw proliferation of schools, newspapers, and libraries, as well as advancement of literacy and numeracy.^[358] Socialist realism was promoted throughout arts,^[359] while Stalin personally wooed prominent writers, namely Maxim Gorky, Mikhail Sholokhov, and Aleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy.^[360] He also expressed patronage for scientists whose research fitted within his preconceived interpretation of Marxism; for instance, he endorsed research of an agrobiologist Trofim Lysenko despite the fact that it was rejected by the majority of Lysenko’s scientific peers as pseudo-scientific.^[361] The government’s anti-religious campaign was re-intensified,^[362] with increased funding given to the League of Militant Atheists.^[354] Christian, Muslim, and Buddhist clergy faced persecution.^[350] Many religious buildings were demolished, most notably Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, destroyed in 1931 to make way for the (never completed) Palace of the Soviets.^[363] Religion retained an influence over much of the population; in the 1937 census, 57% of respondents identified as religious.^[364]

Throughout the 1920s and beyond, Stalin placed a high priority on foreign policy.^[365] He personally met with a range of Western visitors, including George Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells, both of whom were impressed with him.^[366] Through the Communist International, Stalin’s government exerted a strong influence over Marxist parties elsewhere in the world;^[367] initially, Stalin left the running of the organisation largely to Bukharin.^[368] At its 6th Congress in July 1928, Stalin informed delegates that the main threat to socialism came not from the right but from non-Marxist socialists and social democrats, whom he called “social fascists“;^[369] Stalin recognised that in many countries, the social democrats were the Marxist-Leninists’ main rivals for working-class support.^[370] This preoccupation with opposing rival leftists concerned Bukharin, who regarded the growth of fascism and the far right across Europe as a far greater threat.^[368] After Bukharin’s departure, Stalin placed the Communist International under the administration of Dmitry Manuilsky and Osip Piatnitsky.^[367]

Stalin faced problems in his family life. In 1929, his son Yakov unsuccessfully attempted suicide; his failure earned Stalin’s contempt.^[371] His relationship with Nadezhda was also strained amid their arguments and her mental health problems.^[372] In November 1932, after a group dinner in the Kremlin in which Stalin flirted with other women, Nadezhda shot herself.^[373] Publicly, the cause of death was given as appendicitis; Stalin also concealed the real cause of death from his children.^[374] Stalin’s friends noted that he underwent a significant change following her suicide, becoming emotionally harder.^[375]

Major crises: 1932–1939[edit source]

Famine[edit source]

Further information: Soviet famine of 1932–33, Holodomor, and Kazakh famine of 1932–33 Soviet famine of 1932–33. Areas of most disastrous famine marked with black.

Within the Soviet Union, there was widespread civic disgruntlement against Stalin’s government.^[376] Social unrest, previously restricted largely to the countryside, was increasingly evident in urban areas, prompting Stalin to ease on some of his economic policies in 1932.^[377] In May 1932, he introduced a system of kolkhoz markets where peasants could trade their surplus produce.^[378] At the same time, penal sanctions became more severe; at Stalin’s instigation, in August 1932 a decree was introduced wherein the theft of even a handful of grain could be a capital offense.^[379] The second five-year plan had its production quotas reduced from that of the first, with the main emphasis now being on improving living conditions.^[377] It therefore emphasised the expansion of housing space and the production of consumer goods.^[377] Like its predecessor, this plan was repeatedly amended to meet changing situations; there was for instance an increasing emphasis placed on armament production after Adolf Hitler became German chancellor in 1933.^[380]

The Soviet Union experienced a major famine which peaked in the winter of 1932–33;^[381] between five and seven million people died.^[382] The worst affected areas were Ukraine and the North Caucasus, although the famine also affected Kazakhstan and several Russian provinces.^[383] Historians have long debated whether Stalin’s government had intended the famine to occur or not;^[384] there are no known documents in which Stalin or his government explicitly called for starvation to be used against the population.^[385] The 1931 and 1932 harvests had been poor ones because of weather conditions^[386] and had followed several years in which lower productivity had resulted in a gradual decline in output.^[382] Government policies—including the focus on rapid industrialisation, the socialisation of livestock, and the emphasis on sown areas over crop rotation—exacerbated the problem;^[387] the state had also failed to build reserve grain stocks for such an emergency.^[388] Stalin blamed the famine on hostile elements and sabotage within the peasantry;^[389] his government provided small amounts of food to famine-struck rural areas, although this was wholly insufficient to deal with the levels of starvation.^[390] The Soviet government believed that food supplies should be prioritized for the urban workforce;^[391] for Stalin, the fate of Soviet industrialisation was far more important than the lives of the peasantry.^[392] Grain exports, which were a major means of Soviet payment for machinery, declined heavily.^[390] Stalin would not acknowledge that his policies had contributed to the famine,^[379] the existence of which was kept secret from foreign observers.^[393]

Ideological and foreign affairs[edit source]

See also: Stalin’s cult of personality

In 1935–36, Stalin oversaw a new constitution; its dramatic liberal features were designed as propaganda weapons, for all power rested in the hands of Stalin and his Politburo.^[394] He declared that “socialism, which is the first phase of communism, has basically been achieved in this country”.^[394] In 1938, The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), colloquially known as the Short Course, was released;^[395] Conquest later referred to it as the “central text of Stalinism”.^[396] A number of authorised Stalin biographies were also published,^[397] although Stalin generally wanted to be portrayed as the embodiment of the Communist Party rather than have his life story explored.^[398] During the later 1930s, Stalin placed “a few limits on the worship of his own greatness”.^[398] By 1938, Stalin’s inner circle had gained a degree of stability, containing the personalities who would remain there until Stalin’s death.^[399]Review of Soviet armored fighting vehicles used to equip the Republican People’s Army during the Spanish Civil War

Seeking improved international relations, in 1934 the Soviet Union secured membership of the League of Nations, of which it had previously been excluded.^[400] Stalin initiated confidential communications with Hitler in October 1933, shortly after the latter came to power in Germany.^[401] Stalin admired Hitler, particularly his manoeuvres to remove rivals within the Nazi Party in the Night of the Long Knives.^[402] Stalin nevertheless recognised the threat posed by fascism and sought to establish better links with the liberal democracies of Western Europe;^[403] in May 1935, the Soviets signed a treaty of mutual assistance with France and Czechoslovakia.^[404] At the Communist International’s 7th Congress, held in July–August 1935, the Soviet government encouraged Marxist-Leninists to unite with other leftists as part of a popular front against fascism.^[405] In turn, the anti-communist governments of Germany, Fascist Italy and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936.^[406]

When the Spanish Civil War broke out in July 1936, the Soviets sent 648 aircraft and 407 tanks to the left-wing Republican faction; these were accompanied by 3,000 Soviet troops and 42,000 members of the International Brigades set up by the Communist International.^[407] Stalin took a strong personal involvement in the Spanish situation.^[408] Germany and Italy backed the Nationalist faction, which was ultimately victorious in March 1939.^[409] With the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in July 1937, the Soviet Union and China signed a non-aggression pact the following August.^[410] Stalin aided the Chinese as the KMT and the Communists had suspended their civil war and formed the desired United Front.^[411]

The Great Terror[edit source]

Exhumed mass grave of the Vinnytsia massacre

Stalin often gave conflicting signals regarding state repression.^[412] In May 1933, he released from prison many convicted of minor offenses, ordering the security services not to enact further mass arrests and deportations.^[413] In September 1934, he launched a commission to investigate false imprisonments; that same month he called for the execution of workers at the Stalin Metallurgical Factory accused of spying for Japan.^[412] This mixed approach began to change in December 1934, after prominent party member Sergey Kirov was murdered.^[414] After the murder, Stalin became increasingly concerned by the threat of assassination, improved his personal security, and rarely went out in public.^[415] State repression intensified after Kirov’s death;^[416] Stalin instigated this, reflecting his prioritisation of security above other considerations.^[417] Stalin issued a decree establishing NKVD troikas which could mete out rulings without involving the courts.^[418] In 1935, he ordered the NKVD to expel suspected counter-revolutionaries from urban areas;^[380] in early 1935, over 11,000 were expelled from Leningrad.^[380] In 1936, Nikolai Yezhov became head of the NKVD.^[419]

Stalin orchestrated the arrest of many former opponents in the Communist Party as well as sitting members of the Central Committee: denounced as Western-backed mercenaries, many were imprisoned or exiled internally.^[420] The first Moscow Trial took place in August 1936; Kamenev and Zinoviev were among those accused of plotting assassinations, found guilty in a show trial, and executed.^[421] The second Moscow Show Trial took place in January 1937,^[422] and the third in March 1938, in which Bukharin and Rykov were accused of involvement in the alleged Trotskyite-Zinovievite terrorist plot and sentenced to death.^[423] By late 1937, all remnants of collective leadership were gone from the Politburo, which was controlled entirely by Stalin.^[424] There were mass expulsions from the party,^[425] with Stalin commanding foreign communist parties to also purge anti-Stalinist elements.^[426]Victims of Stalin’s Great Terror in the Bykivnia mass graves

Repressions further intensified in December 1936 and remained at a high level until November 1938, a period known as the Great Purge.^[417] By the latter part of 1937, the purges had moved beyond the party and were affecting the wider population.^[427] In July 1937, the Politburo ordered a purge of “anti-Soviet elements” in society, targeting anti-Stalin Bolsheviks, former Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, priests, ex-White Army soldiers, and common criminals.^[428] That month, Stalin and Yezhov signed Order No. 00447, listing 268,950 people for arrest, of whom 75,950 were executed.^[429] He also initiated “national operations”, the ethnic cleansing of non-Soviet ethnic groups—among them Poles, Germans, Latvians, Finns, Greeks, Koreans, and Chinese—through internal or external exile.^[430] During these years, approximately 1.6 million people were arrested,^[431] 700,000 were shot, and an unknown number died under NKVD torture.^[431]

During the 1930s and 1940s, NKVD groups assassinated defectors and opponents abroad;^[432] in August 1940, Trotsky was assassinated in Mexico, eliminating the last of Stalin’s opponents among the former Party leadership.^[433] In May, this was followed by the arrest of most members of the military Supreme Command and mass arrests throughout the military, often on fabricated charges.^[434] These purges replaced most of the party’s old guard with younger officials who did not remember a time before Stalin’s leadership and who were regarded as more personally loyal to him.^[435] Party functionaries readily carried out their commands and sought to ingratiate themselves with Stalin to avoid becoming the victim of the purge.^[436] Such functionaries often carried out a greater number of arrests and executions than their quotas set by Stalin’s central government.^[437]

Stalin initiated all key decisions during the Terror, personally directing many of its operations and taking an interest in their implementation.^[438] His motives in doing so have been much debated by historians.^[431] His personal writings from the period were — according to Khlevniuk — “unusually convoluted and incoherent”, filled with claims about enemies encircling him.^[439] He was particularly concerned at the success that right-wing forces had in overthrowing the leftist Spanish government,^[440] fearing a domestic fifth column in the event of future war with Japan and Germany.^[441] The Great Terror ended when Yezhov was removed as the head of the NKVD, to be replaced by Lavrentiy Beria,^[442] a man totally devoted to Stalin.^[443] Yezhov was arrested in April 1939 and executed in 1940.^[444] The Terror damaged the Soviet Union’s reputation abroad, particularly among sympathetic leftists.^[445] As it wound down, Stalin sought to deflect responsibility from himself,^[446] blaming its “excesses” and “violations of law” on Yezhov.^[447] According to historian James Harris, contemporary archival research shows that the motivation behind the purges was not Stalin attempting to establish his own personal dictatorship; evidence suggests he was committed to building the socialist state envisioned by Lenin. The real motivation for the terror, according to Harris, was an excessive fear of counterrevolution.^[448]

World War II[edit source]

Main article: Soviet Union in World War II

Pact with Nazi Germany: 1939–1941[edit source]

As a Marxist–Leninist, Stalin expected an inevitable conflict between competing capitalist powers; after Nazi Germany annexed Austria and then part of Czechoslovakia in 1938, Stalin recognised a war was looming.^[449] He sought to maintain Soviet neutrality, hoping that a German war against France and Britain would lead to Soviet dominance in Europe.^[450] Militarily, the Soviets also faced a threat from the east, with Soviet troops clashing with the expansionist Japanese in the latter part of the 1930s.^[451] Stalin initiated a military build-up, with the Red Army more than doubling between January 1939 and June 1941, although in its haste to expand many of its officers were poorly trained.^[452] Between 1940 and 1941 he also purged the military, leaving it with a severe shortage of trained officers when war broke out.^[453]Stalin greeting the German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop in the Kremlin, 1939

As Britain and France seemed unwilling to commit to an alliance with the Soviet Union, Stalin saw a better deal with the Germans.^[454] On 3 May 1939, Stalin replaced his western-oriented foreign minister Maxim Litvinov with Vyacheslav Molotov.^[455] In May 1939, Germany began negotiations with the Soviets, proposing that Eastern Europe be divided between the two powers.^[456] Stalin saw this as an opportunity both for territorial expansion and temporary peace with Germany.^[457] In August 1939, the Soviet Union signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact with Germany, a non-aggression pact negotiated by Molotov and German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.^[458] A week later, Germany invaded Poland, sparking the UK and France to declare war on Germany.^[459] On 17 September, the Red Army entered eastern Poland, officially to restore order amid the collapse of the Polish state.^[460] On 28 September, Germany and the Soviet Union exchanged some of their newly conquered territories; Germany gained the linguistically Polish-dominated areas of Lublin Province and part of Warsaw Province while the Soviets gained Lithuania.^[461] A German–Soviet Frontier Treaty was signed shortly after, in Stalin’s presence.^[462] The two states continued trading, undermining the British blockade of Germany.^[463]

The Soviets further demanded parts of eastern Finland, but the Finnish government refused. The Soviets invaded Finland in November 1939, yet despite numerical inferiority, the Finns kept the Red Army at bay.^[464] International opinion backed Finland, with the Soviets being expelled from the League of Nations.^[465] Embarrassed by their inability to defeat the Finns, the Soviets signed an interim peace treaty, in which they received territorial concessions from Finland.^[466] In June 1940, the Red Army occupied the Baltic states, which were forcibly merged into the Soviet Union in August;^[467] they also invaded and annexed Bessarabia and northern Bukovina, parts of Romania.^[468] The Soviets sought to forestall dissent in these new East European territories with mass repressions.^[469] One of the most noted instances was the Katyn massacre of April and May 1940, in which around 22,000 members of the Polish armed forces, police, and intelligentsia were executed.^[470]

The speed of the German victory over and occupation of France in mid-1940 took Stalin by surprise.^[471] He increasingly focused on appeasement with the Germans to delay any conflict with them.^[472] After the Tripartite Pact was signed by Axis Powers Germany, Japan, and Italy in October 1940, Stalin proposed that the USSR also join the Axis alliance.^[473] To demonstrate peaceful intentions toward Germany, in April 1941 the Soviets signed a neutrality pact with Japan.^[474] Although de facto head of government for a decade and a half, Stalin concluded that relations with Germany had deteriorated to such an extent that he needed to deal with the problem as de jure head of government as well: on 6 May, Stalin replaced Molotov as Premier of the Soviet Union.^[475]

German invasion: 1941–1942[edit source]

With all the men at the front, women dig anti-tank trenches around Moscow in 1941

In June 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, initiating the war on the Eastern Front.^[476] Although intelligence agencies had repeatedly warned him of Germany’s intentions, Stalin was taken by surprise.^[477] He formed a State Defense Committee, which he headed as Supreme Commander,^[478] as well as a military Supreme Command (Stavka),^[479] with Georgy Zhukov as its Chief of Staff.^[480] The German tactic of blitzkrieg was initially highly effective; the Soviet air force in the western borderlands was destroyed within two days.^[481] The German Wehrmacht pushed deep into Soviet territory;^[482] soon, Ukraine, Byelorussia, and the Baltic states were under German occupation, and Leningrad was under siege;^[483] and Soviet refugees were flooding into Moscow and surrounding cities.^[484] By July, Germany’s Luftwaffe was bombing Moscow,^[483] and by October the Wehrmacht was amassing for a full assault on the capital. Plans were made for the Soviet government to evacuate to Kuibyshev, although Stalin decided to remain in Moscow, believing his flight would damage troop morale.^[485] The German advance on Moscow was halted after two months of battle in increasingly harsh weather conditions.^[486]

Going against the advice of Zhukov and other generals, Stalin emphasised attack over defence.^[487] In June 1941, he ordered a scorched earth policy of destroying infrastructure and food supplies before the Germans could seize them,^[488] also commanding the NKVD to kill around 100,000 political prisoners in areas the Wehrmacht approached.^[489] He purged the military command; several high-ranking figures were demoted or reassigned and others were arrested and executed.^[490] With Order No. 270, Stalin commanded soldiers risking capture to fight to the death describing the captured as traitors;^[491] among those taken as a prisoner of war by the Germans was Stalin’s son Yakov, who died in their custody.^[492] Stalin issued Order No. 227 in July 1942, which directed that those retreating unauthorised would be placed in “penal battalions” used as cannon fodder on the front lines.^[493] Amid the fighting, both the German and Soviet armies disregarded the law of war set forth in the Geneva Conventions;^[494] the Soviets heavily publicised Nazi massacres of communists, Jews, and Romani.^[495] Stalin exploited Nazi anti-Semitism, and in April 1942 he sponsored the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC) to garner Jewish and foreign support for the Soviet war effort.^[496]The center of Stalingrad after liberation, 2 February 1943

The Soviets allied with the United Kingdom and United States;^[497] although the U.S. joined the war against Germany in 1941, little direct American assistance reached the Soviets until late 1942.^[494] Responding to the invasion, the Soviets intensified their industrial enterprises in central Russia, focusing almost entirely on production for the military.^[498] They achieved high levels of industrial productivity, outstripping that of Germany.^[495] During the war, Stalin was more tolerant of the Russian Orthodox Church, allowing it to resume some of its activities and meeting with Patriarch Sergius in September 1943.^[499] He also permitted a wider range of cultural expression, notably permitting formerly suppressed writers and artists like Anna Akhmatova and Dmitri Shostakovich to disperse their work more widely.^[500] The Internationale was dropped as the country’s national anthem, to be replaced with a more patriotic song.^[501] The government increasingly promoted Pan-Slavist sentiment,^[502] while encouraging increased criticism of cosmopolitanism, particularly the idea of “rootless cosmopolitanism”, an approach with particular repercussions for Soviet Jews.^[503] Comintern was dissolved in 1943,^[504] and Stalin encouraged foreign Marxist–Leninist parties to emphasise nationalism over internationalism to broaden their domestic appeal.^[502]

In April 1942, Stalin overrode Stavka by ordering the Soviets’ first serious counter-attack, an attempt to seize German-held Kharkov in eastern Ukraine. This attack proved unsuccessful.^[505] That year, Hitler shifted his primary goal from an overall victory on the Eastern Front, to the goal of securing the oil fields in the southern Soviet Union crucial to a long-term German war effort.^[506] While Red Army generals saw evidence that Hitler would shift efforts south, Stalin considered this to be a flanking move in a renewed effort to take Moscow.^[507] In June 1942, the German Army began a major offensive in Southern Russia, threatening Stalingrad; Stalin ordered the Red Army to hold the city at all costs.^[508] This resulted in the protracted Battle of Stalingrad.^[509] In December 1942, he placed Konstantin Rokossovski in charge of holding the city.^[510] In February 1943, the German troops attacking Stalingrad surrendered.^[511] The Soviet victory there marked a major turning point in the war;^[512] in commemoration, Stalin declared himself Marshal of the Soviet Union.^[513]^[514]

Soviet counter-attack: 1942–1945[edit source]

The Big Three: Stalin, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill at the Tehran Conference, November 1943

By November 1942, the Soviets had begun to repulse the important German strategic southern campaign and, although there were 2.5 million Soviet casualties in that effort, it permitted the Soviets to take the offensive for most of the rest of the war on the Eastern Front.^[515] Germany attempted an encirclement attack at Kursk, which was successfully repulsed by the Soviets.^[516] By the end of 1943, the Soviets occupied half of the territory taken by the Germans from 1941 to 1942.^[517] Soviet military industrial output also had increased substantially from late 1941 to early 1943 after Stalin had moved factories well to the east of the front, safe from German invasion and aerial assault.^[518]

In Allied countries, Stalin was increasingly depicted in a positive light over the course of the war.^[519] In 1941, the London Philharmonic Orchestra performed a concert to celebrate his birthday,^[520] and in 1942, Time magazine named him “Man of the Year“.^[519] When Stalin learned that people in Western countries affectionately called him “Uncle Joe” he was initially offended, regarding it as undignified.^[521] There remained mutual suspicions between Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who were together known as the “Big Three”.^[522] Churchill flew to Moscow to visit Stalin in August 1942 and again in October 1944.^[523] Stalin scarcely left Moscow throughout the war,^[524] with Roosevelt and Churchill frustrated with his reluctance to travel to meet them.^[525]

In November 1943, Stalin met with Churchill and Roosevelt in Tehran, a location of Stalin’s choosing.^[526] There, Stalin and Roosevelt got on well, with both desiring the post-war dismantling of the British Empire.^[527] At Tehran, the trio agreed that to prevent Germany rising to military prowess yet again, the German state should be broken up.^[528] Roosevelt and Churchill also agreed to Stalin’s demand that the German city of Königsberg be declared Soviet territory.^[528] Stalin was impatient for the UK and U.S. to open up a Western Front to take the pressure off of the East; they eventually did so in mid-1944.^[529] Stalin insisted that, after the war, the Soviet Union should incorporate the portions of Poland it occupied pursuant to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Germany, which Churchill opposed.^[530] Discussing the fate of the Balkans, later in 1944 Churchill agreed to Stalin’s suggestion that after the war, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, and Yugoslavia would come under the Soviet sphere of influence while Greece would come under that of the West.^[531]Soviet soldiers in Polotsk, 4 July 1944

In 1944, the Soviet Union made significant advances across Eastern Europe toward Germany,^[532] including Operation Bagration, a massive offensive in the Byelorussian SSR against the German Army Group Centre.^[533] In 1944 the German armies were pushed out of the Baltic states (with the exception of the Ostland), which were then re-annexed into the Soviet Union.^[534] As the Red Army reconquered the Caucasus and Crimea, various ethnic groups living in the region—the Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingushi, Karachai, Balkars, and Crimean Tatars—were accused of having collaborated with the Germans. Using the idea of collective responsibility as a basis, Stalin’s government abolished their autonomous republics and between late 1943 and 1944 deported the majority of their populations to Central Asia and Siberia.^[535] Over one million people were deported as a result of the policy.^[536]

In February 1945, the three leaders met at the Yalta Conference.^[537] Roosevelt and Churchill conceded to Stalin’s demand that Germany pay the Soviet Union 20 billion dollars in reparations, and that his country be permitted to annex Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands in exchange for entering the war against Japan.^[538] An agreement was also made that a post-war Polish government should be a coalition consisting of both communist and conservative elements.^[539] Privately, Stalin sought to ensure that Poland would come fully under Soviet influence.^[540] The Red Army withheld assistance to Polish resistance fighters battling the Germans in the Warsaw Uprising, with Stalin believing that any victorious Polish militants could interfere with his aspirations to dominate Poland through a future Marxist government.^[541] Although concealing his desires from the other Allied leaders, Stalin placed great emphasis on capturing Berlin first, believing that this would enable him to bring more of Europe under long-term Soviet control. Churchill was concerned that this was the case and unsuccessfully tried to convince the U.S. that the Western Allies should pursue the same goal.^[542]

Victory: 1945[edit source]

British Prime Minister Clement Attlee, U.S. President Harry S. Truman and Joseph Stalin at the Potsdam Conference, July 1945

In April 1945, the Red Army seized Berlin, Hitler committed suicide, and Germany surrendered in May.^[543] Stalin had wanted Hitler captured alive; he had his remains brought to Moscow to prevent them becoming a relic for Nazi sympathisers.^[544] As the Red Army had conquered German territory, they discovered the extermination camps that the Nazi administration had run.^[542] Many Soviet soldiers engaged in looting, pillaging, and rape, both in Germany and parts of Eastern Europe.^[545] Stalin refused to punish the offenders.^[542] After receiving a complaint about this from Yugoslav communist Milovan Djilas, Stalin asked how after experiencing the traumas of war a soldier could “react normally? And what is so awful in his having fun with a woman, after such horrors?”^[546]

With Germany defeated, Stalin switched focus to the war with Japan, transferring half a million troops to the Far East.^[547] Stalin was pressed by his allies to enter the war and wanted to cement the Soviet Union’s strategic position in Asia.^[548] On 8 August, in between the U.S. atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Soviet army invaded Japanese-occupied Manchuria and defeated the Kwantung Army.^[549] These events led to the Japanese surrender and the war’s end.^[550] Soviet forces continued to expand until they occupied all their territorial concessions, but the U.S. rebuffed Stalin’s desire for the Red Army to take a role in the Allied occupation of Japan.^[551]

Stalin attended the Potsdam Conference in July–August 1945, alongside his new British and U.S. counterparts, Prime Minister Clement Attlee and President Harry Truman.^[552] At the conference, Stalin repeated previous promises to Churchill that he would refrain from a “Sovietization” of Eastern Europe.^[553] Stalin pushed for reparations from Germany without regard to the base minimum supply for German citizens’ survival, which worried Truman and Churchill who thought that Germany would become a financial burden for Western powers.^[554] He also pushed for “war booty”, which would permit the Soviet Union to directly seize property from conquered nations without quantitative or qualitative limitation, and a clause was added permitting this to occur with some limitations.^[554] Germany was divided into four zones: Soviet, U.S., British, and French, with Berlin itself—located within the Soviet area—also subdivided thusly.^[555]

Post-war era[edit source]

Post-war reconstruction and famine: 1945–1947[edit source]

After the war, Stalin was—according to Service—at the “apex of his career”.^[556] Within the Soviet Union he was widely regarded as the embodiment of victory and patriotism.^[557] His armies controlled Central and Eastern Europe up to the River Elbe.^[556] In June 1945, Stalin adopted the title of Generalissimus,^[558] and stood atop Lenin’s Mausoleum to watch a celebratory parade led by Zhukov through Red Square.^[559] At a banquet held for army commanders, he described the Russian people as “the outstanding nation” and “leading force” within the Soviet Union, the first time that he had unequivocally endorsed the Russians over other Soviet nationalities.^[560] In 1946, the state published Stalin’s Collected Works.^[561] In 1947, it brought out a second edition of his official biography, which eulogised him to a greater extent than its predecessor.^[562] He was quoted in Pravda on a daily basis and pictures of him remained pervasive on the walls of workplaces and homes.^[563]Banner of Stalin in Budapest in 1949

Despite his strengthened international position, Stalin was cautious about internal dissent and desire for change among the population.^[564] He was also concerned about his returning armies, who had been exposed to a wide range of consumer goods in Germany, much of which they had looted and brought back with them. In this he recalled the 1825 Decembrist Revolt by Russian soldiers returning from having defeated France in the Napoleonic Wars.^[565] He ensured that returning Soviet prisoners of war went through “filtration” camps as they arrived in the Soviet Union, in which 2,775,700 were interrogated to determine if they were traitors. About half were then imprisoned in labour camps.^[566] In the Baltic states, where there was much opposition to Soviet rule, de-kulakisation and de-clericalisation programs were initiated, resulting in 142,000 deportations between 1945 and 1949.^[534] The Gulag system of labour camps was expanded further. By January 1953, three percent of the Soviet population was imprisoned or in internal exile, with 2.8 million in “special settlements” in isolated areas and another 2.5 million in camps, penal colonies, and prisons.^[567]

The NKVD were ordered to catalogue the scale of destruction during the war.^[568] It was established that 1,710 Soviet towns and 70,000 villages had been destroyed.^[569] The NKVD recorded that between 26 and 27 million Soviet citizens had been killed, with millions more being wounded, malnourished, or orphaned.^[570] In the war’s aftermath, some of Stalin’s associates suggested modifications to government policy.^[571] Post-war Soviet society was more tolerant than its pre-war phase in various respects. Stalin allowed the Russian Orthodox Church to retain the churches it had opened during the war.^[572] Academia and the arts were also allowed greater freedom than they had prior to 1941.^[573] Recognising the need for drastic steps to be taken to combat inflation and promote economic regeneration, in December 1947 Stalin’s government devalued the ruble and abolished the ration-book system.^[574] Capital punishment was abolished in 1947 but reinstalled in 1950.^[575]

Stalin’s health was deteriorating, and heart problems forced a two-month vacation in the latter part of 1945.^[576] He grew increasingly concerned that senior political and military figures might try to oust him; he prevented any of them from becoming powerful enough to rival him and had their apartments bugged with listening devices.^[577] He demoted Molotov,^[578] and increasingly favoured Beria and Malenkov for key positions.^[579] In 1949, he brought Nikita Khrushchev from Ukraine to Moscow, appointing him a Central Committee secretary and the head of the city’s party branch.^[580] In the Leningrad Affair, the city’s leadership was purged amid accusations of treachery; executions of many of the accused took place in 1950.^[581]

In the post-war period there were often food shortages in Soviet cities,^[582] and the USSR experienced a major famine from 1946 to 1947.^[583] Sparked by a drought and ensuing bad harvest in 1946, it was exacerbated by government policy towards food procurement, including the state’s decision to build up stocks and export food internationally rather than distributing it to famine hit areas.^[584] Current estimates indicate that between one million and 1.5 million people died from malnutrition or disease as a result.^[585] While agricultural production stagnated, Stalin focused on a series of major infrastructure projects, including the construction of hydroelectric plants, canals, and railway lines running to the polar north.^[586] Much of this was constructed by prison labour.^[586]

Cold War policy: 1947–1950[edit source]

Stalin at his seventieth birthday celebration with (left to right) Mao Zedong, Nikolai Bulganin, Walter Ulbricht and Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Empire declined, leaving the U.S. and USSR as the dominant world powers.^[587] Tensions among these former Allies grew,^[557] resulting in the Cold War.^[588] Although Stalin publicly described the British and U.S. governments as aggressive, he thought it unlikely that a war with them would be imminent, believing that several decades of peace was likely.^[589] He nevertheless secretly intensified Soviet research into nuclear weaponry, intent on creating an atom bomb.^[556] Still, Stalin foresaw the undesirability of a nuclear conflict, saying in 1949 that “atomic weapons can hardly be used without spelling the end of the world.”^[590] He personally took a keen interest in the development of the weapon.^[591] In August 1949, the bomb was successfully tested in the deserts outside Semipalatinsk in Kazakhstan.^[592] Stalin also initiated a new military build-up; the Soviet army was expanded from 2.9 million soldiers, as it stood in 1949, to 5.8 million by 1953.^[593]

The US began pushing its interests on every continent, acquiring air force bases in Africa and Asia and ensuring pro-U.S. regimes took power across Latin America.^[594] It launched the Marshall Plan in June 1947, with which it sought to undermine Soviet hegemony in eastern Europe. The US also offered financial assistance as part of the Marshall Plan on the condition that they opened their markets to trade, aware that the Soviets would never agree.^[595] The Allies demanded that Stalin withdraw the Red Army from northern Iran. He initially refused, leading to an international crisis in 1946, but one year later Stalin finally relented and moved the Soviet troops out.^[596] Stalin also tried to maximise Soviet influence on the world stage, unsuccessfully pushing for Libya—recently liberated from Italian occupation—to become a Soviet protectorate.^[597] He sent Molotov as his representative to San Francisco to take part in negotiations to form the United Nations, insisting that the Soviets have a place on the Security Council.^[588] In April 1949, the Western powers established the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), an international military alliance of capitalist countries.^[598] Within Western countries, Stalin was increasingly portrayed as the “most evil dictator alive” and compared to Hitler.^[599]

In 1948, Stalin edited and rewrote sections of Falsifiers of History, published as a series of Pravda articles in February 1948 and then in book form. Written in response to public revelations of the 1939 Soviet alliance with Germany, it focused on blaming Western powers for the war.^[600] He erroneously claimed that the initial German advance in the early part of the war was not a result of Soviet military weakness, but rather a deliberate Soviet strategic retreat.^[601] In 1949, celebrations took place to mark Stalin’s seventieth birthday (although he was 71 at the time,) at which Stalin attended an event in the Bolshoi Theatre alongside Marxist–Leninist leaders from across Europe and Asia.^[602]

Eastern Bloc[edit source]

The Eastern Bloc until 1989

After the war, Stalin sought to retain Soviet dominance across Eastern Europe while expanding its influence in Asia.^[534] Cautiously regarding the responses from the Western Allies, Stalin avoided immediately installing Communist Party governments across Eastern Europe, instead initially ensuring that Marxist-Leninists were placed in coalition ministries.^[597] In contrast to his approach to the Baltic states, he rejected the proposal of merging the new communist states into the Soviet Union, rather recognising them as independent nation-states.^[603] He was faced with the problem that there were few Marxists left in Eastern Europe, with most having been killed by the Nazis.^[604] He demanded that war reparations be paid by Germany and its Axis allies Hungary, Romania, and the Slovak Republic.^[557] Aware that these countries had been pushed toward socialism through invasion rather than by proletarian revolution, Stalin referred to them not as “dictatorships of the proletariat” but as “people’s democracies”, suggesting that in these countries there was a pro-socialist alliance combining the proletariat, peasantry, and lower middle-class.^[605]

Churchill observed that an “Iron Curtain” had been drawn across Europe, separating the east from the west.^[606] In September 1947, a meeting of East European communist leaders was held in Szklarska Poręba, Poland, from which was formed Cominform to co-ordinate the Communist Parties across Eastern Europe and also in France and Italy.^[607] Stalin did not personally attend the meeting, sending Zhdanov in his place.^[555] Various East European communists also visited Stalin in Moscow.^[608] There, he offered advice on their ideas; for instance he cautioned against the Yugoslav idea for a Balkan federation incorporating Bulgaria and Albania.^[608] Stalin had a particularly strained relationship with Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito due to the latter’s continued calls for Balkan federation and for Soviet aid for the communist forces in the ongoing Greek Civil War.^[609] In March 1948, Stalin launched an anti-Tito campaign, accusing the Yugoslav communists of adventurism and deviating from Marxist–Leninist doctrine.^[610] At the second Cominform conference, held in Bucharest in June 1948, East European communist leaders all denounced Tito’s government, accusing them of being fascists and agents of Western capitalism.^[611] Stalin ordered several assassination attempts on Tito’s life and contemplated invading Yugoslavia.^[612]

Stalin suggested that a unified, but demilitarised, German state be established, hoping that it would either come under Soviet influence or remain neutral.^[613] When the US and UK remained opposed to this, Stalin sought to force their hand by blockading Berlin in June 1948.^[614] He gambled that the others would not risk war, but they airlifted supplies into West Berlin until May 1949, when Stalin relented and ended the blockade.^[598] In September 1949 the Western powers transformed Western Germany into an independent Federal Republic of Germany; in response the Soviets formed East Germany into the German Democratic Republic in October.^[613] In accordance with their earlier agreements, the Western powers expected Poland to become an independent state with free democratic elections.^[615] In Poland, the Soviets merged various socialist parties into the Polish United Workers’ Party, and vote rigging was used to ensure that it secured office.^[610] The 1947 Hungarian elections were also rigged, with the Hungarian Working People’s Party taking control.^[610] In Czechoslovakia, where the communists did have a level of popular support, they were elected the largest party in 1946.^[616] Monarchy was abolished in Bulgaria and Romania.^[617] Across Eastern Europe, the Soviet model was enforced, with a termination of political pluralism, agricultural collectivisation, and investment in heavy industry.^[611] It was aimed for economic autarky within the Eastern Bloc.^[611]

Asia[edit source]

Mao Zedong sitting beside Stalin during the latter’s 71st birthday celebration in 1949.

In October 1949, Chinese Communist leader Mao Zedong took power in China.^[618] With this accomplished, Marxist governments now controlled a third of the world’s land mass.^[619] Privately, Stalin revealed that he had underestimated the Chinese Communists and their ability to win the civil war, instead encouraging them to make another peace with the KMT.^[620] In December 1949, Mao visited Stalin. Initially Stalin refused to repeal the Sino-Soviet Treaty of 1945, which significantly benefited the Soviet Union over China, although in January 1950 he relented and agreed to sign a new treaty between the two countries.^[621] Stalin was concerned that Mao might follow Tito’s example by pursuing a course independent of Soviet influence, and made it known that if displeased he would withdraw assistance from China; the Chinese desperately needed said assistance after decades of civil war.^[622]

At the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union and the United States divided up the Korean Peninsula, formerly a Japanese colonial possession, along the 38th parallel, setting up a communist government in the north and a pro-Western government in the south.^[623] North Korean leader Kim Il-sung visited Stalin in March 1949 and again in March 1950; he wanted to invade the south and although Stalin was initially reluctant to provide support, he eventually agreed by May 1950.^[624] The North Korean Army launched the Korean War by invading the south in June 1950, making swift gains and capturing Seoul.^[625] Both Stalin and Mao believed that a swift victory would ensue.^[625] The U.S. went to the UN Security Council—which the Soviets were boycotting over its refusal to recognise Mao’s government—and secured military support for the South Koreans. U.S. led forces pushed the North Koreans back.^[626] Stalin wanted to avoid direct Soviet conflict with the U.S., convincing the Chinese to aid the North.^[627]

The Soviet Union was one of the first nations to extend diplomatic recognition to the newly created state of Israel in 1948, in hopes of obtaining an ally in the Middle East.^[628] When the Israeli ambassador Golda Meir arrived in the USSR, Stalin was angered by the Jewish crowds who gathered to greet her.^[629] He was further angered by Israel’s growing alliance with the U.S.^[630] After Stalin fell out with Israel, he launched an anti-Jewish campaign within the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.^[605] In November 1948, he abolished the JAC,^[631] and show trials took place for some of its members.^[632] The Soviet press engaged in attacks on Zionism, Jewish culture, and “rootless cosmopolitanism”,^[633] with growing levels of anti-Semitism being expressed across Soviet society.^[634] Stalin’s increasing tolerance of anti-Semitism may have stemmed from his increasing Russian nationalism or from the recognition that anti-Semitism had proved a useful mobilising tool for Hitler and that he could do the same;^[635] he may have increasingly viewed the Jewish people as a “counter-revolutionary” nation whose members were loyal to the U.S.^[636] There were rumours, although they have never been substantiated, that Stalin was planning on deporting all Soviet Jews to the Jewish Autonomous Region in Birobidzhan, eastern Siberia.^[637]

Final years: 1950–1953[edit source]

In his later years, Stalin was in poor health.^[638] He took increasingly long holidays; in 1950 and again in 1951 he spent almost five months vacationing at his Abkhazian dacha.^[639] Stalin nevertheless mistrusted his doctors; in January 1952 he had one imprisoned after they suggested that he should retire to improve his health.^[638] In September 1952, several Kremlin doctors were arrested for allegedly plotting to kill senior politicians in what came to be known as the Doctors’ Plot; the majority of the accused were Jewish.^[640] He instructed the arrested doctors to be tortured to ensure confession.^[641] In November, the Slánský trial took place in Czechoslovakia as 13 senior Communist Party figures, 11 of them Jewish, were accused and convicted of being part of a vast Zionist-American conspiracy to subvert Eastern Bloc governments.^[642] That same month, a much publicised trial of accused Jewish industrial wreckers took place in Ukraine.^[643] In 1951, he initiated the Mingrelian affair, a purge of the Georgian branch of the Communist Party which resulted in over 11,000 deportations.^[644]

From 1946 until his death, Stalin only gave three public speeches, two of which lasted only a few minutes.^[645] The amount of written material that he produced also declined.^[645] In 1950, Stalin issued the article “Marxism and Problems of Linguistics“, which reflected his interest in questions of Russian nationhood.^[646] In 1952, Stalin’s last book, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, was published. It sought to provide a guide to leading the country after his death.^[647] In October 1952, Stalin gave an hour and a half speech at the Central Committee plenum.^[648] There, he emphasised what he regarded as leadership qualities necessary in the future and highlighted the weaknesses of various potential successors, particularly Molotov and Mikoyan.^[649] In 1952, he also eliminated the Politburo and replaced it with a larger version which he called the Presidium.^[650]

Death, funeral and aftermath[edit source]

Main article: Death and state funeral of Joseph Stalin Stalin’s casket on howitzer carriage drawn by horses, caught on camera by US assistant army attaché Major Martin Manhoff from the embassy balcony

On 1 March 1953, Stalin’s staff found him semi-conscious on the bedroom floor of his Kuntsevo Dacha.^[651] He had suffered a cerebral hemorrhage.^[652] He was moved onto a couch and remained there for three days.^[653] He was hand-fed using a spoon, given various medicines and injections, and leeches were applied to him.^[652] Svetlana and Vasily were called to the dacha on 2 March; the latter was drunk and angrily shouted at the doctors, resulting in him being sent home.^[654] Stalin died on 5 March 1953.^[655] According to Svetlana, it had been “a difficult and terrible death”.^[656] An autopsy revealed that he had died of a cerebral hemorrhage and that he also suffered from severe damage to his cerebral arteries due to atherosclerosis.^[657] It is conjectured that Stalin was murdered;^[658] Beria has been suspected of murder, although no firm evidence has ever appeared.^[652]

Stalin’s death was announced on 6 March.^[659] The body was embalmed,^[660] and then placed on display in Moscow’s House of Unions for three days.^[661] Crowds were such that a crush killed about 100 people.^[662] The funeral involved the body being laid to rest in Lenin’s Mausoleum in Red Square on 9 March; hundreds of thousands attended.^[663] That month featured a surge in arrests for “anti-Soviet agitation” as those celebrating Stalin’s death came to police attention.^[664] The Chinese government instituted a period of official mourning for Stalin’s death.^[665]

Stalin left no anointed successor nor a framework within which a transfer of power could take place.^[666] The Central Committee met on the day of his death, with Malenkov, Beria, and Khrushchev emerging as the party’s key figures.^[667] The system of collective leadership was restored, and measures introduced to prevent any one member attaining autocratic domination again.^[668] The collective leadership included the following eight senior members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union listed according to the order of precedence presented formally on 5 March 1953: Georgy Malenkov, Lavrentiy Beria, Vyacheslav Molotov, Kliment Voroshilov, Nikita Khrushchev, Nikolai Bulganin, Lazar Kaganovich and Anastas Mikoyan.^[669] Reforms to the Soviet system were immediately implemented.^[670] Economic reform scaled back the mass construction projects, placed a new emphasis on house building, and eased the levels of taxation on the peasantry to stimulate production.^[671] The new leaders sought rapprochement with Yugoslavia and a less hostile relationship with the U.S.,^[672] pursuing a negotiated end to the Korean War in July 1953.^[673] The doctors who had been imprisoned were released and the anti-Semitic purges ceased.^[674] A mass amnesty for those imprisoned for non-political crimes was issued, halving the country’s inmate population, while the state security and Gulag systems were reformed, with torture being banned in April 1953.^[671]

Political ideology[edit source]

Further information: Stalinism A mourning parade in honor of Stalin in Dresden, East Germany

Stalin claimed to have embraced Marxism at the age of fifteen,^[675] and it served as the guiding philosophy throughout his adult life;^[676] according to Kotkin, Stalin held “zealous Marxist convictions”,^[677] while Montefiore suggested that Marxism held a “quasi-religious” value for Stalin.^[678] Although he never became a Georgian nationalist,^[679] during his early life elements from Georgian nationalist thought blended with Marxism in his outlook.^[680] The historian Alfred J. Rieber noted that he had been raised in “a society where rebellion was deeply rooted in folklore and popular rituals”.^[679] Stalin believed in the need to adapt Marxism to changing circumstances; in 1917, he declared that “there is dogmatic Marxism and there is creative Marxism. I stand on the ground of the latter”.^[681] Volkogonov believed that Stalin’s Marxism was shaped by his “dogmatic turn of mind”, suggesting that this had been instilled in the Soviet leader during his education in religious institutions.^[682] According to scholar Robert Service, Stalin’s “few innovations in ideology were crude, dubious developments of Marxism”.^[676] Some of these derived from political expediency rather than any sincere intellectual commitment;^[676] Stalin would often turn to ideology post hoc to justify his decisions.^[683] Stalin referred to himself as a praktik, meaning that he was more of a practical revolutionary than a theoretician.^[684]

As a Marxist and an extreme anti-capitalist, Stalin believed in an inevitable “class war” between the world’s proletariat and bourgeoise.^[685] He believed that the working classes would prove successful in this struggle and would establish a dictatorship of the proletariat,^[686] regarding the Soviet Union as an example of such a state.^[687] He also believed that this proletarian state would need to introduce repressive measures against foreign and domestic “enemies” to ensure the full crushing of the propertied classes,^[688] and thus the class war would intensify with the advance of socialism.^[689] As a propaganda tool, the shaming of “enemies” explained all inadequate economic and political outcomes, the hardships endured by the populace, and military failures.^[690] The new state would then be able to ensure that all citizens had access to work, food, shelter, healthcare, and education, with the wastefulness of capitalism eliminated by a new, standardised economic system.^[691] According to Sandle, Stalin was “committed to the creation of a society that was industrialised, collectivised, centrally planned and technologically advanced.”^[692]

Stalin adhered to the Leninist variant of Marxism.^[693] In his book, Foundations of Leninism, he stated that “Leninism is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and of the proletarian revolution”.^[694] He claimed to be a loyal Leninist,^[695] although was—according to Service—”not a blindly obedient Leninist”.^[691] Stalin respected Lenin, but not uncritically,^[696] and spoke out when he believed that Lenin was wrong.^[691] During the period of his revolutionary activity, Stalin regarded some of Lenin’s views and actions as being the self-indulgent activities of a spoiled émigré, deeming them counterproductive for those Bolshevik activists based within the Russian Empire itself.^[697] After the October Revolution, they continued to have differences. Whereas Lenin believed that all countries across Europe and Asia would readily unite as a single state following proletariat revolution, Stalin argued that national pride would prevent this, and that different socialist states would have to be formed; in his view, a country like Germany would not readily submit to being part of a Russian-dominated federal state.^[698] Stalin biographer Oleg Khlevniuk nevertheless believed that the pair developed a “strong bond” over the years,^[699] while Kotkin suggested that Stalin’s friendship with Lenin was “the single most important relationship in Stalin’s life”.^[700] After Lenin’s death, Stalin relied heavily on Lenin’s writings—far more so than those of Marx and Engels—to guide him in the affairs of state.^[701] Stalin adopted the Leninist view on the need for a revolutionary vanguard who could lead the proletariat rather than being led by them.^[686] Leading this vanguard, he believed that the Soviet peoples needed a strong, central figure—akin to a Tsar—whom they could rally around.^[702] In his words, “the people need a Tsar, whom they can worship and for whom they can live and work”.^[703] He read about, and admired, two Tsars in particular: Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great.^[704] In the personality cult constructed around him, he was known as the vozhd, an equivalent to the Italian duce and German führer.^[705]A statue of Stalin in Grūtas Park near Druskininkai, Lithuania; it originally stood in Vilnius, Lithuania

Stalinism was a development of Leninism,^[706] and while Stalin avoided using the term “Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism”, he allowed others to do so.^[707] Following Lenin’s death, Stalin contributed to the theoretical debates within the Communist Party, namely by developing the idea of “Socialism in One Country“. This concept was intricately linked to factional struggles within the party, particularly against Trotsky.^[708] He first developed the idea in December 1924 and elaborated upon in his writings of 1925–26.^[709] Stalin’s doctrine held that socialism could be completed in Russia but that its final victory there could not be guaranteed because of the threat from capitalist intervention. For this reason, he retained the Leninist view that world revolution was still a necessity to ensure the ultimate victory of socialism.^[709] Although retaining the Marxist belief that the state would wither away as socialism transformed into pure communism, he believed that the Soviet state would remain until the final defeat of international capitalism.^[710] This concept synthesised Marxist and Leninist ideas with nationalist ideals,^[692] and served to discredit Trotsky—who promoted the idea of “permanent revolution“—by presenting the latter as a defeatist with little faith in Russian workers’ abilities to construct socialism.^[711]

Stalin viewed nations as contingent entities which were formed by capitalism and could merge into others.^[712] Ultimately he believed that all nations would merge into a single, global human community,^[712] and regarded all nations as inherently equal.^[713] In his work, he stated that “the right of secession” should be offered to the ethnic-minorities of the Russian Empire, but that they should not be encouraged to take that option.^[714] He was of the view that if they became fully autonomous, then they would end up being controlled by the most reactionary elements of their community; as an example he cited the largely illiterate Tatars, whom he claimed would end up dominated by their mullahs.^[714] Stalin argued that the Jews possessed a “national character” but were not a “nation” and were thus unassimilable. He argued that Jewish nationalism, particularly Zionism, was hostile to socialism.^[715] According to Khlevniuk, Stalin reconciled Marxism with great-power imperialism and therefore expansion of the empire makes him a worthy to the Russian tsars.^[690] Service argued that Stalin’s Marxism was imbued with a great deal of Russian nationalism.^[676] According to Montefiore, Stalin’s embrace of the Russian nation was pragmatic, as the Russians were the core of the population of the USSR; it was not a rejection of his Georgian origins.^[716] Stalin’s push for Soviet westward expansion into eastern Europe resulted in accusations of Russian imperialism.^[717]

Personal life and characteristics[edit source]

Ethnically Georgian,^[718] Stalin grew up speaking the Georgian language,^[719] and did not begin learning Russian until the age of eight or nine.^[720] It has been argued that his ancestry was Ossetian, because his genetic haplotype (G2a-Z6653) is considered typical of the Ossetians, but he never acknowledged an Ossetian identity.^[721] He remained proud of his Georgian identity,^[722] and throughout his life retained a heavy Georgian accent when speaking Russian.^[723] According to Montefiore, despite Stalin’s affinity for Russia and Russians, he remained profoundly Georgian in his lifestyle and personality.^[724] Stalin’s colleagues described him as “Asiatic”, and he once told a Japanese journalist that “I am not a European man, but an Asian, a Russified Georgian”.^[725] Service also noted that Stalin “would never be Russian”, could not credibly pass as one, and never tried to pretend that he was.^[726] Montefiore was of the view that “after 1917, [Stalin] became quadri-national: Georgian by nationality, Russian by loyalty, internationalist by ideology, Soviet by citizenship.”^[727]

Stalin had a soft voice,^[728] and when speaking Russian did so slowly, carefully choosing his phrasing.^[718] In private he often used coarse language and profanity, although avoided doing so in public.^[729] Described as a poor orator,^[730] according to Volkogonov, Stalin’s speaking style was “simple and clear, without flights of fancy, catchy phrases or platform histrionics“.^[731] He rarely spoke before large audiences, and preferred to express himself in written form.^[732] His writing style was similar, being characterised by its simplicity, clarity, and conciseness.^[733] Throughout his life, he used various nicknames and pseudonyms, including “Koba”, “Soselo”, and “Ivanov”,^[734] adopting “Stalin” in 1912; it was based on the Russian word for “steel” and has often been translated as “Man of Steel”.^[142]Lavrenti Beria with Stalin’s daughter, Svetlana, on his lap and Stalin seated in the background smoking a pipe. Photographed at Stalin’s dacha near Sochi in the mid-1930s.

In adulthood, Stalin measured 5 feet 4 inches (1.63 m) tall.^[735] To appear taller, he wore stacked shoes, and stood on a small platform during parades.^[736] His mustached face was pock-marked from smallpox during childhood; this was airbrushed from published photographs.^[737] He was born with a webbed left foot, and his left arm had been permanently injured in childhood which left it shorter than his right and lacking in flexibility,^[738] which was probably the result of being hit, at the age of 12, by a horse-drawn carriage.^[739]

During his youth, Stalin cultivated a scruffy appearance in rejection of middle-class aesthetic values.^[740] By 1907, he grew his hair long and often wore a beard; for clothing, he often wore a traditional Georgian chokha or a red satin shirt with a grey coat and black fedora.^[741] From mid-1918 until his death he favoured military-style clothing, in particular long black boots, light-coloured collarless tunics, and a gun.^[742] He was a lifelong smoker, who smoked both a pipe and cigarettes.^[743] He had few material demands and lived plainly, with simple and inexpensive clothing and furniture;^[744] his interest was in power rather than wealth.^[745]

As leader of the Soviet Union, Stalin typically awoke around 11 am,^[746] with lunch being served between 3 and 5 pm and dinner no earlier than 9 pm;^[747] he then worked late into the evening.^[748] He often dined with other Politburo members and their families.^[749] As leader, he rarely left Moscow unless to go to one of his dachas for holiday;^[750] he disliked travel,^[751] and refused to travel by plane.^[752] His choice of favoured holiday house changed over the years,^[753] although he holidayed in southern parts of the USSR every year from 1925 to 1936 and again from 1945 to 1951.^[754] Along with other senior figures, he had a dacha at Zubalova, 35 km outside Moscow,^[755] although ceased using it after Nadezhda’s 1932 suicide.^[756] After 1932, he favoured holidays in Abkhazia, being a friend of its leader, Nestor Lakoba.^[757] In 1934, his new Kuntsevo Dacha was built; 9 km from the Kremlin, it became his primary residence.^[758] In 1935 he began using a new dacha provided for him by Lakoba at Novy Afon;^[759] in 1936, he had the Kholodnaya Rechka dacha built on the Abkhazian coast, designed by Miron Merzhanov.^[760]

Personality[edit source]

Chinese Marxists celebrate Stalin’s seventieth birthday in 1949

Trotsky and several other Soviet figures promoted the idea that Stalin was a mediocrity.^[761] This gained widespread acceptance outside the Soviet Union during his lifetime but was misleading.^[762] According to biographer Montefiore, “it is clear from hostile and friendly witnesses alike that Stalin was always exceptional, even from childhood”.^[762] Stalin had a complex mind,^[763] great self-control,^[764] and an excellent memory.^[765] He was a hard worker,^[766] and displayed a keen desire to learn;^[767] when in power, he scrutinised many details of Soviet life, from film scripts to architectural plans and military hardware.^[768] According to Volkogonov, “Stalin’s private life and working life were one and the same”; he did not take days off from political activities.^[769]

Stalin could play different roles to different audiences,^[770] and was adept at deception, often deceiving others as to his true motives and aims.^[771] Several historians have seen it appropriate to follow Lazar Kaganovich‘s description of there being “several Stalins” as a means of understanding his multi-faceted personality.^[772] He was a good organiser,^[773] with a strategic mind,^[774] and judged others according to their inner strength, practicality, and cleverness.^[775] He acknowledged that he could be rude and insulting,^[776] but he rarely raised his voice in anger;^[777] as his health deteriorated in later life he became increasingly unpredictable and bad tempered.^[778] Despite his tough-talking attitude, he could be very charming;^[779] when relaxed, he cracked jokes and mimicked others.^[767] Montefiore suggested that this charm was “the foundation of Stalin’s power in the Party”.^[780]

Stalin was ruthless,^[781] temperamentally cruel,^[782] and had a propensity for violence high even among the Bolsheviks.^[777] He lacked compassion,^[783] something Volkogonov suggested might have been accentuated by his many years in prison and exile,^[784] although he was capable of acts of kindness to strangers, even amid the Great Terror.^[785] He was capable of self-righteous indignation,^[786] and was resentful,^[787] and vindictive,^[788] holding on to grudges for many years.^[789] By the 1920s, he was also suspicious and conspiratorial, prone to believing that people were plotting against him and that there were vast international conspiracies behind acts of dissent.^[790] He never attended torture sessions or executions,^[791] although Service thought Stalin “derived deep satisfaction” from degrading and humiliating people and enjoyed keeping even close associates in a state of “unrelieved fear”.^[717] Montefiore thought Stalin’s brutality marked him out as a “natural extremist”;^[792] Service suggested he had tendencies toward a paranoid and sociopathic personality disorder.^[763] According to historian Geoffrey Roberts, Stalin wasn’t a psychopath.^[793] He was instead an emotionally intelligent and feeling intellectual.^[793] Other historians linked his brutality not to any personality trait, but to his unwavering commitment to the survival of the Soviet Union and the international Marxist–Leninist cause.^[794]

Keenly interested in the arts,^[795] Stalin admired artistic talent.^[796] He protected several Soviet writers from arrest and prosecution, such as Mikhail Bulgakov, even when their work was labelled harmful to his regime.^[797] He enjoyed listening to classical music,^[798] owning around 2,700 records,^[799] and frequently attending the Bolshoi Theatre during the 1930s and 1940s.^[800] His taste in music and theatre was conservative, favouring classical drama, opera, and ballet over what he dismissed as experimental “formalism“.^[720] He also favoured classical forms in the visual arts, disliking avant-garde styles like cubism and futurism.^[801] He was a voracious reader, with having a personal library of over 20,000 books.^[802] Little of this was fiction,^[803] although he could cite passages from Alexander Pushkin, Nikolay Nekrasov, and Walt Whitman by heart.^[796] Stalin’s favorite subject was history, closely followed by Marxist theory and then fiction.^[793] He favoured historical studies, keeping up with debates in the study of Russian, Mesopotamian, ancient Roman, and Byzantine history.^[645] He was very interested in the reigns of Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great and Catherine the Great.^[793] An autodidact,^[804] he claimed to read as many as 500 pages a day,^[805] with Montefiore regarding him as an intellectual.^[806] Lenin was his favorite author but he also read, and sometimes appreciated, a great deal of writing by Leon Trotsky and other arch-enemies.^[793] Like all Bolshevik leaders, Stalin believed that reading could help transform not just people’s ideas and consciousness, but human nature itself.^[793] Stalin also enjoyed watching films late at night at cinemas installed in the Kremlin and his dachas.^[807] He favoured the Western genre;^[808] his favourite film was the 1938 picture Volga Volga.^[809]

Stalin was a keen and accomplished billiards player,^[810] and collected watches.^[811] He also enjoyed practical jokes; for instance, he would place a tomato on the seat of Politburo members and wait for them to sit on it.^[812] When at social events, he encouraged singing,^[813] as well as alcohol consumption; he hoped that others would drunkenly reveal their secrets to him.^[814] As an infant, Stalin displayed a love of flowers,^[815] and later in life he became a keen gardener.^[815] His Volynskoe suburb had a 20-hectare (50-acre) park, with Stalin devoting much attention to its agricultural activities.^[816]

Stalin publicly condemned anti-Semitism,^[817] although he was repeatedly accused of it.^[818] People who knew him, such as Khrushchev, suggested he long harbored negative sentiments toward Jews,^[819] and anti-Semitic trends in his policies were further fueled by Stalin’s struggle against Trotsky.^[820] After Stalin’s death, Khrushchev claimed that Stalin encouraged him to incite anti-Semitism in Ukraine, allegedly telling him that “the good workers at the factory should be given clubs so they can beat the hell out of those Jews.”^[821] In 1946, Stalin allegedly said privately that “every Jew is a potential spy.”^[822] Conquest stated that although Stalin had Jewish associates, he promoted anti-Semitism.^[823] Service cautioned that there was “no irrefutable evidence” of anti-Semitism in Stalin’s published work, although his private statements and public actions were “undeniably reminiscent of crude antagonism towards Jews”;^[824] he added that throughout Stalin’s lifetime, the Georgian “would be the friend, associate or leader of countless individual Jews”.^[825] According to Beria, Stalin had affairs with several Jewish women.^[826]

Relationships and family[edit source]

Stalin carrying his daughter, Svetlana

Friendship was important to Stalin,^[827] and he used it to gain and maintain power.^[828] Kotkin observed that Stalin “generally gravitated to people like himself: parvenu intelligentsia of humble background”.^[829] He gave nicknames to his favourites, for instance referring to Yezhov as “my blackberry”.^[830] Stalin was sociable and enjoyed a joke.^[831] According to Montefiore, Stalin’s friendships “meandered between love, admiration, and venomous jealousy”.^[832] While head of the Soviet Union he remained in contact with many of his old friends in Georgia, sending them letters and gifts of money.^[833]

According to Montefiore, in his early life Stalin “rarely seems to have been without a girlfriend”.^[834] Stalin was sexually promiscuous, although he rarely talked about his sex life.^[835] Montefiore noted that Stalin’s favoured types were “young, malleable teenagers or buxom peasant women”,^[835] who would be supportive and unchallenging toward him.^[836] According to Service, Stalin “regarded women as a resource for sexual gratification and domestic comfort”.^[837] Stalin married twice and had several offspring.^[838]

Stalin married his first wife, Ekaterina Svanidze, in 1906. According to Montefiore, theirs was “a true love match”;^[839] Volkogonov suggested that she was “probably the one human being he had really loved”.^[840] When she died, Stalin said: “This creature softened my heart of stone.”^[841] They had a son, Yakov, who often frustrated and annoyed Stalin.^[842] Yakov had a daughter, Galina, before fighting for the Red Army in the Second World War. He was captured by the German Army and then committed suicide.^[843]

Stalin’s second wife was Nadezhda Alliluyeva; theirs was not an easy relationship, and they often fought.^[844] They had two biological children—a son, Vasily, and a daughter, Svetlana—and adopted another son, Artyom Sergeev, in 1921.^[845] During his marriage to Nadezhda, Stalin had affairs with many other women, most of whom were fellow revolutionaries or their wives.^[846] Nadezdha suspected that this was the case,^[847] and committed suicide in 1932.^[848] Stalin regarded Vasily as spoiled and often chastised his behaviour; as Stalin’s son, Vasily nevertheless was swiftly promoted through the ranks of the Red Army and allowed a lavish lifestyle.^[849] Conversely, Stalin had an affectionate relationship with Svetlana during her childhood,^[850] and was also very fond of Artyom.^[845] In later life, he disapproved of Svetlana’s various suitors and husbands, putting a strain on his relationship with her.^[851] After the Second World War, he made little time for his children and his family played a decreasingly important role in his life.^[852] After Stalin’s death, Svetlana changed her surname from Stalin to Allilueva,^[672] and defected to the U.S.^[853]

After Nadezdha’s death, Stalin became increasingly close to his sister-in-law Zhenya Alliluyeva;^[854] Montefiore believed that they were probably lovers.^[855] There are unproven rumours that from 1934 onward he had a relationship with his housekeeper Valentina Istomina.^[856] Stalin had at least two illegitimate children,^[857] although he never recognised them as being his.^[858] One of them, Konstantin Kuzakov, later taught philosophy at the Leningrad Military Mechanical Institute, but never met his father.^[859] The other, Alexander, was the son of Lidia Pereprygia; he was raised as the son of a peasant fisherman and the Soviet authorities made him swear never to reveal that Stalin was his biological father.^[860]

Legacy[edit source]

A poster of Stalin at the 3rd World Festival of Youth and Students in East Berlin, East Germany, 1951

The historian Robert Conquest stated that Stalin perhaps “determined the course of the twentieth century” more than any other individual.^[861] Biographers like Service and Volkogonov have considered him an outstanding and exceptional politician;^[862] Montefiore labelled Stalin as “that rare combination: both ‘intellectual’ and killer”, a man who was “the ultimate politician” and “the most elusive and fascinating of the twentieth-century titans”.^[863] According to historian Kevin McDermott, interpretations of Stalin range from “the sycophantic and adulatory to the vitriolic and condemnatory.”^[864] For most Westerners and anti-communist Russians, he is viewed overwhelmingly negatively as a mass murderer;^[864] for significant numbers of Russians and Georgians, he is regarded as a great statesman and state-builder.^[864]

Stalin strengthened and stabilised the Soviet Union.^[865] Service suggested that the country might have collapsed long before 1991 without Stalin.^[865] In under three decades, Stalin transformed the Soviet Union into a major industrial world power,^[866] one which could “claim impressive achievements” in terms of urbanisation, military strength, education and Soviet pride.^[867] Under his rule, the average Soviet life expectancy grew due to improved living conditions, nutrition and medical care^[868] as mortality rates also declined.^[869] Although millions of Soviet citizens despised him, support for Stalin was nevertheless widespread throughout Soviet society.^[867] Stalin’s necessity for Soviet Union’s economic development has been questioned, with it being argued that Stalin’s policies from 1928 on may have only been a limiting factor.^[870]Interior of the Joseph Stalin Museum in Gori, Georgia

Stalin’s Soviet Union has been characterised as a totalitarian state,^[871] with Stalin its authoritarian leader.^[872] Various biographers have described him as a dictator,^[873] an autocrat,^[874] or accused him of practicing Caesarism.^[875] Montefiore argued that while Stalin initially ruled as part of a Communist Party oligarchy, the Soviet government transformed from this oligarchy into a personal dictatorship in 1934,^[876] with Stalin only becoming “absolute dictator” between March and June 1937, when senior military and NKVD figures were eliminated.^[877] According to Kotkin, Stalin “built a personal dictatorship within the Bolshevik dictatorship.”^[878] In both the Soviet Union and elsewhere he came to be portrayed as an “Oriental despot“.^[879] Dmitri Volkogonov characterised him as “one of the most powerful figures in human history.”^[880] McDermott stated that Stalin had “concentrated unprecedented political authority in his hands.”^[881] Service stated that Stalin “had come closer to personal despotism than almost any monarch in history” by the late 1930s.^[882]A contingent from the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist–Leninist) carrying a banner of Stalin at a May Day march through London in 2008

McDermott nevertheless cautioned against “over-simplistic stereotypes”—promoted in the fiction of writers like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Vasily Grossman, and Anatoly Rybakov—that portrayed Stalin as an omnipotent and omnipresent tyrant who controlled every aspect of Soviet life through repression and totalitarianism.^[883] Service similarly warned of the portrayal of Stalin as an “unimpeded despot”, noting that “powerful though he was, his powers were not limitless”, and his rule depended on his willingness to conserve the Soviet structure he had inherited.^[884] Kotkin observed that Stalin’s ability to remain in power relied on him having a majority in the Politburo at all times.^[885] Khlevniuk noted that at various points, particularly when Stalin was old and frail, there were “periodic manifestations” in which the party oligarchy threatened his autocratic control.^[778] Stalin denied to foreign visitors that he was a dictator, stating that those who labelled him such did not understand the Soviet governance structure.^[886]

A vast literature devoted to Stalin has been produced.^[887] During Stalin’s lifetime, his approved biographies were largely hagiographic in content.^[888] Stalin ensured that these works gave very little attention to his early life, particularly because he did not wish to emphasise his Georgian origins in a state numerically dominated by Russians.^[889] Since his death many more biographies have been written,^[890] although until the 1980s these relied largely on the same sources of information.^[890] Under Mikhail Gorbachev‘s Soviet administration various previously classified files on Stalin’s life were made available to historians,^[890] at which point Stalin became “one of the most urgent and vital issues on the public agenda” in the Soviet Union.^[891] After the dissolution of the Union in 1991, the rest of the archives were opened to historians, resulting in much new information about Stalin coming to light,^[892] and producing a flood of new research.^[887]

Leninists remain divided in their views on Stalin; some view him as Lenin’s authentic successor, while others believe he betrayed Lenin’s ideas by deviating from them.^[717] The socio-economic nature of Stalin’s Soviet Union has also been much debated, varyingly being labelled a form of state socialism, state capitalism, bureaucratic collectivism, or a totally unique mode of production.^[893] Socialist writers like Volkogonov have acknowledged that Stalin’s actions damaged “the enormous appeal of socialism generated by the October Revolution”.^[894]

Death toll and allegations of genocide[edit source]

Main article: Excess mortality in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin

With a high number of excess deaths occurring under his rule, Stalin has been labeled “one of the most notorious figures in history.”^[865] These deaths occurred as a result of collectivisation, famine, terror campaigns, disease, war and mortality rates in the Gulag. As the majority of excess deaths under Stalin were not direct killings, the exact number of victims of Stalinism is difficult to calculate due to lack of consensus among scholars on which deaths can be attributed to the regime.^[895]Interior of the Gulag Museum in Moscow

Official records reveal 799,455 documented executions in the Soviet Union between 1921 and 1953; 681,692 of these were carried out between 1937 and 1938, the years of the Great Purge.^[896] According to Michael Ellman, the best modern estimate for the number of repression deaths during the Great Purge is 950,000–1.2 million, which includes executions, deaths in detention, or soon after their release.^[897] In addition, while archival data shows that 1,053,829 perished in the Gulag from 1934 to 1953,^[898] the current historical consensus is that of the 18 million people who passed through the Gulag system from 1930 to 1953, between 1.5 and 1.7 million died as a result of their incarceration.^[899] Historian and archival researcher Stephen G. Wheatcroft and Michael Ellman attribute roughly 3 million deaths to the Stalinist regime, including executions and deaths from criminal negligence.^[900] Wheatcroft and historian R. W. Davies estimate famine deaths at 5.5–6.5 million^[901] while scholar Steven Rosefielde gives a number of 8.7 million.^[902] In 2011, historian Timothy D. Snyder in 2011 summarised modern data made after the opening of the Soviet archives in the 1990s and states that Stalin’s regime was responsible for 9 million deaths, with 6 million of these being deliberate killings. He further states the estimate is far lower than the estimates of 20 million or above which were made before access to the archives.^[903]

Historians continue to debate whether or not the 1932–33 Ukrainian famine, known in Ukraine as the Holodomor, should be called a genocide.^[904] Twenty six countries officially recognise it under the legal definition of genocide. In 2006, the Ukrainian Parliament declared it to be such,^[905] and in 2010 a Ukrainian court posthumously convicted Stalin, Lazar Kaganovich, Stanislav Kosior, and other Soviet leaders of genocide.^[906] Popular among some Ukrainian nationalists is the idea that Stalin consciously organised the famine to suppress national desires among the Ukrainian people. This interpretation has been disputed by more recent historical studies.^[907] These have articulated the view that while Stalin’s policies contributed significantly to the high mortality rate, there is no evidence that Stalin or the Soviet government consciously engineered the famine.^[908] The idea that this was a targeted attack on the Ukrainians is complicated by the widespread suffering that also affected other Soviet peoples in the famine, including the Russians.^[909] Within Ukraine, ethnic Poles and Bulgarians died in similar proportions to ethnic Ukrainians.^[910] Despite any lack of clear intent on Stalin’s part, the historian Norman Naimark noted that although there may not be sufficient “evidence to convict him in an international court of justice as a genocidaire […] that does not mean that the event itself cannot be judged as genocide.”^[911]

In the Soviet Union and its successor states[edit source]

Stalin’s tomb in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis

Shortly after his death, the Soviet Union went through a period of de-Stalinization. Malenkov denounced the Stalin personality cult,^[912] which was subsequently criticised in Pravda.^[913] In 1956, Khrushchev gave his “Secret Speech”, titled “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences“, to a closed session of the Party’s 20th Congress. There, Khrushchev denounced Stalin for both his mass repression and his personality cult.^[914] He repeated these denunciations at the 22nd Party Congress in October 1962.^[915] In October 1961, Stalin’s body was removed from the mausoleum and buried in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis, the location marked by a bust.^[916] Stalingrad was renamed Volgograd.^[917]

Khrushchev’s de-Stalinisation process in Soviet society ended when he was replaced as leader by Leonid Brezhnev in 1964; the latter introduced a level of re-Stalinisation within the Soviet Union.^[918] In 1969 and again in 1979, plans were proposed for a full rehabilitation of Stalin’s legacy but on both occasions were defeated by critics within the Soviet and international Marxist–Leninist movement.^[919] Gorbachev saw the total denunciation of Stalin as necessary for the regeneration of Soviet society.^[920] After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the first President of the new Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, continued Gorbachev’s denunciation of Stalin but added to it a denunciation of Lenin.^[920] His successor Vladimir Putin did not seek to rehabilitate Stalin but emphasised the celebration of Soviet achievements under Stalin’s leadership rather than the Stalinist repressions.^[921] In October 2017, Putin opened the Wall of Grief memorial in Moscow, noting that the “terrible past” would neither be “justified by anything” nor “erased from the national memory.”^[922]Marxist–Leninist activists from the opposition Communist Party of the Russian Federation laying wreaths at Stalin’s Moscow grave in 2009

Amid the social and economic turmoil of the post-Soviet period, many Russians viewed Stalin as having overseen an era of order, predictability, and pride.^[923] He remains a revered figure among many Russian nationalists, who feel nostalgic about the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in World War II,^[924] and he is regularly invoked approvingly within both Russia’s far-left and far-right.^[925]

Polling by the Levada Center suggest Stalin’s popularity has grown since 2015, with 46% of Russians expressing a favourable view of him in 2017 and 51% in 2019.^[926] The Center, in 2019, reports that around 70% of Russians believe that Stalin played a positive role in their homeland.^[927] A 2021 survey by the Center, showed that Joseph Stalin was named by 39% of Russians as the “most outstanding figure of all times and nations” and while nobody received an absolute majority, Stalin was very clearly in first place, followed by Vladimir Lenin with 30% and Alexander Pushkin with 23%.^[928]^[929] At the same time, there was a growth in pro-Stalinist literature in Russia, much relying upon the misrepresentation or fabrication of source material.^[930] In this literature, Stalin’s repressions are regarded either as a necessary measure to defeat “enemies of the people” or the result of lower-level officials acting without Stalin’s knowledge.^[930]

The only part of the former Soviet Union where admiration for Stalin has remained consistently widespread is Georgia, although Georgian attitude has been very divided.^[931] A number of Georgians resent criticism of Stalin, the most famous figure from their nation’s modern history.^[924] A 2013 survey by Tbilisi State University found 45% of Georgians expressing “a positive attitude” to him.^[932] A 2017 Pew Research survey had 57% of Georgians saying he played a positive role in history, compared to 18% of those expressing the same for Mikhail Gorbachev.^[933]

Some positive sentiment can also be found elsewhere in the former Soviet Union. A 2012 survey commissioned by the Carnegie Endowment found 38% of Armenians concurring that their country “will always have need of a leader like Stalin.”^[934] In early 2010, a new monument to Stalin was erected in Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine.^[935] In December 2010, unknown persons cut off its head and it was destroyed in an explosion in 2011.^[936] In a 2016 Kyiv International Institute of Sociology poll, 38% of respondents had a negative attitude to Stalin, 26% a neutral one and 17% a positive, with 19% refusing to answer.^[937]

Notes[edit source]

^ Despite abolishing the office of General Secretary in 1952, Stalin continued to exercise its powers as the Secretariat’s highest-ranking member.
^ After Stalin’s death, Georgy Malenkov succeeded him as both head of government and the highest-ranking member of the party apparatus.
^ The Constituent Assembly was declared dissolved by the Bolshevik-Left SR Soviet government, rendering the end the term served.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Stalin’s original Georgian name was Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili (იოსებ ბესარიონის ძე ჯუღაშვილი). The Russian equivalent of this is Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili (Иосиф Виссарионович Джугашвили). During his years as a revolutionary, he adopted the alias “Stalin”, and after the October Revolution he made it his legal name.
^ While forced to give up control of the Secretariat almost immediately after succeeding Stalin as the body’s de facto head, Malenkov was still recognised as “first among equals” within the regime for over a year. As late as March 1954, he remained listed as first in the Soviet leadership and continued to chair meetings of the Politburo.
^
- Russian: Иосиф Виссарионович Сталин, romanized: Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin Russian pronunciation: [ɪˈosʲɪf vʲɪsərʲɪˈonəvʲɪt͡ɕ ˈstalʲɪn]
- Georgian: იოსებ ბესარიონის ძე სტალინი.
^ Although there is inconsistency among published sources about Stalin’s exact date of birth, Ioseb Jughashvili is found in the records of the Uspensky Church in Gori, Georgia as born on 18 December (Old Style: 6 December) 1878. This birth date is maintained in his school leaving certificate, his extensive tsarist Russia police file, a police arrest record from 18 April 1902 which gave his age as 23 years, and all other surviving pre-Revolution documents. As late as 1921, Stalin himself listed his birthday as 18 December 1878 in a curriculum vitae in his own handwriting. After coming to power in 1922, Stalin gave his birth date as 21 December 1879 (Old Style date 9 December 1879). That became the day his birthday was celebrated in the Soviet Union.^[5]

References[edit source]

Citations[edit source]

^ Kotkin 2014, p. 742, note 25. Starting in about 1920, Stalin gave a birth date of 21 December [O.S. 9] 1879 despite being born on 18 December [O.S. 6] 1878.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 2; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 11.
^ Service 2004, p. 15.
^ Service 2004, p. 14; Montefiore 2007, p. 23.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 23.
^ Service 2004, p. 16.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 2; Volkogonov 1991, p. 5; Service 2004, p. 14; Montefiore 2007, p. 19; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 11.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 26; Conquest 1991, p. 1; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 11.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 5; Service 2004, p. 16; Montefiore 2007, p. 22; Kotkin 2014, p. 17; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 11.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 11; Service 2004, p. 16; Montefiore 2007, p. 23; Kotkin 2014, p. 17.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 5; Service 2004, p. 14; Montefiore 2007, p. 22; Kotkin 2014, p. 16.
^ Service 2004, p. 16; Montefiore 2007, pp. 22, 32.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 11; Service 2004, p. 19.
^ Service 2004, p. 17; Montefiore 2007, p. 25; Kotkin 2014, p. 20; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 12.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 10; Volkogonov 1991, p. 5; Service 2004, p. 17; Montefiore 2007, p. 29; Kotkin 2014, p. 24; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 12.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 30–31; Kotkin 2014, p. 20.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 12; Montefiore 2007, p. 31; Kotkin 2014, pp. 20–21.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 31–32.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 11; Service 2004, p. 20; Montefiore 2007, pp. 32–34; Kotkin 2014, p. 21.
^ Service 2004, p. 20; Montefiore 2007, p. 36.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 12; Service 2004, p. 30; Montefiore 2007, p. 44; Kotkin 2014, p. 26.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 43–44.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 44.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 13; Service 2004, p. 30; Montefiore 2007, p. 43; Kotkin 2014, p. 26.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 12; Volkogonov 1991, p. 5; Service 2004, p. 19; Montefiore 2007, p. 31; Kotkin 2014, p. 20.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 12; Service 2004, p. 25; Montefiore 2007, pp. 35, 46; Kotkin 2014, pp. 20–21.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 28; Montefiore 2007, pp. 51–53; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 15.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 54–55.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 19; Service 2004, p. 36; Montefiore 2007, p. 56; Kotkin 2014, p. 32; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 16.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 18; Service 2004, p. 38; Montefiore 2007, p. 57; Kotkin 2014, p. 33.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 58.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 69; Kotkin 2014, p. 32; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 18.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 19; Montefiore 2007, p. 69; Kotkin 2014, pp. 36–37; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 19.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 70–71.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 19; Montefiore 2007, p. 62; Kotkin 2014, pp. 36, 37; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 18.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 63.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 14; Volkogonov 1991, p. 5; Service 2004, pp. 27–28; Montefiore 2007, p. 63; Kotkin 2014, pp. 23–24; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 17.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 38; Montefiore 2007, p. 64.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 69.
^ Service 2004, p. 40; Kotkin 2014, p. 43.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 66.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 65; Kotkin 2014, p. 44.
^ Service 2004, p. 41; Montefiore 2007, p. 71.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 54; Conquest 1991, p. 27; Service 2004, pp. 43–44; Montefiore 2007, p. 76; Kotkin 2014, pp. 47–48.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 79.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 54; Conquest 1991, p. 27; Montefiore 2007, p. 78.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 78.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 27; Service 2004, p. 45; Montefiore 2007, pp. 81–82; Kotkin 2014, p. 49.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 82.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 28; Montefiore 2007, p. 82; Kotkin 2014, p. 50.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 87.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 63; Rieber 2005, pp. 37–38; Montefiore 2007, pp. 87–88.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 29; Service 2004, p. 52; Rieber 2005, p. 39; Montefiore 2007, p. 101; Kotkin 2014, p. 51.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 91, 95; Kotkin 2014, p. 53.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 90–93; Kotkin 2014, p. 51; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 22–23.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 29; Service 2004, p. 49; Montefiore 2007, pp. 94–95; Kotkin 2014, p. 52; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 23.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 97–98.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 29; Service 2004, p. 49; Rieber 2005, p. 42; Montefiore 2007, p. 98; Kotkin 2014, p. 52.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 67; Service 2004, p. 52; Montefiore 2007, p. 101.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 67; Conquest 1991, p. 29; Service 2004, p. 52; Montefiore 2007, p. 105.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 68; Conquest 1991, p. 29; Montefiore 2007, p. 107; Kotkin 2014, p. 53; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 23.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 75; Conquest 1991, p. 29; Service 2004, p. 52; Montefiore 2007, pp. 108–110.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 111.
^ Service 2004, p. 52; Montefiore 2007, pp. 114–115.
^ Service 2004, p. 52; Montefiore 2007, pp. 115–116; Kotkin 2014, p. 53.
^ Service 2004, p. 57; Montefiore 2007, p. 123.
^ Service 2004, p. 54; Montefiore 2007, pp. 117–118; Kotkin 2014, p. 77.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 33–34; Service 2004, p. 53; Montefiore 2007, p. 113; Kotkin 2014, pp. 78–79; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 24.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 76; Service 2004, p. 59; Kotkin 2014, p. 80; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 24.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 131.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 38; Service 2004, p. 59.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 81.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 80; Service 2004, p. 56; Montefiore 2007, p. 126.
^ Deutscher 1966, pp. 84–85; Service 2004, p. 56.
^ Service 2004, p. 58; Montefiore 2007, pp. 128–129.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 129.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 131–132.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 132.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 143.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 132–133.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 87; Montefiore 2007, pp. 135, 144.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 137.
^ Deutscher 1966, pp. 89–90; Service 2004, p. 60; Montefiore 2007, p. 145.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 145.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 90; Conquest 1991, p. 37; Service 2004, p. 60; Kotkin 2014, p. 81.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 92; Montefiore 2007, p. 147; Kotkin 2014, p. 105.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 94; Conquest 1991, pp. 39–40; Service 2004, pp. 61, 62; Montefiore 2007, p. 156.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 96; Conquest 1991, p. 40; Service 2004, p. 62; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 26.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 96; Service 2004, p. 62; Kotkin 2014, p. 113.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 168; Kotkin 2014, p. 113.
^ Service 2004, p. 64; Montefiore 2007, p. 159; Kotkin 2014, p. 105.
^ Service 2004, p. 64; Montefiore 2007, p. 167; Kotkin 2014, p. 106; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 25.
^ Service 2004, p. 65.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 41; Service 2004, p. 65; Montefiore 2007, pp. 168–170; Kotkin 2014, p. 108.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 41–42; Service 2004, p. 75; Kotkin 2014, p. 113.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 100; Montefiore 2007, p. 180; Kotkin 2014, p. 114.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 100; Conquest 1991, pp. 43–44; Service 2004, p. 76; Montefiore 2007, p. 184.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 190.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 186.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 189.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 191; Kotkin 2014, p. 115.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 44; Service 2004, p. 71; Montefiore 2007, p. 193; Kotkin 2014, p. 116.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 194.
^ Service 2004, p. 74; Montefiore 2007, p. 196; Kotkin 2014, p. 115.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 197–198; Kotkin 2014, p. 115.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 195.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 44; Service 2004, p. 68; Montefiore 2007, p. 203; Kotkin 2014, p. 116.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 45; Montefiore 2007, pp. 203–204.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 45; Service 2004, p. 68; Montefiore 2007, pp. 206, 208; Kotkin 2014, p. 116.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 46; Montefiore 2007, p. 212; Kotkin 2014, p. 117.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 46; Montefiore 2007, pp. 222, 226; Kotkin 2014, p. 121.
^ Service 2004, p. 79; Montefiore 2007, pp. 227, 229, 230–231; Kotkin 2014, p. 121.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 47; Service 2004, p. 80; Montefiore 2007, pp. 231, 234; Kotkin 2014, p. 121.
^ Service 2004, p. 79; Montefiore 2007, p. 234; Kotkin 2014, p. 121.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 236; Kotkin 2014, p. 121.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 237; Kotkin 2014, pp. 121–22.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 83; Kotkin 2014, pp. 122–123.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 48; Service 2004, p. 83; Montefiore 2007, p. 240; Kotkin 2014, pp. 122–123.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 240.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 241.
^ Service 2004, p. 84; Montefiore 2007, p. 243.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 84; Montefiore 2007, p. 247.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 51; Montefiore 2007, p. 248.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 249; Kotkin 2014, p. 133.
^ Service 2004, p. 86; Montefiore 2007, p. 250; Kotkin 2014, p. 154.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 51; Service 2004, pp. 86–87; Montefiore 2007, pp. 250–251.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 252–253.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 255.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 256.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 52; Service 2004, pp. 87–88; Montefiore 2007, pp. 256–259; Kotkin 2014, p. 133.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 263.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 54; Service 2004, p. 89; Montefiore 2007, p. 263.
^ Service 2004, p. 89; Montefiore 2007, pp. 264–265.
^ Service 2004, p. 59.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 266.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 53; Service 2004, p. 85; Montefiore 2007, p. 266; Kotkin 2014, p. 133.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 133.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 267.
^ Himmer 1986, p. 269; Volkogonov 1991, p. 7; Service 2004, p. 85.
^ Himmer 1986, p. 269; Service 2004, p. 85.
^ Himmer 1986, p. 269; Volkogonov 1991, p. 7; Montefiore 2007, p. 268; Kotkin 2014, p. 133.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Himmer 1986, p. 269.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 267–268.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 268–270; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 28.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 54; Service 2004, pp. 102–103; Montefiore 2007, pp. 270, 273; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 29.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 273–274.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 55; Service 2004, pp. 105–106; Montefiore 2007, pp. 277–278; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 29.
^ Suny 2020, p. 559; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 30.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 292–293.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 298, 300.
^ The Siberian Times, 6 April 2016.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 287.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 56; Service 2004, p. 110; Montefiore 2007, pp. 288–289.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 57; Service 2004, pp. 113–114; Montefiore 2007, p. 300; Kotkin 2014, p. 155.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 57; Montefiore 2007, pp. 301–302; Kotkin 2014, p. 155.
^ Service 2004, p. 114; Montefiore 2007, p. 302; Kotkin 2014, p. 155.
^ Service 2004, p. 114; Montefiore 2007, p. 302.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 57–58; Service 2004, pp. 116–117; Montefiore 2007, pp. 302–303; Kotkin 2014, p. 178; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 42.
^ Volkogonov 1991, pp. 15, 19; Service 2004, p. 117; Montefiore 2007, p. 304; Kotkin 2014, p. 173.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 19; Service 2004, p. 120; Montefiore 2007, p. 310.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 59–60; Montefiore 2007, p. 310.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 64; Service 2004, p. 131; Montefiore 2007, p. 316; Kotkin 2014, p. 193; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 46.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 316.
^ Service 2004, p. 144.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 65; Montefiore 2007, pp. 319–320.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 32.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 322–324; Kotkin 2014, p. 203; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 48–49.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 326; Kotkin 2014, p. 204.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 68; Service 2004, p. 138.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 332–333, 335.
^ Service 2004, p. 144; Montefiore 2007, pp. 337–338.
^ Service 2004, p. 145; Montefiore 2007, p. 341.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 341–342.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 344–346.
^ Service 2004, pp. 145, 147.
^ Service 2004, pp. 144–146; Kotkin 2014, p. 224; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 52.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 53.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 177.
^ Service 2004, pp. 147–148; Kotkin 2014, pp. 227–228, 229; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 52.
^ Volkogonov 1991, pp. 28–29; Service 2004, p. 148.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 71; Kotkin 2014, p. 228.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 71, 90; Kotkin 2014, p. 318.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 71; Kotkin 2014, p. 229.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 27; Kotkin 2014, p. 226.
^ Service 2004, p. 150.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 157.
^ Service 2004, p. 149.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 155.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 158.
^ Service 2004, p. 148.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 70; Volkogonov 1991, p. 30; Service 2004, p. 148; Kotkin 2014, p. 228; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 52.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 72; Service 2004, p. 151.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 72; Service 2004, p. 167; Kotkin 2014, p. 264; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 49.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 71.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Conquest 1991, p. 71; Service 2004, p. 152.
^ Service 2004, p. 153.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 72; Service 2004, pp. 150–151; Kotkin 2014, pp. 259–264.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 75; Service 2004, pp. 158–161; Kotkin 2014, p. 250.
^ Service 2004, pp. 159–160; Kotkin 2014, p. 250.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 75; Service 2004, p. 161; Kotkin 2014, pp. 257–258.
^ Service 2004, p. 161; Kotkin 2014, pp. 258–259, 265.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 259.
^ Service 2004, p. 165; Kotkin 2014, pp. 268–270.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 77; Volkogonov 1991, p. 39; Montefiore 2003, p. 27; Service 2004, p. 163; Kotkin 2014, pp. 300–301; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 54.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 173.
^ Service 2004, p. 164; Kotkin 2014, pp. 302–303.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 78, 82; Montefiore 2007, p. 28; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 55.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 81; Service 2004, p. 170.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 46; Montefiore 2007, p. 27; Kotkin 2014, pp. 305, 307; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 56–57.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 78–79; Volkogonov 1991, p. 40; Service 2004, p. 166; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 55.
^ Service 2004, p. 171.
^ Service 2004, p. 169.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 83–84; Service 2004, p. 172; Kotkin 2014, p. 314.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 172.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 85; Service 2004, p. 172.
^ Service 2004, pp. 173, 174.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 185.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 86; Volkogonov 1991, p. 45; Kotkin 2014, p. 331.
^ Service 2004, p. 175.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 91; Service 2004, p. 175.
^ Service 2004, p. 176.
^ Service 2004, p. 199.
^ Service 2004, pp. 203, 190.
^ Service 2004, p. 174.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 178.
^ Service 2004, p. 176; Kotkin 2014, pp. 352–354.
^ Service 2004, p. 178; Kotkin 2014, p. 357; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 59.
^ Service 2004, pp. 176–177.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Service 2004, p. 177.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 87; Service 2004, p. 179; Kotkin 2014, p. 362; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 60.
^ Service 2004, pp. 180, 182; Kotkin 2014, p. 364.
^ Service 2004, p. 182.
^ Service 2004, p. 182; Kotkin 2014, pp. 364–365.
^ Davies 2003, p. 211; Service 2004, pp. 183–185; Kotkin 2014, pp. 376–377.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 377.
^ Service 2004, pp. 184–185; Kotkin 2014, p. 377.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 392.
^ Kotkin 2014, pp. 396–397.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 388.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 202.
^ Service 2004, pp. 199–200; Kotkin 2014, p. 371.
^ Service 2004, p. 200.
^ Service 2004, pp. 194–196; Kotkin 2014, p. 400.
^ Service 2004, pp. 194–195; Kotkin 2014, pp. 479–481.
^ Service 2004, pp. 203–205; Kotkin 2014, p. 400.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Conquest 1991, p. 127; Service 2004, p. 232.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 89; Service 2004, p. 187; Kotkin 2014, p. 344; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 64.
^ Service 2004, p. 186.
^ Service 2004, p. 188.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 96; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 78–70; Service 2004, pp. 189–190; Kotkin 2014, p. 411.
^ Service 2004, p. 190.
^ Service 2000, p. 369; Service 2004, p. 209; Kotkin 2014, p. 504.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Kotkin 2014, p. 501.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 97; Volkogonov 1991, p. 53; Service 2004, p. 191.
^ Service 2004, pp. 191–192; Kotkin 2014, p. 413.
^ Service 2004, p. 192; Kotkin 2014, p. 414; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 68.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 102; Service 2004, pp. 191–192; Kotkin 2014, p. 528.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 98; Service 2004, p. 193; Kotkin 2014, p. 483; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 69–70.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 95; Service 2004, p. 195; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 71–72.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 195.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 71; Service 2004, p. 194; Kotkin 2014, pp. 475–476; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 68–69.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 98–99; Service 2004, p. 195; Kotkin 2014, pp. 477, 478; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 69.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 74; Service 2004, p. 206; Kotkin 2014, p. 485.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 99–100, 103; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 72–74; Service 2004, pp. 210–211; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 70–71.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 100–101; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 53, 79–82; Service 2004, pp. 208–209; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 71.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 528.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 104; Montefiore 2003, p. 30; Service 2004, p. 219; Kotkin 2014, p. 534; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 79.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 110; Montefiore 2003, p. 30; Service 2004, p. 219; Kotkin 2014, pp. 542–543.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 130; Montefiore 2003, p. 30; Service 2004, p. 221; Kotkin 2014, p. 540.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 111–112; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 117–118; Service 2004, p. 221; Kotkin 2014, p. 544.
^ Service 2004, pp. 222–224; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 79.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 111; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 93–94; Service 2004, pp. 222–224; Kotkin 2014, pp. 546–548; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 79.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 426.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 453.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 455.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 469.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 432.
^ Kotkin 2014, pp. 495–496.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 127; Service 2004, p. 235.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 127; Service 2004, p. 238.
^ Fainsod & Hough 1979, p. 111.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 136.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 27.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 98; Kotkin 2014, p. 474; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 52.
^ Service 2004, pp. 214–215, 217.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 87.
^ Service 2004, p. 225.
^ Service 2004, p. 227.
^ Service 2004, p. 228.
^ Service 2004, p. 228; Kotkin 2014, p. 563.
^ Service 2004, p. 240.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, pp. 240–243; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 82–83.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 126; Conquest 2008, p. 11; Kotkin 2014, p. 614; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 83.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 137, 138; Kotkin 2014, p. 614.
^ Service 2004, p. 247; Kotkin 2014, pp. 614, 618; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 91.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 85.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 139, 151; Service 2004, pp. 282–283; Conquest 2008, pp. 11–12; Kotkin 2014, pp. 676–677; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 85.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 164; Service 2004, p. 282.
^ Service 2004, p. 276.
^ Service 2004, pp. 277–278.
^ Service 2004, pp. 277, 280; Conquest 2008, pp. 12–13.
^ Service 2004, p. 278.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 39.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 130.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 130; Volkogonov 1991, p. 160; Kotkin 2014, p. 689.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 244.
^ Service 2004, p. 392; Kotkin 2014, pp. 626–631; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 89–90.
^ Service 2004, p. 273.
^ Service 2004, p. 256.
^ Service 2004, p. 254.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 172–173; Service 2004, p. 256; Kotkin 2014, pp. 638–639.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 144, 146; Service 2004, p. 258.
^ Service 2004, p. 256; Kotkin 2014, p. 571.
^ Service 2004, p. 253; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 101.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 147–148; Service 2004, pp. 257–258; Kotkin 2014, pp. 661, 668–669, 679–684; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 102–103.
^ Service 2004, p. 258; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 103.
^ Service 2004, p. 258.
^ Service 2004, p. 258; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 105.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 267.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 160; Volkogonov 1991, p. 166.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 167.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Sandle 1999, p. 231.
^ Service 2004, pp. 265–266; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 110–111.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 234.
^ Service 2004, p. 266; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 112.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 113.
^ Service 2004, p. 271.
^ Service 2004, p. 270.
^ Service 2004, p. 270; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 116.
^ Service 2004, p. 272; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 116.
^ Service 2004, p. 272.
^ Service 2004, p. 270; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 113–114.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 160; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 114.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 174.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 172; Service 2004, p. 260; Kotkin 2014, p. 708.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 158; Service 2004, p. 266; Conquest 2008, p. 18.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 227, 229.
^ Service 2004, p. 259.
^ Service 2004, p. 274.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 265.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 118.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 186, 190.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 231–233.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 241–242.
^ Service 2004, p. 269.
^ Service 2004, p. 300.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 152–153; Sandle 1999, p. 214; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 107–108.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 108.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 152–155; Service 2004, p. 259; Kotkin 2014, pp. 687, 702–704, 709; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 107.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 268.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 155.
^ Service 2004, p. 324.
^ Service 2004, p. 326.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 301.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 244, 246.
^ Service 2004, p. 299.
^ Service 2004, p. 304.
^ Volkogonov 1991, pp. 111, 127; Service 2004, p. 308.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 246; Montefiore 2003, p. 85.
^ Service 2004, pp. 302–303.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 211, 276–277; Service 2004, p. 307.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 157.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 191.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 325.
^ Service 2004, p. 379.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 183–184.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 282.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 261.
^ McDermott 1995, pp. 410–411; Conquest 1991, p. 176; Service 2004, pp. 261, 383; Kotkin 2014, p. 720.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 173.
^ Service 2004, p. 289; Kotkin 2014, p. 595.
^ Service 2004, p. 289.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 169; Montefiore 2003, p. 90; Service 2004, pp. 291–292.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 94, 95; Service 2004, pp. 292, 294.
^ Service 2004, p. 297.
^ Service 2004, p. 316.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 310.
^ Service 2004, p. 310; Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 627.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 628.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 318.
^ Service 2004, p. 312; Conquest 2008, pp. 19–20; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 117.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 117.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 119.
^ Ellman 2005, p. 823.
^ Ellman 2005, p. 824; Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, pp. 628, 631.
^ Ellman 2005, pp. 823–824; Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 626; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 117.
^ Ellman 2005, p. 834.
^ Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 626.
^ Ellman 2005, p. 824; Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, pp. 627–628; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 120.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 627.
^ Ellman 2005, p. 833; Kuromiya 2008, p. 665.
^ Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 628; Ellman 2007, p. 664.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 164; Kotkin 2014, p. 724.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 319.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 212; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 552–443; Service 2004, p. 361.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 212.
^ Service 2004, p. 361.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 362.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 216.
^ Service 2004, p. 386.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 217.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 176; Montefiore 2003, p. 116; Service 2004, p. 340.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 218; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 123, 135.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 135.
^ Haslam 1979, pp. 682–683; Conquest 1991, p. 218; Service 2004, p. 385; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 135.
^ Service 2004, p. 392; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 154.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 219; Service 2004, p. 387.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 154.
^ Service 2004, pp. 387, 389.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 156.
^ Service 2004, p. 392.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 126.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 125.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 179; Montefiore 2003, pp. 126–127; Service 2004, p. 314; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 128–129.
^ Overy 2004, p. 327.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 128, 137.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 347.
^ Service 2004, p. 315.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 139.
^ Service 2004, pp. 314–317.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 139, 154–155, 164–172, 175–176; Service 2004, p. 320; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 139.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 139–140.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 192–193; Service 2004, p. 346; Conquest 2008, p. 24; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 140.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 176–177.
^ Service 2004, p. 349.
^ Service 2004, p. 391.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 141, 150.
^ Service 2004, p. 350; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 150–151.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 203–204; Service 2004, pp. 350–351; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 150.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 204; Service 2004, pp. 351, 390; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 151.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Khlevniuk 2015, p. 151.
^ Service 2004, p. 394.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 230; Service 2004, p. 394; Overy 2004, p. 338; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 174.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 201; Service 2004, p. 349; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 140.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 137–138, 147.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 140.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 204.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 151, 159.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 152.
^ Service 2004, pp. 347–248; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 125, 156–157.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 153, 156–157.
^ Service 2004, p. 367.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 245.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 209; Service 2004, p. 369; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 160.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 162.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 157.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 159.
^ Harris 2017, pp. 1–5, 16.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 308.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 220–221; Service 2004, pp. 380–381.
^ Service 2004, pp. 392–393; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 163, 168–169.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 185–186.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 232–233, 236.
^ Service 2004, pp. 399–400.
^ Nekrich 1997, p. 109.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 220; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 166.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 220; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 168, 169.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 221; Roberts 1992, pp. 57–78; Service 2004, p. 399; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 166.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 222; Roberts 1992, pp. 57–78; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 169.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 222; Roberts 2006, p. 43.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 223; Service 2004, pp. 402–403; Wettig 2008, p. 20.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 224.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 224; Service 2004, p. 405.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 228; Service 2004, p. 403; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 172–173.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 279; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 173.
^ Service 2004, p. 403; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 173.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 227; Service 2004, pp. 404–405; Wettig 2008, pp. 20–21; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 173.
^ Brackman 2001, p. 341; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 173.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 170.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 229; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 170.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 229; Service 2004, p. 405.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 229; Service 2004, p. 406.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 231; Brackman 2001, pp. 341, 343; Roberts 2006, p. 58.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 233; Roberts 2006, p. 63.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 234; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 180.
^ Service 2004, pp. 410–411; Roberts 2006, p. 82; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 198.
^ Service 2004, pp. 408–409, 411–412; Roberts 2006, p. 67; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 199–200, 202.
^ Service 2004, pp. 414–415; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 206–207.
^ Service 2004, p. 413.
^ Service 2004, p. 420.
^ Service 2004, p. 417; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 201–202.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 235; Service 2004, p. 416.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 418.
^ Service 2004, p. 417.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 248–249; Service 2004, p. 420; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 214–215.
^ Glantz 2001, p. 26.
^ Service 2004, pp. 421, 424; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 220.
^ Service 2004, p. 482; Roberts 2006, p. 90.
^ Gellately 2007, p. 391.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 239–240; Roberts 2006, p. 98; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 209.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 241; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 210.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 241–242; Service 2004, p. 521.
^ Roberts 2006, p. 132; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 223.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 423.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 422.
^ Overy 2004, p. 568.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 211.
^ Service 2004, p. 421.
^ Service 2004, pp. 442–443; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 242–243.
^ Service 2004, p. 441.
^ Service 2004, p. 442.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 446.
^ Service 2004, pp. 446–447.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 260; Service 2004, p. 444.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 254; Service 2004, p. 424; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 221–222.
^ Roberts 2006, pp. 117–118.
^ Roberts 2006, p. 124.
^ Service 2004, p. 425.
^ Service 2004, p. 426.
^ Service 2004, p. 427.
^ Service 2004, p. 428; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 225.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 225.
^ Service 2004, p. 429; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 226.
^ “Ведомости Верховного Совета СССР” (PDF) (in Russian). 13 March 1943. Retrieved 21 November 2021.
^ Roberts 2006, p. 155.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 255; Roberts 2006, p. 156; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 227.
^ Roberts 2006, p. 159.
^ Roberts 2006, p. 163.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 452.
^ Service 2004, p. 466.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 317; Service 2004, p. 466.
^ Service 2004, p. 458.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 252; Service 2004, p. 460; Khlevniuk 2015.
^ Service 2004, p. 456.
^ Service 2004, p. 460.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 262; Service 2004, p. 460; Roberts 2006, p. 180; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 229–230.
^ Service 2004, p. 462.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 463.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 244, 251; Service 2004, pp. 461, 469; Roberts 2006, p. 185; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 223, 229.
^ Roberts 2006, pp. 186–187.
^ Service 2004, pp. 464–465; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 244.
^ Roberts 2006, pp. 194–195.
^ Service 2004, p. 469; Roberts 2006, pp. 199–201.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 492.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 258; Service 2004, p. 492; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 232–233.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 233.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 264; Service 2004, p. 465; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 244.
^ Service 2004, pp. 465–466.
^ Service 2004, pp. 465–466; Roberts 2006, pp. 241–244.
^ Service 2004, p. 471; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 245.
^ Service 2004, pp. 471–472; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 244.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 473.
^ Service 2004, p. 474; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 247.
^ Service 2004, pp. 479–480.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 265; Service 2004, p. 473; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 234.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 265–266; Service 2004, p. 473; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 235.
^ Service 2004, p. 474.
^ Glantz 1983.
^ Service 2004, p. 476; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 248–249.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 268; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 248.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 267; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 249.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 267; Service 2004, p. 475.
^ Roberts 2006, pp. 274–275.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Wettig 2008, pp. 90–91.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 506.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 481.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 484.
^ Service 2004, p. 493; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 247.
^ Service 2004, pp. 480–481.
^ Service 2004, p. 479.
^ Service 2004, p. 541.
^ Service 2004, pp. 543–544.
^ Service 2004, p. 548.
^ Service 2004, p. 485; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 262.
^ Service 2004, p. 485.
^ Service 2004, p. 493; Roberts 2006, p. 202.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 268.
^ Service 2004, p. 482.
^ Service 2004, pp. 482–483.
^ Service 2004, p. 482; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 261.
^ Service 2004, p. 500.
^ Service 2004, p. 496.
^ Service 2004, p. 497.
^ Service 2004, p. 497; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 274–278.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 289.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 269; Service 2004, p. 491.
^ Service 2004, p. 526; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 268.
^ Service 2004, pp. 531–532; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 272–273.
^ Service 2004, p. 534.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 303.
^ Service 2004, pp. 534–535; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 282.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 300–301.
^ Service 2004, p. 498; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 261.
^ Ellman 2000, pp. 611, 618–620.
^ Ellman 2000, p. 622; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 261.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 299.
^ Service 2004, pp. 502–503.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 503.
^ Service 2004, p. 487.
^ Gaddis 2005, p. 57.
^ Service 2004, p. 508.
^ Service 2004, p. 508; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 293.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 297.
^ Service 2004, p. 502.
^ Service 2004, p. 504; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 267.
^ Service 2004, p. 504.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 494.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 507; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 281.
^ Service 2004, p. 551.
^ Roberts 2002, pp. 96–98.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 264.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 296; Service 2004, pp. 548–549; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 290.
^ Service 2004, p. 517.
^ Service 2004, p. 483.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 518.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 279; Service 2004, p. 503.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 286; Service 2004, p. 506; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 267.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 511.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 286–287; Service 2004, p. 515.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 515.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 516.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 287.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 507.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 280; Service 2004, p. 507; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 281.
^ Service 2004, p. 476.
^ Service 2004, pp. 512, 513.
^ Service 2004, p. 513.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 301; Service 2004, p. 509; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 286.
^ Service 2004, p. 509.
^ Service 2004, p. 553.
^ Service 2004, p. 509; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 287–291.
^ Service 2004, p. 552; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 287.
^ Service 2004, p. 552; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 294.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 302; Service 2004, p. 553; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 294–295.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 554.
^ Service 2004, p. 554; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 295–296.
^ Service 2004, pp. 555–556; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 296.
^ Yegorov, Oleg (15 December 2017). “Why did the USSR help to create Israel, but then became its foe”. Russia Beyond. Retrieved 5 February 2022.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 291.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 285.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 291; Service 2004, p. 577; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 284.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 567; Brackman 2001, pp. 384–385.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 291; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 308–309.
^ Service 2004, pp. 576–577.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 290.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 286.
^ Service 2004, p. 577; Overy 2004, p. 565; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 309.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 571.
^ Service 2004, p. 572; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 195.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 309; Etinger 1995, p. 104; Service 2004, p. 576; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 307.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 309; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 307–308.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 308; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 307.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 308.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 304–305.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 560.
^ Service 2004, pp. 564–565.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 307; Service 2004, pp. 566–567.
^ Service 2004, p. 578.
^ Service 2004, p. 579; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 306.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 305–306.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 311; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 571–572; Service 2004, pp. 582–584; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 142, 191.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Conquest 1991, p. 312.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 311–312; Volkogonov 1991, p. 572; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 142.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 312; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 250.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 313; Volkogonov 1991, p. 574; Service 2004, p. 586; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 313.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 313; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 313–314.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 189.
^ Service 2004, p. 587.
^ Service 2004, p. 588.
^ Service 2004, p. 588; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 314.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 317.
^ Service 2004, p. 588; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 317.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 576; Service 2004, p. 589; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 318.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 319.
^ Li 2009, p. 75.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 310.
^ Service 2004, pp. 586–587.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 312.
^ Ra’anan 2006, p. 20.
^ Service 2004, p. 591.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 315.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 593.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 316.
^ Etinger 1995, pp. 120–121; Conquest 1991, p. 314; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 314.
^ Rieber 2005, p. 32.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Service 2004, p. 9.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. xi.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 336.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Rieber 2005, p. 43.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 67.
^ Service 2004, p. 136; Kotkin 2014, p. 205; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 47.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 7.
^ McDermott 2006, p. 7.
^ Service 2004, p. 92; Kotkin 2014, p. 462.
^ Service 2004, p. 93; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 7.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 93.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 216.
^ Service 2004, pp. 93–94.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 214; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 8.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 8.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 94.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Sandle 1999, p. 211.
^ Deutscher 1966, p. 86; Kotkin 2014, pp. 10, 699.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 545.
^ Service 2004, p. 92.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 211.
^ Service 2004, p. 95; Montefiore 2007, p. 211.
^ Service 2004, pp. 179–180.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 67.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 531.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 93–94.
^ Service 2004, p. 333; Kotkin 2014, p. 586.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 158.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 256; Service 2004, p. 333; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 94.
^ Kotkin 2017, p. 7.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 352.
^ Service 2004, p. 357.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 208–209.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Sandle 1999, p. 209.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 261.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 210.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 98.
^ Overy 2004, p. 552.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 99.
^ Overy 2004, p. 565.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 310, 579.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 5.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Conquest 1991, p. 1.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 1; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 97.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 97.
^ Foltz 2021, pp. 94–97.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 66–67.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 1; Montefiore 2003, p. 2; Montefiore 2007, p. 42; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 97.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 579.
^ Rieber 2005, p. 18.
^ Service 2004, p. 85.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 268.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 183; Volkogonov 1991, p. 5; Kotkin 2017, p. 5.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 37.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 149; Volkogonov 1991, p. 49; Service 2004, p. 334; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 52.
^ Volkogonov 1991, pp. xx–xxi.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 329.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 21; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 97.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 395.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 12; Volkogonov 1991, p. 5.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 12.
^ Kotkin 2017, p. 4.
^ Service 2004, p. 25; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 13–14.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 21, 29, 33–34.
^ Service 2004, p. 44.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 9–10.
^ Service 2004, p. 167; Kotkin 2017, p. 1.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 282; Volkogonov 1991, p. 146; Service 2004, pp. 435, 438, 574; Kotkin 2017, p. 1.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 311; Volkogonov 1991, p. 102; Montefiore 2003, pp. 36–37; Service 2004, pp. 497–498.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 102; Service 2004, p. 498.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 60.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 60; Service 2004, p. 525.
^ Service 2004, p. 525.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 35, 60.
^ Service 2004, p. 331.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 102, 227.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 195; Kotkin 2017, p. 3.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 64.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 191.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 57–58; Kotkin 2014, p. 594.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 102.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 66–67; Service 2004, p. 296.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 215; Montefiore 2003, p. 103; Service 2004, p. 295.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 178.
^ Service 2004, p. 572.
^ Conquest 1991, p. xvi; Volkogonov 1991, p. xxiii; Service 2004, p. 4; Montefiore 2007, p. xxiv.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. xxiv.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 343.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 8; Service 2004, p. 337.
^ Conquest 1991, pp. 193, 274; Volkogonov 1991, p. 63; Service 2004, p. 115; Kotkin 2014, p. 425; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 148.
^ Service 2004, p. 42; Montefiore 2007, p. 353; Kotkin 2014, pp. 424, 465, 597.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 115.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 4–5.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 145.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 317; Volkogonov 1991, p. xxvi; McDermott 2006, p. 13.
^ Conquest 1991, p. xvi; Service 2004, p. 18; McDermott 2006, p. 13.
^ McDermott 2006, pp. 12–13.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 42; Kotkin 2014, p. 424.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 424.
^ Service 2004, p. 342.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 120; Kotkin 2014, p. 648.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 337.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. 145.
^ McCauley 2003, p. 92; Montefiore 2003, pp. 49–50; Kotkin 2014, pp. 117, 465; Kotkin 2017, p. 5.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 41.
^ Service 2004, p. 338; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 53.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 318; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 7.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 4; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 7.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 8.
^ Service 2004, p. 334.
^ Service 2004, p. 258; Montefiore 2007, p. 285.
^ Service 2004, pp. 4, 344.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 597; Kotkin 2017, p. 6.
^ Service 2004, pp. 10, 344; Kotkin 2017, p. 5.
^ Service 2004, p. 336; Kotkin 2014, p. 736.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 175.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 42.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Roberts 2022, p. 2.
^ McDermott 2006, p. 12.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 620.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 60.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 96.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 73; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 6.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 6.
^ Volkogonov 1991, pp. 127, 148.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 131.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 86; Service 2004, p. 9; McDermott 2006, p. 19; Kotkin 2017, pp. 1–2, 5.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 93.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 86; Kotkin 2014, pp. 117, 676.
^ McCauley 2003, p. 93; Montefiore 2003, p. 86; Service 2004, p. 560; McDermott 2006, p. 19.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 86.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 127; Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 2–3.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 282; McCauley 2003, p. 90.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 145.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 58, 507; Kotkin 2017, p. 1.
^ Kotkin 2017, p. 1.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 283; Service 2004, p. 437.
^ Service 2004, p. 522.
^ McCauley 2003, p. 90; Service 2004, pp. 437, 522–523; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 5.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 24.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 3–4.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 319, 637.
^ Service 2004, p. 55.
^ Etinger 1995, p. 103; Montefiore 2007, p. 165.
^ Etinger 1995, p. 103; Rappaport 1999, p. 297.
^ Pinkus 1984, pp. 107–108; Brackman 2001, p. 390.
^ Brent & Naumov 2004, p. 184.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 8.
^ Service 2004, pp. 567–568.
^ Service 2004, p. 77.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 237.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 49; Fitzpatrick 2015, p. 65.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 49.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 9.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 151.
^ Service 2004, p. 112.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 135.
^ Service 2004, p. 522; Montefiore 2003, p. 135; Montefiore 2007, p. 368.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 73.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2007, p. 209.
^ Service 2004, p. 80; Montefiore 2007, p. 209.
^ Service 2004, p. 80.
^ McCauley 2003, p. 90.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 5.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 4.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 202.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 149; Service 2004, p. 64; Montefiore 2007, p. 167; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 25.
^ Volkogonov 1991, pp. 150–151; Montefiore 2007, p. 364.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 8.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Montefiore 2003, p. 9.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 13; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 255.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 12.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 154; Montefiore 2003, p. 16; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 255.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 257, 259–260.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 215; Volkogonov 1991, p. 153; Montefiore 2003, pp. 9, 227; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 256.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 260; Service 2004, p. 521.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, pp. 250, 259.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 260.
^ Montefiore 2003, pp. 142–144.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 144.
^ Service 2004, p. 521.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 365.
^ Khlevniuk 2015, p. 252.
^ Montefiore 2007, pp. 365–366.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 366.
^ Conquest 1991, p. xi.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 108; Service 2004, p. 5.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. xxii.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c McDermott 2006, p. 1.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 3.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 546; Service 2004, p. 3.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 602.
^ Wheatcroft 1999.
^ Ellman 2002, p. 1164.
^ Cheremukhin et al. 2013; Dower & Markevich 2018, p. 246.
^ Service 2004, p. 602; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 190.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 732.
^ McCauley 2003, p. 8; Service 2004, p. 52; Montefiore 2007, p. 9; Kotkin 2014, p. xii; Khlevniuk 2015, p. 12.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 194; Volkogonov 1991, p. 31; Service 2004, p. 370.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 77.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 124.
^ Montefiore 2003, p. 215.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 4.
^ Conquest 1991, p. xvii; McDermott 2006, p. 5.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. xviii.
^ McDermott 2006, p. 2.
^ Service 2004, p. 370.
^ McDermott 2006, pp. 5–6.
^ Service 2004, pp. 8, 9.
^ Kotkin 2014, p. 596.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 182.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. ix.
^ Service 2004, p. 4.
^ Service 2004, p. 13.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Service 2004, p. 6.
^ Conquest 1991, p. xiii.
^ Service 2004, p. 6; Montefiore 2007, p. xxi.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 265–266.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 173.
^ Ellman 2002, pp. 1163–1164.
^ Getty, Rittersporn & Zemskov 1993, p. 1022.
^ Ellman 2002, pp. 1162–1163.
^ Getty, Rittersporn & Zemskov 1993, p. 1024.
^ Healey 2018, p. 1049: “New studies using declassified Gulag archives have provisionally established a consensus on mortality and ‘inhumanity.’ The tentative consensus says that once secret records of the Gulag administration in Moscow show a lower death toll than expected from memoir sources, generally between 1.5 and 1.7 million (out of 18 million who passed through) for the years from 1930 to 1953.”
^ Wheatcroft 1996, pp. 1334, 1348; Ellman 2002, p. 1172.
^ Davies & Wheatcroft 2004, p. 401.
^ Rosefielde 1996.
^ Snyder 2010, p. 384; Snyder 2011.
^ Moore 2012, p. 367.
^ Associated Press, 28 November 2006.
^ RIA Novosti, 13 January 2010; The New York Review of Books, 26 May 2010.
^ Tauger 2001, p. 1.
^ Davies & Wheatcroft 2004, pp. xiv, 441; Davies & Wheatcroft 2006, p. 628; Ghodsee 2014.
^ Naimark 2008, p. 46; Kuromiya 2008, p. 667.
^ Kuromiya 2008, p. 668.
^ Naimark 2008, p. 45.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 314.
^ Service 2004, p. 592.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 314; Volkogonov 1991, pp. 577–579; Service 2004, p. 594.
^ Service 2004, p. 594.
^ Volkogonov 1991, p. 576; Service 2004, p. 594.
^ Service 2004, p. 595.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 315; Service 2004, p. 595.
^ Conquest 1991, p. 315.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 596.
^ Service 2004, pp. 596–597.
^ BBC, 5 June 2018.
^ Service 2004, p. 598.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Service 2004, p. 7.
^ Service 2004, p. 599.
^ The Washington Post, 15 February 2017; The Daily Telegraph, 16 April 2019; BBC, 18 April 2019.
^ “Stalin’s Approval Rating Among Russians Hits Record High – Poll”. themoscowtimes.com. 16 April 2019.
^ “САМЫЕ ВЫДАЮЩИЕСЯ ЛИЧНОСТИ В ИСТОРИИ”. levada.ru. 21 June 2021.
^ Coynash, Halya (22 June 2021). “Russians name Stalin as the most ‘outstanding’ figure of all times”. Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group. The renowned Levada Centre has carried out a survey to find out whom Russians would name as the “ten most outstanding [выдающиеся) figures of all times and nations”. While nobody received an absolute majority, Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin was very clearly ahead, being named by 39% of the respondents.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Khlevniuk 2015, p. x.
^ Service 2004, p. 597.
^ BBC, 5 March 2013.
^ Pew Research Center, 29 June 2017.
^ Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1 March 2013; The Moscow Times, 2 March 2013.
^ The New York Review of Books, 26 May 2010.
^ RIA Novosti, 25 February 2011.
^ Ukrayinska Pravda, 4 March 2015.

Bibliography[edit source]

Academic books and journals[edit source]

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Brent, Jonathan; Naumov, Vladimir (2004). Stalin’s Last Crime: The Plot Against the Jewish Doctors, 1948–1953. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-201367-5.
Conquest, Robert (1991). Stalin: Breaker of Nations. New York and London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-016953-9.
Conquest, Robert (2008). The Great Terror: A Reassessment (fortieth anniversary ed.). Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-531699-5.
Davies, Norman (2003) [1972]. White Eagle, Red Star: The Polish-Soviet War 1919-20 and ‘the Miracle on the Vistula’. London: Pimlico. ISBN 978-0-7126-0694-3.
Davies, Robert; Wheatcroft, Stephen (2004). The Industrialisation of Soviet Russia Volume 5: The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture 1931-1933. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-23855-8.
Davies, Robert; Wheatcroft, Stephen (2006). “Stalin and the Soviet Famine of 1932-33: A Reply to Ellman” (PDF). Europe-Asia Studies. 58 (4): 625–633. doi:10.1080/09668130600652217. JSTOR 20451229. S2CID 145729808. Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 June 2019. Retrieved 7 October 2018.
Deutscher, Isaac (1966). Stalin (revised ed.). Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Dower, Paul Castañeda; Markevich, Andrei (May 2018). “Labor Misallocation and Mass Mobilization: Russian Agriculture during the Great War” (PDF). The Review of Economics and Statistics. 100 (2): 245–259. doi:10.1162/REST_a_00726. S2CID 57571290. Archived (PDF) from the original on 18 June 2021. Retrieved 11 September 2020.
Ellman, Michael (2000). “The 1947 Soviet Famine and the Entitlement Approach to Famines”. Cambridge Journal of Economics. 24 (5): 603–630. doi:10.1093/cje/24.5.603.
Ellman, Michael (2002). “Soviet Repression Statistics: Some Comments” (PDF). Europe-Asia Studies. 54 (7): 1151–1172. doi:10.1080/0966813022000017177. S2CID 43510161. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 May 2019. Retrieved 22 September 2018.
Ellman, Michael (2005). “The Role of Leadership Perceptions and of Intent in the Soviet Famine of 1931–1934” (PDF). Europe-Asia Studies. 57 (6): 823–841. doi:10.1080/09668130500199392. S2CID 13880089. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 February 2009. Retrieved 17 January 2010.
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Etinger, Iakov (1995). “The Doctors’ Plot: Stalin’s Solution to the Jewish Question”. In Ro’i, Yaacov (ed.). Jews and Jewish Life in Russia and the Soviet Union. The Cummings Center Series. Ilford: Frank Cass. pp. 103–124. ISBN 0-7146-4619-9.
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Gellately, Robert (2007). Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler: The Age of Social Catastrophe. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 978-0-224-06283-1.
Getty, J. Arch; Rittersporn, Gábor; Zemskov, Viktor (1993). “Victims of the Soviet penal system in the pre-war years: a first approach on the basis of archival evidence” (PDF). American Historical Review. 98 (4): 1017–1049. doi:10.2307/2166597. JSTOR 2166597. Archived (PDF) from the original on 6 December 2019. Retrieved 21 September 2018.
Ghodsee, Kristen (2014). “A Tale of “Two Totalitarianisms”: The Crisis of Capitalism and the Historical Memory of Communism” (PDF). History of the Present. 4 (2): 115–142. doi:10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115. JSTOR 10.5406/historypresent.4.2.0115. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 February 2018. Retrieved 22 September 2018.
Glantz, David (1983). “August Storm: The Soviet 1945 Strategic Offensive in Manchuria” (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 September 2017. Retrieved 1 December 2018.
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Cheremukhin, Anton; Golosov, Mikhail; Guriev, Sergei; Tsyvinski, Aleh (2013). Was Stalin Necessary for Russia’s Economic Development? (PDF). w19425. National Bureau of Economic Research. Archived (PDF) from the original on 22 August 2020. Retrieved 14 May 2020.
Fitzpatrick, Sheila (2015). On Stalin’s Team: The Years of Living Dangerously in Soviet Politics. Carlton: Melbourne University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-7421-7.
Harris, James (2017). The Great Fear: Stalin’s Terror of the 1930s. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-879786-9.
Haslam, Jonathan (1979). “The Comintern and the Origins of the Popular Front 1934–1935”. The Historical Journal. 22 (3): 673–691. doi:10.1017/s0018246x00017039.
Healey, Dan (1 June 2018). “GOLFO ALEXOPOULOS. Illness and Inhumanity in Stalin’s Gulag”. The American Historical Review. 123 (3): 1049–1051. doi:10.1093/ahr/123.3.1049. Archived from the original on 8 July 2018. Retrieved 23 September 2018.
Himmer, Robert (1986). “On the Origin and Significance of the Name “Stalin””. The Russian Review. 45 (3): 269–286. doi:10.2307/130111. JSTOR 130111.
Khlevniuk, Oleg V. (2015). Stalin: New Biography of a Dictator. Translated by Nora Seligman Favorov. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-16388-9.
Kotkin, Stephen (2014). Stalin: Paradoxes of Power, 1878–1928. London: Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0-7139-9944-0.
Kotkin, Stephen (2017). Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929–1941. London: Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0-7139-9945-7.
Kuromiya, Hiroaki (2007). “Stalin and His Era”. The Historical Journal. Cambridge University Press. 50 (3): 711–24. doi:10.1017/s0018246x07006322. JSTOR 20175118. S2CID 159853667.
Kuromiya, Hiroaki (2008). “The Soviet Famine of 1932–1933 Reconsidered”. Europe-Asia Studies. 60 (4): 663–675. doi:10.1080/09668130801999912. JSTOR 20451530. S2CID 143876370.
Leffler, Melvyn P. (2007). For the Soul of Mankind: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Cold War. New York: Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4299-6409-8.
Li, Hua-yu (2009). “Reactions of Chinese Citizens to the Death of Stalin: Internal Communist Party Reports”. Journal of Cold War Studies. 11 (2): 70–88. doi:10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.70. S2CID 57561115. Archived from the original on 24 June 2016. Retrieved 29 April 2016.
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Magazines, newspapers and websites[edit source]

“Do Stalina pozytyvno stavlyatʹsya menshe 1/5 ukrayintsiv” До Сталіна позитивно ставляться менше 1/5 українців [Less Than 1/5 of Ukrainians Have a Positive Attitude Towards Stalin]. Ukrayinska Pravda (in Ukrainian). 4 March 2015. Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 5 March 2016.
Bakradze, Lasha; Gudjov, Lev; Lipman, Maria; Wall, Thomas (1 March 2013). “The Stalin Puzzle: Deciphering Post-Soviet Public Opinion”. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Archived from the original on 2 April 2017. Retrieved 2 April 2017.
Bell, Bethany (5 March 2013). “Georgia Divided Over Stalin ‘Local Hero’ Status in Gori”. BBC. Archived from the original on 19 July 2018. Retrieved 21 June 2018.
Lisova, Natasha (28 November 2006). “Ukraine Recognize Famine As Genocide”. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 22 August 2007. Retrieved 4 August 2007 – via Ukemonde.
Luhn, Alec (16 April 2019). “Record 70 Percent of Russians Say Stalin Played a Positive Role in Their Country’s History”. The Daily Telegraph. ISSN 0307-1235. Archived from the original on 30 November 2020. Retrieved 23 November 2020.
Masci, David (29 June 2017). “In Russia, Nostalgia for USSR and Positive Feelings about Stalin”. Pew Research Center. Archived from the original on 29 November 2020. Retrieved 23 November 2020.
Parfitt, Tom (29 December 2008). “Greatest Russian Poll”. The Guardian. Archived from the original on 5 September 2013. Retrieved 2 June 2015.
Pisch, Anita (December 2016). “The Personality Cult of Stalin in Soviet Posters, 1929–1953”. Australian National University. Archived from the original on 26 January 2021. Retrieved 11 December 2020.
“Poll Finds Stalin’s Popularity High”. The Moscow Times. 2 March 2013. Archived from the original on 20 March 2017. Retrieved 20 March 2017.
“Siberian Pensioner Is Grandson of Josef Stalin, DNA Test Reveals”. The Siberian Times. 6 April 2016. Archived from the original on 28 January 2021. Retrieved 4 January 2021.
Snyder, Timothy D. (26 May 2010). “Springtime for Stalin”. The New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on 24 October 2012. Retrieved 4 January 2021.
Taylor, Adam (15 February 2017). “Positive Views of Stalin among Russian Reach 16-year High, Poll Shows”. The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 20 March 2017. Retrieved 30 April 2017.
“Ukraine Court Finds Bolsheviks Guilty of Holodomor Genocide”. RIA Novosti. 13 January 2010. Archived from the original on 16 January 2010. Retrieved 13 January 2010.
“Ukraine Stands by Its View of Stalin as Villain – President (Update 1)”. RIA Novosti. 25 February 2011. Archived from the original on 23 May 2013. Retrieved 23 May 2013.
“Wall of Grief: Putin Opens First Soviet Victims Memorial”. BBC. 5 June 2018. Archived from the original on 5 June 2018. Retrieved 30 October 2017.
“Why So Many Russian like Dictator Stalin”. BBC News. 18 April 2019. Archived from the original on 19 July 2019. Retrieved 11 June 2019.

External links[edit source]

Joseph Stalinat Wikipedia’s sister projects

Definitions from Wiktionary
Media from Commons
Quotations from Wikiquote
Texts from Wikisource
Data from Wikidata

Political offices
Preceded byVyacheslav Molotov	Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union Council of People’s Commissars until 1946 1941–1953	Succeeded byGeorgy Malenkov
Preceded bySemyon Timoshenko	Minister of Defence of the Soviet Union People’s Commissar until 1946 1941–1947

15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Kim Jong-un

Kim Jong-un^[a]^[b] (/ˌkɪm dʒɒŋˈʊn, -ˈʌn/;^[3] Korean: 김정은; Korean: [kim.dzɔŋ.ɯn];^[c] born 8 January 1982 or 1983) is a North Korean politician who has been Supreme Leader of North Korea since 2011 and the leader of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) since 2012.^[d] He is a child of Kim Jong-il, who was North Korea‘s second supreme leader from 1994 to 2011, and Ko Yong-hui. He is a grandson of Kim Il-sung, who was the founder and first supreme leader of North Korea from its establishment in 1948 until his death in 1994.

From late 2010, Kim was viewed as successor to the leadership of North Korea. Following his father’s death in December 2011, state television announced Kim as the “Great Successor”. Kim holds the titles of General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea,^[4] Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and President of the State Affairs Commission. He is also a member of the Presidium of the Politburo of the Workers’ Party of Korea, the highest decision-making body. In July 2012, Kim was promoted to the highest rank of Marshal in the Korean People’s Army, consolidating his position as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. North Korean state media often refer to him as “the Marshal” or “Dear Respected Leader”. He has promoted the policy of byungjin, similar to Kim Il-sung’s policy from the 1960s, referring to the simultaneous development of both the economy and the country’s nuclear weapons program.

Kim rules North Korea as a totalitarian dictatorship,^[5]^[6] and his leadership has followed the same cult of personality as his grandfather and father. In 2014, a UNHRC report suggested that Kim could be put on trial for crimes against humanity. He has ordered the purge or execution of several North Korean officials; he is also widely believed to have ordered the 2017 assassination of his half-brother, Kim Jong-nam, in Malaysia. He has presided over an expansion of the consumer economy, construction projects and tourist attractions. Kim also expanded North Korea’s nuclear program which led to heightened tensions with the United States and South Korea. In 2018 and 2019, Kim took part in summits with South Korean President Moon Jae-in and US President Donald Trump. He has claimed success in combatting the COVID-19 pandemic in North Korea, although many experts doubt the country has had no cases altogether.^[7]

Early life[edit source]

North Korean authorities and state-run media have stated Kim’s birthdate was 8 January 1982,^[1] but South Korean intelligence officials believe the actual date is a year later.^[8] It is thought that Kim’s official birth year was changed for symbolic reasons; 1982 marks 70 years after the birth of his grandfather, Kim Il-sung, and 40 years after the official birth of his father Kim Jong-il.^[6] Before 2018 the US Treasury Department listed Kim Jong-un’s official birthdate as 8 January 1984. Now, the birthdate is listed as 8 January 1983, aligning with South Korea’s birthdate for Kim Jong-un.^[6] The claim that he was born in 1984 matches that given by his aunt and uncle, who moved to the United States in 1998 and were interrogated by the CIA.^[9]

Kim Jong-un is the second of three children Ko Yong-hui bore to Kim Jong-il; his elder brother Kim Jong-chul was born in 1981, while his younger sister, Kim Yo-jong, is believed to have been born in 1987.^[10]^[11] He is a grandson of Kim Il-sung, who was the founder of and led North Korea from its establishment in 1948 until his death in 1994.^[12]

All the children of Kim Jong-il are said to have lived in Switzerland, as well as the mother of the two youngest sons, who lived in Geneva for some time.^[13] First reports said that Kim Jong-un attended the private International School of Berne in Gümligen in Switzerland under the name “Chol-pak” or “Pak-chol” from 1993 to 1998.^[14] He was described as shy, a good student who got along well with his classmates, and was a basketball fan.^[15] He was chaperoned by an older student, who was thought to be his bodyguard.^[16] However, it was later suggested that the student at the Gümligen school was not Kim Jong-un, but his elder brother Kim Jong-chul.^[17]The Liebefeld-Steinhölzli public school in Köniz, Switzerland, reportedly attended by Kim Jong-un

Later, it was reported that Kim Jong-un attended the Liebefeld Steinhölzli state school in Köniz near Bern under the name “Pak-un” or “Un-pak” from 1998 until 2000 as the son of an employee of the North Korean embassy in Bern. Authorities confirmed that a North Korean student from North Korea attended the school during that period. Pak-un first attended a special class for foreign-language children and later attended the regular classes of the 6th, 7th, 8th and part of the final 9th year, leaving the school abruptly in the autumn of 2000. He was described as a well-integrated and ambitious student who liked to play basketball.^[18] However, his grades and attendance rating are reported to have been poor.^[19] The ambassador of North Korea in Switzerland, Ri Chol, had a close relationship with him and acted as a mentor.^[13] One of Pak-un’s classmates told reporters that he had told him that he was the son of the leader of North Korea.^[20]^[21] According to some reports, Kim was described by classmates as a shy child who was awkward with girls and indifferent to political issues, but who distinguished himself in sports and had a fascination with the American National Basketball Association and Michael Jordan. One friend claimed that he had been shown pictures of Pak-un with Kobe Bryant and Toni Kukoč.^[22]

In April 2012, new documents came to light indicating that Kim Jong-un had lived in Switzerland since 1991 or 1992, earlier than previously thought.^[23]

The Laboratory of Anatomic Anthropology at the University of Lyon, France, compared the picture of Pak-un taken at the Liebefeld Steinhölzli school in 1999 with a picture of Kim Jong-un from 2012 and concluded that the faces show a conformity of 95%, suggesting that it is most likely that they are the same person.^[24]

The Washington Post reported in 2009 that Kim Jong-un’s school friends recalled he “spent hours doing meticulous pencil drawings of Chicago Bulls superstar Michael Jordan”.^[25] He was obsessed with basketball and computer games,^[22]^[26] and was a fan of Jackie Chan action movies.^[27]

Most analysts agree that Kim Jong-un attended Kim Il-sung University, a leading officer-training school in Pyongyang, from 2002 to 2007.^[28] Kim obtained two degrees, one in physics at Kim Il-sung University and another as an Army officer at the Kim Il-sung Military University.^[29]^[30]

In late February 2018, Reuters reported that Kim and his father had used forged passports—supposedly issued by Brazil and dated 26 February 1996—to apply for visas in various countries. Both 10-year passports carry a stamp saying “Embassy of Brazil in Prague”. Kim Jong-un’s passport records the name “Josef Pwag” and a date of birth of 1 February 1983.^[31]

For many years, only one confirmed photograph of him was known to exist outside North Korea, apparently taken in the mid-1990s, when he was eleven.^[32] Occasionally, other supposed images of him surfaced but were often disputed.^[33] It was only in June 2010, shortly before he was given official posts and publicly introduced to the North Korean people, that more pictures were released of Kim, taken when he was attending school in Switzerland.^[34] The first official image of him as an adult was a group photograph released on 30 September 2010, at the end of the party conference that effectively anointed him, in which he is seated in the front row, two places from his father. This was followed by newsreel footage of him attending the conference.^[35]

Succession[edit source]

Pre-2010 Party Conference speculation[edit source]

Kim Jong-un’s eldest half-brother, Kim Jong-nam, had been the favorite to succeed, but reportedly fell out of favor after 2001, when he was caught attempting to enter Japan on a fake passport to visit Tokyo Disneyland.^[36] Kim Jong-nam was killed in Malaysia in 2017 by suspected North Korean agents.^[37]

Kim Jong-il’s former personal chef, Kenji Fujimoto, revealed details regarding Kim Jong-un, with whom he had a good relationship,^[38] stating that he was favored to be his father’s successor. Fujimoto also said that Jong-un was favored by his father over his elder brother, Kim Jong-chul, reasoning that Jong-chul is too feminine in character, while Jong-un is “exactly like his father”.^[39] Furthermore, Fujimoto stated that “if power is to be handed over then Jong-un is the best for it. He has superb physical gifts, is a big drinker and never admits defeat.” Also, according to Fujimoto, Jong-un smokes Yves Saint Laurent cigarettes, loves Johnnie Walker whisky and has a Mercedes-Benz 600 luxury sedan.^[40] When Jong-un was 18, Fujimoto described an episode where Jong-un once questioned his lavish lifestyle and asked, “we are here, playing basketball, riding horses, riding jet skis, having fun together. But what of the lives of the average people?”^[39] On 15 January 2009, the South Korean news agency Yonhap reported that Kim Jong-il had appointed Kim Jong-un to be his successor.^[36]^[41]

On 8 March 2009, BBC News reported that Kim Jong-un was on the ballot for 2009 elections to the Supreme People’s Assembly, the rubber stamp parliament of North Korea.^[42] Subsequent reports indicated that his name did not appear on the list of lawmakers,^[43] but he was later elevated to a mid-level position in the National Defense Commission, which is a branch of the North Korean military.^[44]

From 2009, it was understood by foreign diplomatic services that Kim was to succeed his father Kim Jong-il as the head of the Korean Workers’ Party and de facto leader of North Korea.^[45] He has been named “Yŏngmyŏng-han Tongji” (영명한 동지), which loosely translates to “Brilliant Comrade”.^[46] His father had also asked embassy staff abroad to pledge loyalty to his son.^[47] There have also been reports that citizens in North Korea were encouraged to sing a newly composed “song of praise” to Kim Jong-un, in a similar fashion to that of praise songs relating to Kim Jong-il and Kim Il-sung.^[5] Later, in June, Kim was reported to have visited China secretly to “present himself” to the Chinese leadership, who later warned against North Korea conducting another nuclear test.^[48] The Chinese foreign ministry has strongly denied that this visit occurred.^[49]

In September 2009, it was reported that Kim Jong-il had secured support for the succession plan, after a propaganda campaign.^[50] It is believed by some that Kim Jong-un was involved in the Cheonan sinking^[51] and the bombardment of Yeonpyeong^[52] to strengthen his military credentials and facilitate a successful transition of power from his father.^[53]

Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission[edit source]

Kim Jong-un was made a daejang, the equivalent of a four-star general in the United States,^[54] on 27 September 2010, a day ahead of a rare Workers’ Party of Korea conference in Pyongyang, the first time North Korean media had mentioned him by name and despite him having no previous military experience.^[55] Despite the promotion, no further details, including verifiable portraits of Kim, were released.^[56] On 28 September 2010, he was named vice chairman of the Central Military Commission and appointed to the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party, in an apparent nod to become the successor to Kim Jong-il.^[57]

On 10 October 2010, Kim Jong-un was alongside his father when he attended the ruling Workers’ Party’s 65th-anniversary celebration. This was seen as confirming his position as the next leader of the Workers’ Party. Unprecedented international press access was granted to the event, further indicating the importance of Kim Jong-un’s presence.^[58] In January 2011, the regime reportedly began purging around 200 protégés of both Jong-un’s uncle-in-law Jang Song-thaek and O Kuk-ryol, the vice chairman of the National Defence Commission, by either detention or execution to further prevent either man from rivaling Jong-un.^[59]

Leader of North Korea[edit source]

People paying homage to the statues of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, April 2012 Portraits of Kim Jong-un’s father and grandfather (Arirang Festival mass games in Pyongyang)

Assuming official titles[edit source]

On 17 December 2011, Kim Jong-il died. Despite the elder Kim’s plans, it was not immediately clear after his death whether Jong-un would in fact take full power, and what his exact role in a new government would be.^[60] Some analysts had predicted that when Kim Jong-il died, Jang Song-thaek would act as regent, as Jong-un was too inexperienced to immediately lead the country.^[61]^[62]

Following his father’s death, Kim Jong-un was hailed as the “great successor to the revolutionary cause of Juche“,^[63] “outstanding leader of the party, army and people”,^[64] and “respected comrade who is identical to Supreme Commander Kim Jong-il”,^[65] and was made chairman of the Kim Jong-il funeral committee. The Korean Central News Agency described Kim Jong-un as “a great person born of heaven”, a propaganda term only his father and grandfather had enjoyed.^[66] And the ruling Workers’ Party said in an editorial, “We vow with bleeding tears to call Kim Jong-un our supreme commander, our leader.”^[67]

He was publicly declared Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army on 24 December 2011,^[68] and formally appointed to the position on 30 December 2011 when the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party “courteously proclaimed that the dear respected Kim Jong Un, vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission of the WPK, assumed the supreme commandership of the Korean People’s Army”.^[69]North Korean soldiers saluting at the Revolutionary Martyrs’ Cemetery in Pyongyang, 2012

On 26 December 2011, the leading North Korean newspaper Rodong Sinmun reported that Kim Jong-un had been acting as chairman of the Central Military Commission,^[70] and Supreme Leader of the country, following his father’s demise.^[71]

On 9 January 2012, a large rally was held by the Korean People’s Army in front of the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to honor Kim Jong-un and to demonstrate loyalty.^[72]

On 27 March 2012, Kim was elected to the Fourth Conference of the Workers’ Party of Korea. On 11 April, that conference wrote the post of general secretary out of the party charter and instead designated Kim Jong-il as the party’s “Eternal General Secretary”. The conference then elected Kim Jong-un as leader of the party under the newly created title of First Secretary. Kim Jong-un also took his father’s post as Chairman of the Central Military Commission, as well as his father’s old seat on the Politburo Presidium.^[73] In a speech made prior to the Conference, Kim Jong-un declared that “Imbuing the whole society with Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism is the highest programme of our Party”.^[74] On 13 April 2012, the 5th Session of the 12th Supreme People’s Assembly appointed Kim Jong-un First Chairman of the National Defence Commission.^[75]

On 15 April 2012, during a military parade to commemorate Kim Il-sung’s centenary, Kim Jong-un made his first public speech, Let Us March Forward Dynamically Towards Final Victory, Holding Higher the Banner of Songun.^[76] That speech became the basis of a hymn dedicated to him, “Onwards Toward the Final Victory“.^[77]

In July 2012,^[78] Kim Jong-un was promoted to wonsu (translated as marshal), the highest active rank in the military. The decision was jointly issued on by the Central Committee and the Central Military Commission of the Workers’ Party of Korea, the National Defence Commission, and the Presidium of the Supreme People’s Assembly, the Korean Central News Agency subsequently announced.^[79] The only higher rank is Dae Wonsu (roughly translated as Grand Marshal or Generalissimo) which was held by Kim’s grandfather, Kim Il-sung, and which was awarded posthumously to his father, Kim Jong-il, in February 2012.^[78]^[79] The promotion confirmed Kim’s role as top leader of the North Korean military and came days after the replacement of Chief of General Staff Ri Yong-ho by Hyon Yong-chol.^[79]

External image
Satellite imagery show the message “Long Live General Kim Jong-un, the Shining Sun!” in Korean on a hillside.

In November 2012, satellite photos revealed a half-kilometer-long (1,600 ft) propaganda message carved into a hillside in Ryanggang Province, reading, “Long Live General Kim Jong-un, the Shining Sun”!^[80]A selection of Kim Jong-un’s works, translated to different languages

On 30 November 2012, Kim met with Li Jianguo, who “briefed Kim on the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China“, according to the state’s official news agency, the Korean Central News Agency.^[81] A letter from Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, was hand-delivered during the discussion.^[81]

On 9 March 2014, Kim Jong-un was elected to a seat in the Supreme People’s Assembly, the country’s unicameral legislature. He ran unopposed, but voters had the choice of voting yes or no. There was a record turnout of voters and, according to government officials, all voted “yes” in his home district of Mount Paekdu.^[82] The Supreme People’s Assembly subsequently elected him first chairman of the National Defence Commission.^[83]

Kim became the Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea on a party congress held in May 2016.^[84] On 29 June 2016, Kim became the Chairman of the State Affairs Commission, after the State Affairs Commission replaced the National Defence Commission.^[85] The office of the Supreme Commander of the armed forces was linked to this office because of the 2019 constitutional amendment.^[86]

Role in government[edit source]

According to the North Korean constitution, Kim Jong-un is part of a triumvirate heading the executive branch of the North Korean government along with Premier Kim Tok-hun and parliament president Choe Ryong-hae. Kim Jong-un commands the armed forces, Kim Tok-hun heads the government and handles domestic affairs, and Choe Ryong-hae handles foreign relations. However, under the constitution, Kim Jong-un is the highest-ranking of the three. Since 1998, the NDC chairmanship has been constitutionally defined as “the highest post in the state”,^[87] and a constitutional amendment enacted by Kim Jong-un explicitly named the NDC (first) chairman as “the supreme leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea”.^[88] However, analysts are divided about how much actual power Kim has.^[89]^[90]^[91]

Kim Jong-un frequently performs symbolic acts that associate him with the personality cult of his father and grandfather.^[92]^[93] Like them, Kim Jong-un regularly tours the country, giving “on-the-spot guidance” at various sites.^[94] North Korean state media often refers to him as Marshal Kim Jong-un, “the Marshal”^[95] or “Dear Respected”.^[96]

New leadership style[edit source]

In July 2012, Kim Jong-un showed a change in cultural policy from his father by attending a Moranbong Band concert. The concert contained several elements of pop culture from the West, particularly the United States. Kim used this event to introduce his wife to the public, an unprecedented move in North Korea.^[97]

In 2012, Kim Jong-il’s personal chef Kenji Fujimoto visited North Korea and said, “Stores in Pyongyang were brimming with products and people in the streets looked cheerful. North Korea has changed a lot since Kim Jong-un assumed power. All of this is because of leader Kim Jong-un.”^[98]

According to analysts, Kim Jong-un has used his resemblance to his grandfather to harness Kim Il-sung’s personality cult and popular nostalgia for earlier times.^[99] In 2013, Kim copied his grandfather’s style when he gave his first New Year’s address, a break from the approach of his father, Kim Jong-il, who never made a televised address during his 17 years in power.^[100] He has also appeared more accessible and open than his father, hugging and linking arms with young and old.^[99] In his public appearances, he appears more active than his father or grandfather, for example, weeding, riding a horse, driving a tank, riding a rollercoaster, or using information technology.^[99]People in Pyongyang watch Kim Jong-un on North Korean TV, 2015

In April 2012, when a satellite launch failed, the government admitted this publicly, the first time it had ever done so.^[99] In May 2014, following the collapse of an apartment building in Pyongyang, Kim Jong-un was said to be very upset at the loss of life that resulted. A statement issued by the country’s official news agency the Korean Central News Agency used the rare expression “profound consolation and apology”. An unnamed government official was quoted by the BBC as saying Kim Jong-un had “sat up all night, feeling painful”.^[101] While the height of the building and the number of casualties was not released, media reports described it is a 23-story building and indicated that more than a hundred people may have died in the collapse.^[102]

Economic policies[edit source]

Kim Jong-un has been promoting a policy of byungjin, similar to his grandfather Kim il-sung’s policies from the 1960s, developing the national economy in parallel with the nations nuclear weapons program.^[103]^[104]^[105] A set of comprehensive economic measures, the “Socialist Corporate Responsible Management System”, were introduced in 2013.^[106] The measures increase the autonomy of enterprises by granting them “certain rights to engage in business activities autonomously and elevate the will to labor through appropriately implementing the socialist distribution system”. Another priority of economic policies that year was agriculture, where the pojon (vegetable garden) responsibility system was implemented. The system reportedly achieved a major increase in output in some collective farms.^[106] North Korean media were describing the economy as a “flexible collectivist system” where enterprises were applying “active and evolutionary actions” to achieve economic development.^[107] These reports reflect Kim’s general economic policy of reforming management, increasing the autonomy and incentives for economic actors. This set of reforms known as the “May 30th measures” reaffirms both socialist ownership and “objective economic laws in guidance and management” to improve living standards. Other objectives of the measures are to increase the availability of domestically manufactured goods on markets, introduction of defence innovations into the civilian sector and boost international trade.^[107]

There has been a construction boom in Pyongyang, bringing colour and creative architectural styles to the city. While in the past there was a concentration on building monuments, Kim Jong-un’s government has constructed amusement parks, aquatic parks, skating rinks, a dolphinarium and a ski resort.^[108]^[109] Kim has been actively promoting a consumer culture, including entertainment and cosmetics.^[99]

Purges and executions[edit source]

Further information: List of officials purged and executed by Kim Jong-un

As with all reporting on North Korea, reports of purges and executions are difficult to verify.^[110] Allegations in 2013 that Kim Jong Un had his ex-girlfriend, singer Hyon Song Wol, executed for violating pornography law turned out to be false.^[111]^[112] And in May 2016, analysts were surprised to find that General Ri Yong-gil, reported by South Korea to have been executed earlier in the year, was, in fact, alive and well.^[113]

In December 2013, Kim Jong-un’s uncle Jang Song-thaek was arrested and executed for treachery.^[114]^[115] Jang is believed to have been executed by firing squad. Yonhap has stated that, according to multiple unnamed sources, Kim Jong-un has also put to death members of Jang’s family, to completely destroy all traces of Jang’s existence through “extensive executions” of his family, including the children and grandchildren of all close relatives. Those reportedly killed in Kim’s purge include Jang’s sister Jang Kye-sun, her husband and ambassador to Cuba, Jon Yong-jin, and Jang’s nephew and ambassador to Malaysia, Jang Yong-chol. The nephew’s two sons were also said to have been killed.^[116] At the time of Jang’s removal, it was announced that “the discovery and purge of the Jang group … made our party and revolutionary ranks purer …”^[117] and after his execution on 12 December 2013 state media warned that the army “will never pardon all those who disobey the order of the Supreme Commander”.^[118]

O Sang-hon was a deputy security minister in the Ministry of People’s Security in the government of North Korea who was reportedly killed in a political purge in 2014. According to the South Korean newspaper The Chosun Ilbo, O was executed by flamethrower for his role in supporting Kim Jong-un’s uncle Jang Song-taek.^[119]

Human rights violations[edit source]

Alleged assassination attempts[edit source]

In 2012, a machine gun was discovered beneath a juniper tree in Ryugyeongwon, located near a route that Kim was going to travel. It was assumed this was part of an assassination attempt.^[129]

In May 2017, the North Korean government stated that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States and the South Korean National Intelligence Service (NIS) hired a North Korean lumberjack who worked in Russia to assassinate Kim with a “biochemical weapon” that was both radioactive and nano-poisonous, and whose effect would have been delayed by a few months.^[130] North Korea said that it would seek extradition of anyone involved in the assassination attempt.^[131]

Nuclear weapons development[edit source]

See also: North Korea and weapons of mass destruction Model of a Unha-9 rocket on display at a floral exhibition in Pyongyang, 30 August 2013

Under Kim Jong-un, North Korea has continued to develop nuclear weapons, testing bombs in February 2013, January and September 2016, and September 2017.^[132] As of 2018, North Korea had tested nearly 90 missiles, three times more than in the time of his father and grandfather.^[99] In 2012, on the 100th anniversary of Kim Il-sung’s birth, he said, “the days are gone forever when our enemies could blackmail us with nuclear bombs”.^[99] At a plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party held on 31 March 2013, he announced that North Korea would adopt “a new strategic line on carrying out economic construction and building nuclear armed forces simultaneously”.^[133]

According to several analysts, North Korea sees the nuclear arsenal as vital to deter an attack, and it is unlikely that North Korea would launch a nuclear war.^[134] According to a RAND Corporation senior researcher, Kim Jong-un believes that nuclear weapons are his guarantee of regime survival.^[135]

During the 7th Congress of the Workers’ Party of Korea in 2016, Kim Jong-un stated that North Korea would “not use nuclear weapons first unless aggressive hostile forces use nuclear weapons to invade on our sovereignty”.^[136] However, on other occasions, North Korea has threatened “pre-emptive” nuclear attacks against a US-led attack.^[137] In December 2015, Kim stated that his family “turned the DPRK into a powerful nuclear weapons state ready to detonate a self-reliant A-bomb and H-bomb to reliably defend its sovereignty and the dignity of the nation”.^[138]

In January 2018, estimates of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal ranged between 15 and 60 bombs, probably including hydrogen bombs. In the opinion of analysts, the Hwasong-15 missile is capable of striking anywhere in the United States.^[132]

The United Nations enacted a series of sanctions against North Korea for its nuclear program and missile tests.^[139]

Diplomacy 2018–2019[edit source]

Kim and South Korean President Moon Jae-in shake hands during the 2018 inter-Korean Summit, April 2018 Kim and U.S. President Donald Trump shake hands at the start of the 2018 North Korea–United States Summit, June 2018 Kim meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin during the North Korea–Russia Summit, April 2019

In his 2018 New Year Speech, Kim announced that he was open to dialogue with South Korea with a view to take part in the upcoming Winter Olympics in the South.^[140] The Seoul–Pyongyang hotline was reopened after almost two years.^[141] North and South Korea marched together in the Olympics opening ceremony, and fielded a united women’s ice hockey team.^[142] In addition to the athletes, Kim sent an unprecedented high-level delegation including his sister, Kim Yo-jong, and President of the Presidium, Kim Yong-nam, and performers such as the Samjiyon Orchestra.^[143] On 5 March, he had a meeting with South Korea’s Chief of the National Security Office, Chung Eui-yong, in Pyongyang.^[144]

In March 2018, Kim visited Beijing, meeting with General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping,^[145]^[146] marking his first foreign trip since assuming power.^[147]

At the April 2018 inter-Korean summit, Kim and South Korean President Moon Jae-in signed the Panmunjom Declaration, pledging to convert the Korean Armistice Agreement into a full peace treaty, formally ending the Korean War, by the end of the year.^[148]^[149]^[150]

From 7–8 May, Kim made a second visit to China, meeting with Xi Jinping in Dalian.^[151]

On 26 May, Kim had a second and unannounced meeting in the North Korean side of Panmunjom, meeting with Moon to discuss his proposed summit with US President Donald Trump in Singapore.^[152]^[153]

On 10 June, Kim arrived in Singapore and met with Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.^[154] On 12 June, Kim held his first summit with Trump and signed a declaration, affirming a commitment to peace, nuclear disarmament, and the repatriation of the remains of U.S. war dead.^[155] This marked the first-ever meeting between leaders of North Korea and the United States.^[155]

In September, Kim held another summit with Moon Jae-in in Pyongyang. Kim agreed to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear weapons facilities if the United States took reciprocal action. The two governments also announced that they would establish buffer zones on their borders to prevent clashes.^[156]

In February 2019, Kim held another summit with Trump in Hanoi, Vietnam, which Trump cut short on the second day without an agreement. The Trump administration said that the North Koreans wanted complete sanctions relief, while the North Koreans said that they were only asking for partial sanctions relief.^[157]

On 25 April 2019, Kim held his first summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Vladivostok, Russia.^[158]^[159] On 30 June 2019, in the Korean DMZ, Kim again met with Trump, shaking hands warmly and expressing hope for peace. Kim and Trump then joined Moon Jae-in for a brief chat.^[160] Talks in Stockholm began on 5 October 2019 between US and North Korean negotiating teams, but broke down after one day.^[161]

During the COVID-19 pandemic[edit source]

During 2020, Kim claimed success in combatting the COVID-19 pandemic in North Korea, after putting the country in isolation and limiting public gatherings.^[162]

In April 2020, a three-week absence from public view led to speculation that Kim was seriously ill or dead, but no clear evidence of any health problem came to light.^[163]^[164] He continued to appear in public rarely over the following months, possibly because of health problems or the risk of COVID-19.^[165] In August, it was reported that Kim had ceded a degree of authority to his sister, Kim Yo-jong, giving her responsibility for relations with South Korea and the United States and making her his de facto second-in-command.^[166]

On 5 September 2020, Kim toured the areas hit by Typhoon Maysak. He also replaced the local provincial party committee chairman and ordered Pyongyang officials to lead a recovery effort.^[167] His ruling party also pledged harsh punishment for the city and provincial officials, stating that they failed to protect the residents from the disaster.^[168] As a result, Kim fired Kim Song-il, who was chairman of the South Hamgyong Province Workers Party of Korea Committee.^[169]

At the 8th Congress of the Workers’ Party of Korea, held in early January 2021, Kim delivered a nine-hour-long report in which he admitted failures in carrying out the economic plan and lambasted leading officials’ shortcomings.^[170] He also praised the country’s nuclear capability and addressed the United States as the DPRK’s main enemy.^[171] The congress restored the operative functions of the General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea, a title previously awarded “eternally” to Kim Jong-il in 2012,^[172] and elected Kim Jong-un to it.^[173]

In February 2021, state-run media began referring to Kim as “president” in English language articles.^[174]

In November 2021, the South Korean National Intelligence Service reported that the North Korean government has begun using the term “Kim Jong-un-ism”, in an effort to establish an independent ideological system centered on Kim. Analyst Ken Gause described this as Kim “now ready to put his stamp firmly on the regime”.^[175]

In January 2022, a North Korean KCTV documentary, “2021, A Great Victorious Year”, was released, which appeared to address Kim’s sudden weight loss and infrequent public appearances. It said that Kim’s body had “completely withered away” as he “suffered” for the people during 2021, completing tasks hitherto unpublicized while North Korea faced “challenges” and “worst-ever hardships”.^[176]

Personal life[edit source]

Personality[edit source]

Kenji Fujimoto, a Japanese chef who was Kim Jong-il’s personal cook, described Kim Jong-un as “a chip off the old block, a spitting image of his father in terms of face, body shape, and personality”.^[177] Kim is a fan of basketball, and his favorite teams include the Chicago Bulls and the Los Angeles Lakers.^[27]^[178]

On 26 February 2013, Kim Jong‑un met Dennis Rodman,^[179] which led many reporters to speculate that Rodman was the first American that Kim had met.^[180] During Rodman’s trip, Vice magazine correspondent Ryan Duffy said that Kim was “socially awkward” and avoided eye contact.^[181]

According to Cheong Seong-chang of the Sejong Institute, Kim Jong-un has greater visible interest in the welfare of his people and engages in greater interaction with them than his father did.^[182]

South Koreans who saw Kim at the summit in April 2018 described him as straightforward, humorous, and attentive.^[183] After meeting him, Donald Trump said, “I learned he was a talented man. I also learned he loves his country very much.” He added that Kim had a “great personality” and was “very smart”.^[184]

Public image[edit source]

Forbes magazine ranked Kim as the 36th most powerful person in the world in 2018, the highest amongst Koreans.^[185]

A 2013 poll had 61.7% of North Korean defectors in South Korea expressing that Kim Jong Un was probably supported by most of his countrymen, which was an increase from the 55.7% approval rating for his father in a similar survey done two years earlier.^[186]

In a poll of South Koreans conducted following the May 2018 inter-Korean summit, 78% of respondents said they trusted Kim, compared with 10% approval a couple months prior.^[187]

Wealth[edit source]

International Business Times reported Kim to have 17 luxury palaces around North Korea, a fleet of 100 (mostly European) luxury cars, a private jet, and a 100-foot (30 m) yacht.^[188] Rodman described his trip to a private island owned by Kim Jong-un: “It’s like Hawaii, Ibiza, or Aruba but he’s the only one that lives there.”^[189]

In 2012, Business Insider reported that there were “[s]igns of a rise in luxury goods … creeping out of North Korea since Kim Jong-un took over” and that his “wife Ri Sol-ju (리설주) was photographed holding what appeared to be an expensive Dior handbag, worth almost $1,594 – an average year’s salary in North Korea”.^[190] According to diplomatic sources, “Kim Jong-un likes to drink and party all night like his father and ordered the [imported sauna] equipment to help him beat hangovers and fatigue.”^[191]

In 2018, Kim received delivery of two armored Mercedes-Maybach S600s, each valued at $500,000, through an illicit shipping network in violation of international sanctions.^[192]

Health[edit source]

In 2009, reports suggested that Kim Jong-un was a diabetic and suffered from hypertension.^[47]^[193] He is also known to smoke cigarettes.^[194]

Kim Jong-un did not appear in public for six weeks in September and October 2014. State media reported that he was suffering from an “uncomfortable physical condition”. Previously he had been limping.^[195] When he reappeared, he was using a walking stick.^[196]

In September 2015, the South Korean government commented that Kim appeared to have gained 30 kg (66 lb) in body fat over the previous five years, reaching a total estimated body weight of 130 kg (290 lb).^[197]

In April 2020, Kim was not seen in public for 20 days, leading to rumours that he was critically ill or dead.^[198]^[199]^[200]

In June 2021, following a one-month-long absence from the public eye, outside observers noted that Kim had lost considerable amount of weight.^[201] It is speculated that he lost 10 to 20 kg (22 to 44 lb).^[202]

Family[edit source]

Main article: Kim family (North Korea)Kim (holding envelope) with Chung Eui-yong. Kim’s sister Kim Yo-jong (on the right) is said to be very close to him

On 25 July 2012, North Korean state media reported for the first time that Kim Jong-un is married to Ri Sol-ju.^[203]^[204] Ri, who was believed to be in her early 20s, had been accompanying Kim Jong-un to public appearances for several weeks prior to the announcement.^[204] According to a South Korean analyst, Kim Jong-il had hastily arranged the marriage after suffering a stroke in 2008, the two married in 2009, and they had a child in 2010.^[205] Dennis Rodman, after visiting in 2013, reported that they had a second newborn child, a daughter named Ju-ae.^[206]^[207] According to South Korean intelligence sources, the couple is believed to have had a third child of unknown sex in February 2017.^[208]^[209]

Kim is sometimes accompanied by his younger sister Kim Yo-jong,^[10] who is said to be instrumental in creating his public image and organising public events for him.^[210] According to Kim Yong-hyun, a professor of North Korean studies at Dongguk University in Seoul, and others, the promotion of Yo-jong and others is a sign that “the Kim Jong-un regime has ended its co-existence with the remnants of the previous Kim Jong-il regime by carrying out a generational replacement in the party’s key elite posts”.^[211]

On 13 February 2017, Kim Jong-nam, the exiled half-brother of Kim Jong-un, was assassinated with the nerve agent VX while walking through Terminal 2 at Kuala Lumpur International Airport.^[212] Kim Jong-un is widely believed to have ordered the assassination.^[213]^[214]

show v t eSelect^[α] family tree of North Korea’s ruling Kim family^[β]^[γ]^[δ]

Notes[edit source]

^ In this Korean name, the family name is Kim.
^ Officially transcribed as Kim Jong Un by North Korean sources.
^ In Korean, the given name Jong-un or Jong Un is pronounced [tsɔŋ.ɯn] in isolation.
^ Kim Jong-un has served as leader of the Workers’ Party of Korea as First Secretary between 2012 and 2016, Chairman between 2016 and 2021, and General Secretary since 2021.

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External links[edit source]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Kim Jong-un.

Wikinews has news related to:Kim Jong-un

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Kim Jong-un

Wikisource has original works written by or about:
Kim Jong-un

North Korea’s Young Leader on Show – video report by The New York Times
NSA Archive Kim Jong-Il: The “Great Successor”
Official short biography Archived 7 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine at Naenara
Kim Jong-un’s works at Publications of the DPRK

Party political offices
Preceded byKim Jong-il	General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea First Secretary: 2012–2016 Chairman: 2016–2021 2012–present	Incumbent
Chairman of the Central Military Commission Acting: 2011–2012 2012–present
New office	Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission 2010–2012 Served alongside: Ri Yong-ho	Succeeded byChoe Ryong-hae Ri Yong-ho
Political offices
Preceded byKim Jong-il	President of the State Affairs Commission National Defence Commission: 2012–2016 2012–present	Incumbent
Military offices
Preceded byKim Jong-il	Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of North Korea Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army: 2011–2019 2011–present	Incumbent

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15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Margaret Thatcher

Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, DStJ, PC, FRS, HonFRSC (née Roberts; 13 October 1925 – 8 April 2013), was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1979 to 1990 and Leader of the Conservative Party from 1975 to 1990. The longest-serving British prime minister of the 20th century, she was the first woman to hold that office. As prime minister, she implemented policies that became known as Thatcherism. A Soviet journalist dubbed her the “Iron Lady“, a nickname that became associated with her uncompromising politics and leadership style.

Thatcher studied chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford, and worked briefly as a research chemist, before becoming a barrister. She was elected Member of Parliament for Finchley in 1959. Edward Heath appointed her Secretary of State for Education and Science in his 1970–1974 government. In 1975, she defeated Heath in the Conservative Party leadership election to become Leader of the Opposition, the first woman to lead a major political party in the United Kingdom.

On becoming prime minister after winning the 1979 general election, Thatcher introduced a series of economic policies intended to reverse high inflation and Britain’s struggles in the wake of the Winter of Discontent and an oncoming recession.^{[nb 1]} Her political philosophy and economic policies emphasised deregulation (particularly of the financial sector), the privatisation of state-owned companies, and reducing the power and influence of trade unions. Her popularity in her first years in office waned amid recession and rising unemployment, until victory in the 1982 Falklands War and the recovering economy brought a resurgence of support, resulting in her landslide re-election in 1983. She survived an assassination attempt by the Provisional IRA in the 1984 Brighton hotel bombing and achieved a political victory against the National Union of Mineworkers in the 1984–85 miners’ strike.

Thatcher was re-elected for a third term with another landslide in 1987, but her subsequent support for the Community Charge (“poll tax”) was widely unpopular, and her increasingly Eurosceptic views on the European Community were not shared by others in her cabinet. She resigned as prime minister and party leader in 1990, after a challenge was launched to her leadership.^{[nb 2]} After retiring from the Commons in 1992, she was given a life peerage as Baroness Thatcher (of Kesteven in the County of Lincolnshire) which entitled her to sit in the House of Lords. In 2013, she died of a stroke at the Ritz Hotel, London, at the age of 87.

A polarising figure in British politics, Thatcher is nonetheless viewed favourably in historical rankings and public opinion of British prime ministers. Her tenure constituted a realignment towards neoliberal policies in Britain, with debate over the complicated legacy attributed to Thatcherism persisting into the 21st century.

Early life and education[edit source]

Grantham: Margaret Thatcher’s birthplace 2009 photograph of her father’s former shop
(Grade II listed building.No. 1062417)Commemorative plaque^[4]Margaret and her elder sister were raised in the bottom of two flats on North Parade.^[3]

Family and childhood[edit source]

Margaret Hilda Roberts was born on 13 October 1925, in Grantham, Lincolnshire.^[5] Her parents were Alfred Roberts (1892–1970), from Northamptonshire, and Beatrice Ethel Stephenson (1888–1960), from Lincolnshire.^[5]^[6] Her father’s maternal grandmother, Catherine Sullivan, was born in County Kerry, Ireland.^[7]

Roberts spent her childhood in Grantham, where her father owned a tobacconist‘s and a grocery shop. In 1938, before the Second World War, the Roberts family briefly gave sanctuary to a teenage Jewish girl who had escaped Nazi Germany. With her pen-friending elder sister Muriel, Margaret saved pocket money to help pay for the teenager’s journey.^[8]

Alfred was an alderman and a Methodist local preacher.^[9] He brought up his daughter as a strict Wesleyan Methodist,^[10] attending the Finkin Street Methodist Church,^[11] but Margaret was more sceptical; the future scientist told a friend that she could not believe in angels, having calculated that they needed a breastbone six feet long to support wings.^[12] Alfred came from a Liberal family but stood (as was then customary in local government) as an Independent. He served as Mayor of Grantham in 1945–46 and lost his position as alderman in 1952 after the Labour Party won its first majority on Grantham Council in 1950.^[9]Aged 12–13 in 1938

Roberts attended Huntingtower Road Primary School and won a scholarship to Kesteven and Grantham Girls’ School, a grammar school.^[5]^[13] Her school reports showed hard work and continual improvement; her extracurricular activities included the piano, field hockey, poetry recitals, swimming and walking.^[14] She was head girl in 1942–43,^[15] and outside school, while the Second World War was ongoing, she voluntarily worked as a fire watcher in the local ARP service.^[16] Other students thought of Roberts as the “star scientist”, although mistaken advice regarding cleaning ink from parquetry almost caused chlorine gas poisoning. In her upper sixth year Roberts was accepted for a scholarship to study chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford, a women’s college, starting in 1944. After another candidate withdrew, Roberts entered Oxford in October 1943.^[17]^[12]

Oxford: 1943–1947[edit source]

Roberts studied chemistry at Somerville College (pictured) in 1943–47

Roberts arrived at Oxford in 1943 and graduated in 1947 with a second-class degree in chemistry, after specialising in X-ray crystallography under the supervision of Dorothy Hodgkin.^[18] Her dissertation was on the structure of the antibiotic gramicidin.^[19] She also received the degree of Master of Arts in 1950 (as an Oxford BA, she was entitled to the degree 21 terms after her matriculation).^[20] Roberts did not only study chemistry as she intended to be a chemist only for a short period of time,^[21] already thinking about law and politics.^[22] She was reportedly prouder of becoming the first prime minister with a science degree than becoming the first female prime minister.^[23] While prime minister she attempted to preserve Somerville as a women’s college.^[24] Twice a week outside study she worked in a local forces canteen.^[25]

During her time at Oxford, Roberts was noted for her isolated and serious attitude.^[12] Her first boyfriend, Tony Bray (1926–2014), recalled that she was “very thoughtful and a very good conversationalist. That’s probably what interested me. She was good at general subjects”.^[12]^[26] Roberts’s enthusiasm for politics as a girl made him think of her as “unusual” and her parents as “slightly austere” and “very proper”.^[12]^[26]

Roberts became President of the Oxford University Conservative Association in 1946.^[27] She was influenced at university by political works such as Friedrich Hayek‘s The Road to Serfdom (1944),^[28] which condemned economic intervention by government as a precursor to an authoritarian state.^[29]

Post-Oxford career: 1947–1951[edit source]

After graduating, Roberts moved to Colchester in Essex to work as a research chemist for BX Plastics.^[30] In 1948 she applied for a job at Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI), but was rejected after the personnel department assessed her as “headstrong, obstinate and dangerously self-opinionated”.^[31] Agar (2011) argues that her understanding of modern scientific research later impacted her views as prime minister.^[32]

Roberts joined the local Conservative Association and attended the party conference at Llandudno, Wales, in 1948, as a representative of the University Graduate Conservative Association.^[33] Meanwhile, she became a high-ranking affiliate of the Vermin Club,^[34]^[35] a group of grassroots Conservatives formed in response to a derogatory comment made by Aneurin Bevan.^[35] One of her Oxford friends was also a friend of the Chair of the Dartford Conservative Association in Kent, who were looking for candidates.^[33] Officials of the association were so impressed by her that they asked her to apply, even though she was not on the party’s approved list; she was selected in January 1950 (aged 24) and added to the approved list post ante.^[36]

At a dinner following her formal adoption as Conservative candidate for Dartford in February 1949 she met divorcé Denis Thatcher, a successful and wealthy businessman, who drove her to her Essex train.^[37] After their first meeting she described him to Muriel as “not a very attractive creature – very reserved but quite nice”.^[12] In preparation for the election Roberts moved to Dartford, where she supported herself by working as a research chemist for J. Lyons and Co. in Hammersmith, part of a team developing emulsifiers for ice cream.^[38] She married at Wesley’s Chapel and her children were baptised there,^[39] but she and her husband began attending Church of England services and would later convert to Anglicanism.^[40]^[41]

Early political career[edit source]

In the 1950 and 1951 general elections, Roberts was the Conservative candidate for the Labour seat of Dartford. The local party selected her as its candidate because, though not a dynamic public speaker, Roberts was well-prepared and fearless in her answers; prospective candidate Bill Deedes recalled: “Once she opened her mouth, the rest of us began to look rather second-rate.”^[23] She attracted media attention as the youngest and the only female candidate.^[42] She lost on both occasions to Norman Dodds, but reduced the Labour majority by 6,000, and then a further 1,000.^[43] During the campaigns, she was supported by her parents and by future husband Denis Thatcher, whom she married in December 1951.^[43]^[44] Denis funded his wife’s studies for the bar;^[45] she qualified as a barrister in 1953 and specialised in taxation.^[46] Later that same year their twins Carol and Mark were born, delivered prematurely by Caesarean section.^[47]

Member of Parliament: 1959–1970[edit source]

In 1954, Thatcher was defeated when she sought selection to be the Conservative Party candidate for the Orpington by-election of January 1955. She chose not to stand as a candidate in the 1955 general election, in later years stating: “I really just felt the twins were […] only two, I really felt that it was too soon. I couldn’t do that.”^[48] Afterwards, Thatcher began looking for a Conservative safe seat and was selected as the candidate for Finchley in April 1958 (narrowly beating Ian Montagu Fraser). She was elected as MP for the seat after a hard campaign in the 1959 election.^[49]^[50] Benefiting from her fortunate result in a lottery for backbenchers to propose new legislation,^[23] Thatcher’s maiden speech was, unusually, in support of her private member’s bill, the Public Bodies (Admission to Meetings) Act 1960, requiring local authorities to hold their council meetings in public; the bill was successful and became law.^[51]^[52] In 1961 she went against the Conservative Party’s official position by voting for the restoration of birching as a judicial corporal punishment.^[53]

On the frontbenches[edit source]

Thatcher’s talent and drive caused her to be mentioned as a future prime minister in her early 20s^[23] although she herself was more pessimistic, stating as late as 1970: “There will not be a woman prime minister in my lifetime – the male population is too prejudiced.”^[54] In October 1961 she was promoted to the frontbench as Parliamentary Undersecretary at the Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance by Harold Macmillan.^[55] Thatcher was the youngest woman in history to receive such a post, and among the first MPs elected in 1959 to be promoted.^[56] After the Conservatives lost the 1964 election, she became spokeswoman on Housing and Land, in which position she advocated her party’s policy of giving tenants the Right to Buy their council houses.^[57] She moved to the Shadow Treasury team in 1966 and, as Treasury spokeswoman, opposed Labour’s mandatory price and income controls, arguing they would unintentionally produce effects that would distort the economy.^[57]

Jim Prior suggested Thatcher as a Shadow Cabinet member after the Conservatives’ 1966 defeat, but party leader Edward Heath and Chief Whip William Whitelaw eventually chose Mervyn Pike as the Conservative Shadow Cabinet‘s sole woman member.^[56] At the 1966 Conservative Party conference, Thatcher criticised the high-tax policies of the Labour government as being steps “not only towards Socialism, but towards Communism”, arguing that lower taxes served as an incentive to hard work.^[57] Thatcher was one of the few Conservative MPs to support Leo Abse‘s bill to decriminalise male homosexuality.^[58] She voted in favour of David Steel‘s bill to legalise abortion,^[59]^[60] as well as a ban on hare coursing.^[61] She supported the retention of capital punishment^[62] and voted against the relaxation of divorce laws.^[63]^[64]

In the Shadow Cabinet[edit source]

In 1967, the United States Embassy chose Thatcher to take part in the International Visitor Leadership Program (then called the Foreign Leader Program), a professional exchange programme that allowed her to spend about six weeks visiting various US cities and political figures as well as institutions such as the International Monetary Fund. Although she was not yet a Shadow Cabinet member, the embassy reportedly described her to the State Department as a possible future prime minister. The description helped Thatcher meet with prominent people during a busy itinerary focused on economic issues, including Paul Samuelson, Walt Rostow, Pierre-Paul Schweitzer and Nelson Rockefeller. Following the visit, Heath appointed Thatcher to the Shadow Cabinet^[56] as Fuel and Power spokeswoman.^[65] Before the 1970 general election, she was promoted to Shadow Transport spokeswoman and later to Education.^[66]

In 1968, Enoch Powell delivered his “Rivers of Blood” speech in which he strongly criticised Commonwealth immigration to the United Kingdom and the then-proposed Race Relations Bill. When Heath telephoned Thatcher to inform her that he would sack Powell from the Shadow Cabinet, she recalled that she “really thought that it was better to let things cool down for the present rather than heighten the crisis”. She believed that his main points about Commonwealth immigration were correct and that the selected quotations from his speech had been taken out of context.^[67] In a 1991 interview for Today, Thatcher stated that she thought Powell had “made a valid argument, if in sometimes regrettable terms”.^[68]

Around this time, she gave her first Commons speech as a shadow transport minister and highlighted the need for investment in British Rail. She argued: “[…] if we build bigger and better roads, they would soon be saturated with more vehicles and we would be no nearer solving the problem.”^[69] Thatcher made her first visit to the Soviet Union in the summer of 1969 as the Opposition Transport spokeswoman, and in October delivered a speech celebrating her ten years in Parliament. In early 1970, she told The Finchley Press that she would like to see a “reversal of the permissive society”.^[70]

Education Secretary: 1970–1974[edit source]

Thatcher abolished free milk for children aged 7–11 (pictured) in 1971 as her predecessor had done for older children in 1968

The Conservative Party, led by Edward Heath, won the 1970 general election, and Thatcher was appointed to the Cabinet as Secretary of State for Education and Science. Thatcher caused controversy when, after only a few days in office, she withdrew Labour’s Circular 10/65 which attempted to force comprehensivisation, without going through a consultation process. She was highly criticised for the speed at which she carried this out.^[71] Consequently, she drafted her own new policy (Circular 10/70), which ensured that local authorities were not forced to go comprehensive. Her new policy was not meant to stop the development of new comprehensives; she said: “We shall […] expect plans to be based on educational considerations rather than on the comprehensive principle.”^[72]

Thatcher supported Lord Rothschild‘s 1971 proposal for market forces to affect government funding of research. Although many scientists opposed the proposal, her research background probably made her sceptical of their claim that outsiders should not interfere with funding.^[22] The department evaluated proposals for more local education authorities to close grammar schools and to adopt comprehensive secondary education. Although Thatcher was committed to a tiered secondary modern-grammar school system of education and attempted to preserve grammar schools,^[73] during her tenure as education secretary she turned down only 326 of 3,612 proposals (roughly 9 per cent)^[74] for schools to become comprehensives; the proportion of pupils attending comprehensive schools consequently rose from 32 per cent to 62 per cent.^[75] Nevertheless, she managed to save 94 grammar schools.^[72]

During her first months in office she attracted public attention due to the government’s attempts to cut spending. She gave priority to academic needs in schools,^[73] while administering public expenditure cuts on the state education system, resulting in the abolition of free milk for schoolchildren aged seven to eleven.^[76] She held that few children would suffer if schools were charged for milk but agreed to provide younger children with ⅓ pint daily for nutritional purposes.^[76] She also argued that she was simply carrying on with what the Labour government had started since they had stopped giving free milk to secondary schools.^[77] Milk would still be provided to those children that required it on medical grounds, and schools could still sell milk.^[77] The aftermath of the milk row hardened her determination; she told the editor-proprietor Harold Creighton of The Spectator: “Don’t underestimate me, I saw how they broke Keith [Joseph], but they won’t break me.”^[78]

Cabinet papers later revealed that she opposed the policy but had been forced into it by the Treasury.^[79] Her decision provoked a storm of protest from Labour and the press,^[80] leading to her being notoriously nicknamed “Margaret Thatcher, Milk Snatcher”.^[76]^[81] She reportedly considered leaving politics in the aftermath and later wrote in her autobiography: “I learned a valuable lesson [from the experience]. I had incurred the maximum of political odium for the minimum of political benefit.”^[82]

Leader of the Opposition: 1975–1979[edit source]

External audio
1975 speech to the US National Press Club
Thatcher in late 1975
National Press Club Luncheon Speakers: Margaret Thatcher (Speech), archived from the original on 27 September 2018 – via WebCite (starts at 7:39, finishes at 28:33).^[83]

The Heath government continued to experience difficulties with oil embargoes and union demands for wage increases in 1973, subsequently losing the February 1974 general election.^[80] Labour formed a minority government and went on to win a narrow majority in the October 1974 general election. Heath’s leadership of the Conservative Party looked increasingly in doubt. Thatcher was not initially seen as the obvious replacement, but she eventually became the main challenger, promising a fresh start.^[84] Her main support came from the parliamentary 1922 Committee^[84] and The Spectator,^[85] but Thatcher’s time in office gave her the reputation of a pragmatist rather than that of an ideologue.^[23] She defeated Heath on the first ballot and he resigned the leadership.^[86] In the second ballot she defeated Whitelaw, Heath’s preferred successor. Thatcher’s election had a polarising effect on the party; her support was stronger among MPs on the right, and also among those from southern England, and those who had not attended public schools or Oxbridge.^[87]

Thatcher became Conservative Party leader and Leader of the Opposition on 11 February 1975;^[88] she appointed Whitelaw as her deputy. Heath was never reconciled to Thatcher’s leadership of the party.^[89]

Television critic Clive James, writing in The Observer prior to her election as Conservative Party leader, compared her voice of 1973 to “a cat sliding down a blackboard”.^{[nb 3]} Thatcher had already begun to work on her presentation on the advice of Gordon Reece, a former television producer. By chance, Reece met the actor Laurence Olivier, who arranged lessons with the National Theatre‘s voice coach.^[91]^[92]^{[nb 4]}

Thatcher began attending lunches regularly at the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), a think tank founded by Hayekian poultry magnate Antony Fisher; she had been visiting the IEA and reading its publications since the early 1960s. There she was influenced by the ideas of Ralph Harris and Arthur Seldon, and became the face of the ideological movement opposing the British welfare state. Keynesian economics, they believed, was weakening Britain. The institute’s pamphlets proposed less government, lower taxes, and more freedom for business and consumers.^[95]

Thatcher with President Gerald Ford in the Oval Office, 1975

Thatcher with Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in the Niavaran Complex, 1978

Thatcher intended to promote neoliberal economic ideas at home and abroad. Despite setting the direction of her foreign policy for a Conservative government, Thatcher was distressed by her repeated failure to shine in the House of Commons. Consequently, Thatcher decided that as “her voice was carrying little weight at home”, she would “be heard in the wider world”.^[96] Thatcher undertook visits across the Atlantic, establishing an international profile and promoting her economic and foreign policies. She toured the United States in 1975 and met President Gerald Ford,^[97] visiting again in 1977, when she met President Jimmy Carter.^[98] Among other foreign trips, she met Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi during a visit to Iran in 1978.^[99] Thatcher chose to travel without being accompanied by her shadow foreign secretary, Reginald Maudling, in an attempt to make a bolder personal impact.^[98]

In domestic affairs, Thatcher opposed Scottish devolution (home rule) and the creation of a Scottish Assembly. She instructed Conservative MPs to vote against the Scotland and Wales Bill in December 1976, which was successfully defeated, and then when new Bills were proposed she supported amending the legislation to allow the English to vote in the 1979 referendum on Scottish devolution.^[100]

Britain’s economy during the 1970s was so weak that then Foreign Secretary James Callaghan warned his fellow Labour Cabinet members in 1974 of the possibility of “a breakdown of democracy”, telling them: “If I were a young man, I would emigrate.”^[101] In mid-1978, the economy began to recover, and opinion polls showed Labour in the lead, with a general election being expected later that year and a Labour win a serious possibility. Now prime minister, Callaghan surprised many by announcing on 7 September that there would be no general election that year, and he would wait until 1979 before going to the polls. Thatcher reacted to this by branding the Labour government “chickens”, and Liberal Party leader David Steel joined in, criticising Labour for “running scared”.^[102]

The Labour government then faced fresh public unease about the direction of the country and a damaging series of strikes during the winter of 1978–79, dubbed the “Winter of Discontent“. The Conservatives attacked the Labour government’s unemployment record, using advertising with the slogan “Labour Isn’t Working“. A general election was called after the Callaghan ministry lost a motion of no confidence in early 1979. The Conservatives won a 44-seat majority in the House of Commons, and Thatcher became the first female British prime minister.^[103]

“The ‘Iron Lady’”[edit source]

Main article: Britain Awake

External video
1976 speech to Finchley Conservatives
Speech to Finchley Conservatives (admits to being an “Iron Lady”) (Speech) – via the Margaret Thatcher Foundation.^[104]

I stand before you tonight in my Red Star chiffon evening gown, my face softly made up and my fair hair gently waved, the Iron Lady of the Western world.^[104]— Thatcher embracing her Soviet nickname in 1976

In 1976, Thatcher gave her “Britain Awake” foreign policy speech which lambasted the Soviet Union, saying it was “bent on world dominance”.^[105] The Soviet Army journal Red Star reported her stance in a piece headlined “Iron Lady Raises Fears”,^[106] alluding to her remarks on the Iron Curtain.^[105] The Sunday Times covered the Red Star article the next day,^[107] and Thatcher embraced the epithet a week later; in a speech to Finchley Conservatives she likened it to the Duke of Wellington‘s nickname “The Iron Duke”.^[104] The “Iron” metaphor followed her throughout ever since,^[108] and would become a generic sobriquet for other strong-willed female politicians.^[109]

Prime Minister of the United Kingdom: 1979–1990[edit source]

Main article: Premiership of Margaret ThatcherFurther information: First Thatcher ministry, second Thatcher ministry, and third Thatcher ministry

External video
1979 remarks on becoming prime minister
Thatcher’s 10 Downing Street, c. 1979
Remarks on becoming Prime Minister (St Francis’s prayer) (Speech) – via the Margaret Thatcher Foundation.^[110]

Thatcher became prime minister on 4 May 1979. Arriving at Downing Street she said, paraphrasing the Prayer of Saint Francis:

Where there is discord, may we bring harmony;
Where there is error, may we bring truth;
Where there is doubt, may we bring faith;
And where there is despair, may we bring hope.^[110]

In office throughout the 1980s, Thatcher was frequently referred to as the most powerful woman in the world.^[111]^[112]^[113]

Domestic affairs[edit source]

Minorities[edit source]

Thatcher was Opposition leader and prime minister at a time of increased racial tension in Britain. On the local elections of 1977, The Economist commented: “The Tory tide swamped the smaller parties—specifically the National Front [NF], which suffered a clear decline from last year.”^[114]^[115] Her standing in the polls had risen by 11% after a 1978 interview for World in Action in which she said “the British character has done so much for democracy, for law and done so much throughout the world that if there is any fear that it might be swamped people are going to react and be rather hostile to those coming in”, as well as “in many ways [minorities] add to the richness and variety of this country. The moment the minority threatens to become a big one, people get frightened”.^[116]^[117] In the 1979 general election, the Conservatives had attracted votes from the NF, whose support almost collapsed.^[118] In a July 1979 meeting with Foreign Secretary Lord Carrington and Home Secretary William Whitelaw, Thatcher objected to the number of Asian immigrants, in the context of limiting the total of Vietnamese boat people allowed to settle in the UK to fewer than 10,000 over two years.^[119]

The Queen[edit source]

As prime minister, Thatcher met weekly with Queen Elizabeth II to discuss government business, and their relationship came under scrutiny.^[120] Campbell (2011a, p. 464) states:

One question that continued to fascinate the public about the phenomenon of a woman Prime Minister was how she got on with the Queen. The answer is that their relations were punctiliously correct, but there was little love lost on either side. As two women of very similar age – Mrs Thatcher was six months older – occupying parallel positions at the top of the social pyramid, one the head of government, the other head of state, they were bound to be in some sense rivals. Mrs Thatcher’s attitude to the Queen was ambivalent. On the one hand she had an almost mystical reverence for the institution of the monarchy […] Yet at the same time she was trying to modernise the country and sweep away many of the values and practices which the monarchy perpetuated.

Michael Shea, the Queen’s press secretary, in 1986 leaked stories of a deep rift to The Sunday Times. He said that she felt Thatcher’s policies were “uncaring, confrontational and socially divisive”.^[121] Thatcher later wrote: “I always found the Queen’s attitude towards the work of the Government absolutely correct […] stories of clashes between ‘two powerful women’ were just too good not to make up.”^[122]

Economy and taxation[edit source]

Economic growth and public spending % change in real terms: 1979/80 to 1989/90
Economic Growth (GDP)	+23.3
Total government spending	+12.9
Law and Order	+53.3
Employment and Training	+33.3
NHS	+31.8
Social Security	+31.8
Education	+13.7
Defence	+9.2
Environment	+7.9
Transport	−5.8
Trade and Industry	−38.2
Housing	−67.0

Thatcher’s economic policy was influenced by monetarist thinking and economists such as Milton Friedman and Alan Walters.^[123] Together with her first chancellor, Geoffrey Howe, she lowered direct taxes on income and increased indirect taxes.^[124] She increased interest rates to slow the growth of the money supply, and thereby lower inflation;^[123] introduced cash limits on public spending and reduced expenditure on social services such as education and housing.^[124] Cuts to higher education led to Thatcher being the first Oxford-educated, post-war incumbent without an honorary doctorate from Oxford University, after a 738–319 vote of the governing assembly and a student petition.^[125]

Some Heathite Conservatives in the Cabinet, the so-called “wets“, expressed doubt over Thatcher’s policies.^[126] The 1981 England riots resulted in the British media discussing the need for a policy U-turn. At the 1980 Conservative Party conference, Thatcher addressed the issue directly, with a speech written by the playwright Ronald Millar,^[127] that notably included the following lines:

To those waiting with bated breath for that favourite media catchphrase, the “U” turn, I have only one thing to say. “You turn if you want to. The lady’s not for turning.”^[128]

Industrial relations[edit source]

See also: GCHQ trade union ban and the GCHQ case

Thatcher believed that the trade unions were harmful to both ordinary trade unionists and the public.^[148] She was committed to reducing the power of the unions, whose leadership she accused of undermining parliamentary democracy and economic performance through strike action.^[149] Several unions launched strikes in response to legislation introduced to limit their power, but resistance eventually collapsed.^[150] Only 39% of union members voted Labour in the 1983 general election.^[151] According to the BBC in 2004, Thatcher “managed to destroy the power of the trade unions for almost a generation”.^[152] The miners’ strike of 1984–85 was the biggest and most devastating confrontation between the unions and the Thatcher government.^[153]London pro–miners’ strike rally, 1984

In March 1984, the National Coal Board (NCB) proposed to close 20 of the 174 state-owned mines and cut 20,000 jobs out of 187,000.^[154]^[155]^[156] Two-thirds of the country’s miners, led by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) under Arthur Scargill, downed tools in protest.^[154]^[157]^[158] However, Scargill refused to hold a ballot on the strike,^[159] having previously lost three ballots on a national strike (in January and October 1982, and March 1983).^[160] This led to the strike being declared illegal by the High Court of Justice.^[161]^[162]

Thatcher refused to meet the union’s demands and compared the miners’ dispute to the Falklands War, declaring in a speech in 1984: “We had to fight the enemy without in the Falklands. We always have to be aware of the enemy within, which is much more difficult to fight and more dangerous to liberty.”^[163] Thatcher’s opponents misrepresented her words as indicating contempt for the working class and have been employed in criticism of her ever since.^[164]

After a year out on strike in March 1985, the NUM leadership conceded without a deal. The cost to the economy was estimated to be at least £1.5 billion, and the strike was blamed for much of the pound‘s fall against the US dollar.^[165] Thatcher reflected on the end of the strike in her statement that “if anyone has won” it was “the miners who stayed at work” and all those “that have kept Britain going”.^[166]

The government closed 25 unprofitable coal mines in 1985, and by 1992 a total of 97 mines had been closed;^[156] those that remained were privatised in 1994.^[167] The resulting closure of 150 coal mines, some of which were not losing money, resulted in the loss of tens of thousands of jobs and had the effect of devastating entire communities.^[156] Strikes had helped bring down Heath’s government, and Thatcher was determined to succeed where he had failed. Her strategy of preparing fuel stocks, appointing hardliner Ian MacGregor as NCB leader, and ensuring that police were adequately trained and equipped with riot gear contributed to her triumph over the striking miners.^[168]

The number of stoppages across the UK peaked at 4,583 in 1979, when more than 29 million working days had been lost. In 1984, the year of the miners’ strike, there were 1,221, resulting in the loss of more than 27 million working days. Stoppages then fell steadily throughout the rest of Thatcher’s premiership; in 1990, there were 630 and fewer than 2 million working days lost, and they continued to fall thereafter.^[169] Thatcher’s tenure also witnessed a sharp decline in trade union density, with the percentage of workers belonging to a trade union falling from 57.3% in 1979 to 49.5% in 1985.^[170] In 1979 up until Thatcher’s final year in office, trade union membership also fell, from 13.5 million in 1979 to fewer than 10 million.^[171]

Privatisation[edit source]

The policy of privatisation has been called “a crucial ingredient of Thatcherism”.^[172] After the 1983 election the sale of state utilities accelerated;^[173] more than £29 billion was raised from the sale of nationalised industries, and another £18 billion from the sale of council houses.^[174] The process of privatisation, especially the preparation of nationalised industries for privatisation, was associated with marked improvements in performance, particularly in terms of labour productivity.^[175]

Some of the privatised industries, including gas, water, and electricity, were natural monopolies for which privatisation involved little increase in competition. The privatised industries that demonstrated improvement sometimes did so while still under state ownership. British Steel Corporation had made great gains in profitability while still a nationalised industry under the government-appointed MacGregor chairmanship, which faced down trade-union opposition to close plants and halve the workforce.^[176] Regulation was also significantly expanded to compensate for the loss of direct government control, with the foundation of regulatory bodies such as Oftel (1984), Ofgas (1986), and the National Rivers Authority (1989).^[177] There was no clear pattern to the degree of competition, regulation, and performance among the privatised industries.^[175]

In most cases, privatisation benefited consumers in terms of lower prices and improved efficiency, but results overall have been mixed.^[178] Not all privatised companies have had successful share price trajectories in the longer term.^[179] A 2010 review by the IEA states: “[I]t does seem to be the case that once competition and/or effective regulation was introduced, performance improved markedly […] But I hasten to emphasise again that the literature is not unanimous.”^[180]

Thatcher always resisted privatising British Rail and was said to have told Transport Secretary Nicholas Ridley: “Railway privatisation will be the Waterloo of this government. Please never mention the railways to me again.” Shortly before her resignation in 1990, she accepted the arguments for privatisation, which her successor John Major implemented in 1994.^[181]

The privatisation of public assets was combined with financial deregulation to fuel economic growth. Chancellor Geoffrey Howe abolished the UK’s exchange controls in 1979,^[182] which allowed more capital to be invested in foreign markets, and the Big Bang of 1986 removed many restrictions on the London Stock Exchange.^[182]

Northern Ireland[edit source]

Margaret and Denis Thatcher on a visit to Northern Ireland in late 1982

In 1980 and 1981, Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) and Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners in Northern Ireland’s Maze Prison carried out hunger strikes to regain the status of political prisoners that had been removed in 1976 by the preceding Labour government.^[183] Bobby Sands began the 1981 strike, saying that he would fast until death unless prison inmates won concessions over their living conditions.^[183] Thatcher refused to countenance a return to political status for the prisoners, having declared “Crime is crime is crime; it is not political”,^[183] Nevertheless, the British government privately contacted republican leaders in a bid to bring the hunger strikes to an end.^[184] After the deaths of Sands and nine others, the strike ended. Some rights were restored to paramilitary prisoners, but not official recognition of political status.^[185] Violence in Northern Ireland escalated significantly during the hunger strikes.^[186]

Thatcher narrowly escaped injury in an IRA assassination attempt at a Brighton hotel early in the morning on 12 October 1984.^[187] Five people were killed, including the wife of minister John Wakeham. Thatcher was staying at the hotel to prepare for the Conservative Party conference, which she insisted should open as scheduled the following day.^[187] She delivered her speech as planned,^[188] though rewritten from her original draft,^[189] in a move that was widely supported across the political spectrum and enhanced her popularity with the public.^[190]

On 6 November 1981, Thatcher and Irish Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald had established the Anglo-Irish Inter-Governmental Council, a forum for meetings between the two governments.^[185] On 15 November 1985, Thatcher and FitzGerald signed the Hillsborough Anglo-Irish Agreement, which marked the first time a British government had given the Republic of Ireland an advisory role in the governance of Northern Ireland. In protest, the Ulster Says No movement led by Ian Paisley attracted 100,000 to a rally in Belfast,^[191] Ian Gow, later assassinated by the PIRA, resigned as Minister of State in the HM Treasury,^[192]^[193] and all 15 Unionist MPs resigned their parliamentary seats; only one was not returned in the subsequent by-elections on 23 January 1986.^[194]

Environment[edit source]

Thatcher supported an active climate protection policy;^{[nb 5]} she was instrumental in the passing of the Environmental Protection Act 1990,^[196] the founding of the Hadley Centre for Climate Research and Prediction,^[197] the establishment of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change,^[198] and the ratification of the Montreal Protocol on preserving the ozone.^[199]

Thatcher helped to put climate change, acid rain and general pollution in the British mainstream in the late 1980s,^[198]^[200] calling for a global treaty on climate change in 1989.^[201] Her speeches included one to the Royal Society in 1988,^[202] followed by another to the UN General Assembly in 1989.

Foreign affairs[edit source]

Thatcher with President Jimmy Carter in the Oval Office, 1979

Thatcher with President Ronald Reagan in the Oval Office, 1988

Thatcher with President George H. W. Bush in Aspen, Colorado, 1990

Thatcher appointed Lord Carrington, an ennobled member of the party and former Secretary of State for Defence, to run the Foreign Office in 1979.^[203] Although considered a “wet”, he avoided domestic affairs and got along well with Thatcher. One issue was what to do with Rhodesia, where the white-minority had determined to rule the prosperous, black-majority breakaway colony in the face of overwhelming international criticism. With the 1975 Portuguese collapse in the continent, South Africa (which had been Rhodesia’s chief supporter) realised that their ally was a liability; black rule was inevitable, and the Thatcher government brokered a peaceful solution to end the Rhodesian Bush War in December 1979 via the Lancaster House Agreement. The conference at Lancaster was attended by Rhodesian prime minister Ian Smith, as well as by the key black leaders: Muzorewa, Mugabe, Nkomo and Tongogara. The result was the new Zimbabwean nation under black rule in 1980.^[204]

Cold War[edit source]

Thatcher’s first foreign-policy crisis came with the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. She condemned the invasion, said it showed the bankruptcy of a détente policy and helped convince some British athletes to boycott the 1980 Moscow Olympics. She gave weak support to US president Jimmy Carter who tried to punish the USSR with economic sanctions. Britain’s economic situation was precarious, and most of NATO was reluctant to cut trade ties.^[205] Thatcher nevertheless gave the go-ahead for Whitehall to approve MI6 (along with the SAS) to undertake “disruptive action” in Afghanistan.^[206] As well working with the CIA in Operation Cyclone, they also supplied weapons, training and intelligence to the mujaheddin.^[207]

The Financial Times reported in 2011 that her government had secretly supplied Ba’athist Iraq under Saddam Hussein with “non-lethal” military equipment since 1981.^[208]^[209]

Having withdrawn formal recognition from the Pol Pot regime in 1979,^[210] the Thatcher government backed the Khmer Rouge keeping their UN seat after they were ousted from power in Cambodia by the Cambodian–Vietnamese War. Although Thatcher denied it at the time,^[211] it was revealed in 1991 that, while not directly training any Khmer Rouge,^[212] from 1983 the Special Air Service (SAS) was sent to secretly train “the armed forces of the Cambodian non-communist resistance” that remained loyal to Prince Norodom Sihanouk and his former prime minister Son Sann in the fight against the Vietnamese-backed puppet regime.^[213]^[214]

Thatcher was one of the first Western leaders to respond warmly to reformist Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Following Reagan–Gorbachev summit meetings and reforms enacted by Gorbachev in the USSR, she declared in November 1988 that “We’re not in a Cold War now”, but rather in a “new relationship much wider than the Cold War ever was”.^[215] She went on a state visit to the Soviet Union in 1984 and met with Gorbachev and Council of Ministers chairman Nikolai Ryzhkov.^[216]

Ties with the US[edit source]

Thatcher and her cabinet meeting with the Reagan cabinet in the White House Cabinet Room, 1981

Despite opposite personalities, Thatcher bonded quickly with US president Ronald Reagan.^{[nb 6]} She gave strong support to the Reagan administration’s Cold War policies based on their shared distrust of communism.^[150] A sharp disagreement came in 1983 when Reagan did not consult with her on the invasion of Grenada.^[217]^[218]

During her first year as prime minister she supported NATO‘s decision to deploy US nuclear cruise and Pershing II missiles in Western Europe,^[150] permitting the US to station more than 160 cruise missiles at RAF Greenham Common, starting in November 1983 and triggering mass protests by the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.^[150] She bought the Trident nuclear missile submarine system from the US to replace Polaris, tripling the UK’s nuclear forces^[219] at an eventual cost of more than £12 billion (at 1996–97 prices).^[220] Thatcher’s preference for defence ties with the US was demonstrated in the Westland affair of 1985–86, when she acted with colleagues to allow the struggling helicopter manufacturer Westland to refuse a takeover offer from the Italian firm Agusta in favour of the management’s preferred option, a link with Sikorsky Aircraft. Defence Secretary Michael Heseltine, who had supported the Agusta deal, resigned from the government in protest.^[221]

In April 1986 she permitted US F-111s to use Royal Air Force bases for the bombing of Libya in retaliation for the alleged Libyan bombing of a Berlin discothèque,^[222] citing the right of self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter.^[223]^{[nb 7]} Polls suggested that fewer than one in three British citizens approved of her decision.^[225]

Thatcher was in the US on a state visit when Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in August 1990.^[226] During her talks with President George H. W. Bush, who succeeded Reagan in 1989, she recommended intervention,^[226] and put pressure on Bush to deploy troops in the Middle East to drive the Iraqi Army out of Kuwait.^[227] Bush was apprehensive about the plan, prompting Thatcher to remark to him during a telephone conversation: “This was no time to go wobbly!”^[228]^[229] Thatcher’s government supplied military forces to the international coalition in the build-up to the Gulf War, but she had resigned by the time hostilities began on 17 January 1991.^[230]^[231] She applauded the coalition victory on the backbenches, while warning that “the victories of peace will take longer than the battles of war”.^[232] It was disclosed in 2017 that Thatcher had suggested threatening Saddam with chemical weapons after the invasion of Kuwait.^[233]^[234]

Crisis in the South Atlantic[edit source]

See also: “Rejoice” and the Gould exchange

On 2 April 1982, the ruling military junta in Argentina ordered the invasion of the British possessions of the Falkland Islands and South Georgia, triggering the Falklands War.^[235] The subsequent crisis was “a defining moment of [Thatcher’s] premiership”.^[236] At the suggestion of Harold Macmillan and Robert Armstrong,^[236] she set up and chaired a small War Cabinet (formally called ODSA, Overseas and Defence committee, South Atlantic) to oversee the conduct of the war,^[237] which by 5–6 April had authorised and dispatched a naval task force to retake the islands.^[238] Argentina surrendered on 14 June and Operation Corporate was hailed a success, notwithstanding the deaths of 255 British servicemen and 3 Falkland Islanders. Argentine fatalities totalled 649, half of them after the nuclear-powered submarine HMS Conqueror torpedoed and sank the cruiser ARA General Belgrano on 2 May.^[239]

Thatcher was criticised for the neglect of the Falklands’ defence that led to the war, and especially by Labour MP Tam Dalyell in Parliament for the decision to torpedo the General Belgrano, but overall she was considered a competent and committed war leader.^[240] The “Falklands factor“, an economic recovery beginning early in 1982, and a bitterly divided opposition all contributed to Thatcher’s second election victory in 1983.^[241] Thatcher frequently referred after the war to the “Falklands spirit”;^[242] Hastings & Jenkins (1983, p. 329) suggests that this reflected her preference for the streamlined decision-making of her War Cabinet over the painstaking deal-making of peacetime cabinet government.

Negotiating Hong Kong[edit source]

In September 1982 she visited China to discuss with Deng Xiaoping the sovereignty of Hong Kong after 1997. China was the first communist state Thatcher had visited as prime minister, and she was the first British prime minister to visit China. Throughout their meeting, she sought the PRC’s agreement to a continued British presence in the territory. Deng insisted that the PRC’s sovereignty over Hong Kong was non-negotiable but stated his willingness to settle the sovereignty issue with the British government through formal negotiations. Both governments promised to maintain Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity.^[243] After the two-year negotiations, Thatcher conceded to the PRC government and signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration in Beijing in 1984, agreeing to hand over Hong Kong’s sovereignty in 1997.^[244]

Apartheid in South Africa[edit source]

Despite saying that she was in favour of “peaceful negotiations” to end apartheid,^[245]^[246] Thatcher opposed sanctions imposed on South Africa by the Commonwealth and the European Economic Community (EEC).^[247] She attempted to preserve trade with South Africa while persuading its government to abandon apartheid. This included “[c]asting herself as President Botha‘s candid friend”, and inviting him to visit the UK in 1984,^[248] in spite of the “inevitable demonstrations” against his government.^[249] Alan Merrydew of the Canadian broadcaster BCTV News asked Thatcher what her response was “to a reported ANC statement that they will target British firms in South Africa?” to which she later replied: “[…] when the ANC says that they will target British companies […] This shows what a typical terrorist organisation it is. I fought terrorism all my life and if more people fought it, and we were all more successful, we should not have it and I hope that everyone in this hall will think it is right to go on fighting terrorism.”^[250] During his visit to Britain five months after his release from prison, Nelson Mandela praised Thatcher: “She is an enemy of apartheid […] We have much to thank her for.”^[248]

Europe[edit source]

External video
1988 speech to the College of Europe
Speech to the College of Europe (‘The Bruges Speech’) (Speech) – via the Margaret Thatcher Foundation.^[251]

Challenges to leadership and resignation[edit source]

Main articles: 1989 Conservative Party leadership election and 1990 Conservative Party leadership election Thatcher reviewing the Royal Bermuda Regiment in early 1990

During her premiership Thatcher had the second-lowest average approval rating (40%) of any post-war prime minister. Since Nigel Lawson’s resignation as Chancellor in October 1989,^[262] polls consistently showed that she was less popular than her party.^[263] A self-described conviction politician, Thatcher always insisted that she did not care about her poll ratings and pointed instead to her unbeaten election record.^[264]

In December 1989, Thatcher was challenged for the leadership of the Conservative Party by the little-known backbench MP Sir Anthony Meyer.^[265] Of the 374 Conservative MPs eligible to vote, 314 voted for Thatcher and 33 for Meyer. Her supporters in the party viewed the result as a success and rejected suggestions that there was discontent within the party.^[265]

Opinion polls in September 1990 reported that Labour had established a 14% lead over the Conservatives,^[266] and by November, the Conservatives had been trailing Labour for 18 months.^[263] These ratings, together with Thatcher’s combative personality and tendency to override collegiate opinion, contributed to further discontent within her party.^[267]

In July 1989, Thatcher removed Geoffrey Howe as foreign secretary after he and Lawson had forced her to agree to a plan for Britain to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM). Britain joined the ERM in October 1990.

On 1 November 1990, Howe, by then the last remaining member of Thatcher’s original 1979 cabinet, resigned as deputy prime minister, ostensibly over her open hostility to moves towards European monetary union.^[266]^[268] In his resignation speech on 13 November, which was instrumental in Thatcher’s downfall,^[269] Howe attacked Thatcher’s openly dismissive attitude to the government’s proposal for a new European currency competing against existing currencies (a “hard ECU“):

How on earth are the Chancellor and the Governor of the Bank of England, commending the hard ECU as they strive to, to be taken as serious participants in the debate against that kind of background noise? I believe that both the Chancellor and the Governor are cricketing enthusiasts, so I hope that there is no monopoly of cricketing metaphors. It is rather like sending your opening batsmen to the crease only for them to find, the moment the first balls are bowled, that their bats have been broken before the game by the team captain.^[270]^[271]

On 14 November, Michael Heseltine mounted a challenge for the leadership of the Conservative Party.^[272]^[273] Opinion polls had indicated that he would give the Conservatives a national lead over Labour.^[274] Although Thatcher led on the first ballot with the votes of 204 Conservative MPs (54.8%) to 152 votes (40.9%) for Heseltine, with 16 abstentions, she was four votes short of the required 15% majority. A second ballot was therefore necessary.^[275] Thatcher initially declared her intention to “fight on and fight to win” the second ballot, but consultation with her cabinet persuaded her to withdraw.^[267]^[276] After holding an audience with the Queen, calling other world leaders, and making one final Commons speech,^[277] on 28 November she left Downing Street in tears. She reportedly regarded her ousting as a betrayal.^[278] Her resignation was a shock to many outside Britain, with such foreign observers as Henry Kissinger and Gorbachev expressing private consternation.^[279]

Thatcher was replaced as head of government and party leader by Chancellor John Major, whose lead over Heseltine in the second ballot was sufficient for Heseltine to drop out. Major oversaw an upturn in Conservative support in the 17 months leading to the 1992 general election, and led the party to a fourth successive victory on 9 April 1992.^[280] Thatcher had lobbied for Major in the leadership contest against Heseltine, but her support for him waned in later years.^[281]

Later life[edit source]

Return to backbenches: 1990–1992[edit source]

Thatcher returned to the backbenches as a constituency parliamentarian after leaving the premiership.^[282] Her domestic approval rating recovered after her resignation, though public opinion remained divided on whether her government had been good for the country.^[262]^[283] Aged 66, she retired from the House of Commons at the 1992 general election, saying that leaving the Commons would allow her more freedom to speak her mind.^[284]

Post-Commons: 1992–2003[edit source]

On leaving the Commons, Thatcher became the first former British prime minister to set up a foundation;^[285] the British wing of the Margaret Thatcher Foundation was dissolved in 2005 due to financial difficulties.^[286] She wrote two volumes of memoirs, The Downing Street Years (1993) and The Path to Power (1995). In 1991, she and her husband Denis moved to a house in Chester Square, a residential garden square in central London’s Belgravia district.^[287]

Thatcher was hired by the tobacco company Philip Morris as a “geopolitical consultant” in July 1992, for $250,000 per year and an annual contribution of $250,000 to her foundation.^[288] Thatcher earned $50,000 for each speech she delivered.^[289]

Thatcher became an advocate of Croatian and Slovenian independence.^[290] Commenting on the Yugoslav Wars, in a 1991 interview for Croatian Radiotelevision, she was critical of Western governments for not recognising the breakaway republics of Croatia and Slovenia as independent and for not supplying them with arms after the Serbian-led Yugoslav Army attacked.^[291]

In August 1992 she called for NATO to stop the Serbian assault on Goražde and Sarajevo, to end ethnic cleansing during the Bosnian War, comparing the situation in Bosnia–Herzegovina to “the barbarities of Hitler’s and Stalin’s“.^[292]

She made a series of speeches in the Lords criticising the Maastricht Treaty,^[284] describing it as “a treaty too far” and stated: “I could never have signed this treaty.”^[293] She cited A. V. Dicey when arguing that, as all three main parties were in favour of the treaty, the people should have their say in a referendum.^[294]

Thatcher served as honorary chancellor of the College of William & Mary in Virginia from 1993 to 2000,^[295] while also serving as chancellor of the private University of Buckingham from 1992 to 1998,^[296]^[297] a university she had formally opened in 1976 as the former education secretary.^[297]

After Tony Blair‘s election as Labour Party leader in 1994, Thatcher praised Blair as “probably the most formidable Labour leader since Hugh Gaitskell“, adding: “I see a lot of socialism behind their front bench, but not in Mr Blair. I think he genuinely has moved.”^[298] Blair responded in kind: “She was a thoroughly determined person, and that is an admirable quality.”^[299]

In 1998, Thatcher called for the release of former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet when Spain had him arrested and sought to try him for human rights violations. She cited the help he gave Britain during the Falklands War.^[300] In 1999, she visited him while he was under house arrest near London.^[301] Pinochet was released in March 2000 on medical grounds by Home Secretary Jack Straw.^[302]Thatcher touring the Kennedy Space Center in early 2001

At the 2001 general election, Thatcher supported the Conservative campaign, as she had done in 1992 and 1997, and in the Conservative leadership election following its defeat, she endorsed Iain Duncan Smith over Kenneth Clarke.^[303] In 2002 she encouraged George W. Bush to aggressively tackle the “unfinished business” of Iraq under Saddam Hussein,^[304] and praised Blair for his “strong, bold leadership” in standing with Bush in the Iraq War.^[305]

She broached the same subject in her Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World, which was published in April 2002 and dedicated to Ronald Reagan, writing that there would be no peace in the Middle East until Saddam was toppled. Her book also said that Israel must trade land for peace and that the European Union (EU) was a “fundamentally unreformable”, “classic utopian project, a monument to the vanity of intellectuals, a programme whose inevitable destiny is failure”.^[306] She argued that Britain should renegotiate its terms of membership or else leave the EU and join the North American Free Trade Area.^[307]

Following several small strokes she was advised by her doctors not to engage in further public speaking.^[308] In March 2002 she announced that, on doctors’ advice, she would cancel all planned speaking engagements and accept no more.^[309]Extract from The Downing Street Years

Being Prime Minister is a lonely job. In a sense, it ought to be: you cannot lead from the crowd. But with Denis there I was never alone. What a man. What a husband. What a friend.

Thatcher (1993, p. 23)

On 26 June 2003, Thatcher’s husband Sir Denis died aged 88;^[310] he was cremated on 3 July at Mortlake Crematorium in London.^[311]

Final years: 2003–2013[edit source]

Thatcher arriving for the funeral of President Reagan in 2004

On 11 June 2004, Thatcher (against doctors’ orders) attended the state funeral service for Ronald Reagan.^[312] She delivered her eulogy via videotape; in view of her health, the message had been pre-recorded several months earlier.^[313]^[314] Thatcher flew to California with the Reagan entourage, and attended the memorial service and interment ceremony for the president at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.^[315]

In 2005, Thatcher criticised how Blair had decided to invade Iraq two years previously. Although she still supported the intervention to topple Saddam Hussein, she said that (as a scientist) she would always look for “facts, evidence and proof” before committing the armed forces.^[231] She celebrated her 80th birthday on 13 October at the Mandarin Oriental Hotel in Hyde Park, London; guests included the Queen, the Duke of Edinburgh, Princess Alexandra and Tony Blair.^[316] Geoffrey Howe, Baron Howe of Aberavon, was also in attendance and said of his former leader: “Her real triumph was to have transformed not just one party but two, so that when Labour did eventually return, the great bulk of Thatcherism was accepted as irreversible.”^[317]Thatcher in the US, 2006

Thatcher (left) at a Washington memorial service on the fifth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks

Thatcher with Donald Rumsfeld and General Pace at the Pentagon

In 2006, Thatcher attended the official Washington, D.C. memorial service to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the 11 September attacks on the US. She was a guest of vice-president Dick Cheney and met secretary of state Condoleezza Rice during her visit.^[318] In February 2007 Thatcher became the first living British prime minister to be honoured with a statue in the Houses of Parliament. The bronze statue stood opposite that of her political hero, Winston Churchill,^[319] and was unveiled on 21 February 2007 with Thatcher in attendance; she remarked in the Members’ Lobby of the Commons: “I might have preferred iron – but bronze will do […] It won’t rust.”^[319]

Thatcher was a public supporter of the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism and the resulting Prague Process, and sent a public letter of support to its preceding conference.^[320]

After collapsing at a House of Lords dinner, Thatcher, suffering low blood pressure,^[321] was admitted to St Thomas’ Hospital in central London on 7 March 2008 for tests. In 2009 she was hospitalised again when she fell and broke her arm.^[322] Thatcher returned to 10 Downing Street in late November 2009 for the unveiling of an official portrait by artist Richard Stone,^[323] an unusual honour for a living former prime minister. Stone was previously commissioned to paint portraits of the Queen and Queen Mother.^[323]

On 4 July 2011, Thatcher was to attend a ceremony for the unveiling of a 10 ft (3.0 m) statue to Ronald Reagan, outside the US Embassy in London, but was unable to attend due to her frail health.^[324] She last attended a sitting of the House of Lords on 19 July 2010,^[325] and on 30 July 2011 it was announced that her office in the Lords had been closed.^[326] Earlier that month, Thatcher was named the most competent prime minister of the past 30 years in an Ipsos MORI poll.^[327]

Thatcher’s daughter Carol first revealed that her mother had dementia in 2005,^[328] saying “Mum doesn’t read much any more because of her memory loss”. In her 2008 memoir, Carol wrote that her mother “could hardly remember the beginning of a sentence by the time she got to the end”.^[328] She later recounted how she was first struck by her mother’s dementia when, in conversation, Thatcher confused the Falklands and Yugoslav conflicts; she recalled the pain of needing to tell her mother repeatedly that her husband Denis was dead.^[329]

Death and funeral: 2013[edit source]

Main article: Death and funeral of Margaret Thatcher

Thatcher’s coffin being carried up the steps of St Paul’s Cathedral

Plaques on the graves of Margaret and Denis Thatcher at the Royal Hospital Chelsea

Thatcher died on 8 April 2013, at the age of 87, after suffering a stroke. She had been staying at a suite in the Ritz Hotel in London since December 2012 after having difficulty with stairs at her Chester Square home in Belgravia.^[330] Her death certificate listed the primary causes of death as a “cerebrovascular accident” and “repeated transient ischaemic attack“;^[331] secondary causes were listed as a “carcinoma of the bladder” and dementia.^[331]

Reactions to the news of Thatcher’s death were mixed across the UK, ranging from tributes lauding her as Britain’s greatest-ever peacetime prime minister to public celebrations of her death and expressions of hatred and personalised vitriol.^[332]

Details of Thatcher’s funeral had been agreed with her in advance.^[333] She received a ceremonial funeral, including full military honours, with a church service at St Paul’s Cathedral on 17 April.^[334]^[335]

Queen Elizabeth II and the Duke of Edinburgh attended her funeral,^[336] marking only the second time in the Queen’s reign that she attended the funeral of any of her former prime ministers, after that of Winston Churchill, who received a state funeral in 1965.^[337]

After the service at St Paul’s, Thatcher’s body was cremated at Mortlake, where her husband had been cremated. On 28 September, a service for Thatcher was held in the All Saints Chapel of the Royal Hospital Chelsea‘s Margaret Thatcher Infirmary. In a private ceremony, Thatcher’s ashes were interred in the hospital’s grounds, next to her husband’s.^[338]^[339]

Legacy[edit source]

Political impact[edit source]

Thatcherism
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Thatcherism represented a systematic and decisive overhaul of the post-war consensus, whereby the major political parties largely agreed on the central themes of Keynesianism, the welfare state, nationalised industry, and close regulation of the economy, and high taxes. Thatcher generally supported the welfare state while proposing to rid it of abuses.^{[nb 9]}

She promised in 1982 that the highly popular National Health Service was “safe in our hands”.^[340] At first, she ignored the question of privatising nationalised industries; heavily influenced by right-wing think tanks, and especially by Sir Keith Joseph,^[341] Thatcher broadened her attack. Thatcherism came to refer to her policies as well as aspects of her ethical outlook and personal style, including moral absolutism, nationalism, liberal individualism, and an uncompromising approach to achieving political goals.^[342]^[343]^{[nb 10]}

Thatcher defined her own political philosophy, in a major and controversial break with the one-nation conservatism^[344] of her predecessor Edward Heath, in a 1987 interview published in Woman’s Own magazine:

I think we have gone through a period when too many children and people have been given to understand “I have a problem, it is the Government’s job to cope with it!” or “I have a problem, I will go and get a grant to cope with it!” “I am homeless, the Government must house me!” and so they are casting their problems on society and who is society? There is no such thing! There are individual men and women and there are families and no government can do anything except through people and people look to themselves first. It is our duty to look after ourselves and then also to help look after our neighbour and life is a reciprocal business and people have got the entitlements too much in mind without the obligations.^[345]

Overview[edit source]

The number of adults owning shares rose from 7 per cent to 25 per cent during her tenure, and more than a million families bought their council houses, giving an increase from 55 per cent to 67 per cent in owner-occupiers from 1979 to 1990. The houses were sold at a discount of 33–55 per cent, leading to large profits for some new owners. Personal wealth rose by 80 per cent in real terms during the 1980s, mainly due to rising house prices and increased earnings. Shares in the privatised utilities were sold below their market value to ensure quick and wide sales, rather than maximise national income.^[346]^[347]

The “Thatcher years” were also marked by periods of high unemployment and social unrest,^[348]^[349] and many critics on the left of the political spectrum fault her economic policies for the unemployment level; many of the areas affected by mass unemployment as well as her monetarist economic policies remained blighted for decades, by such social problems as drug abuse and family breakdown.^[350] Unemployment did not fall below its May 1979 level during her tenure,^[351] only marginally falling below its April 1979 level in 1990.^[352] The long-term effects of her policies on manufacturing remain contentious.^[353]^[354]

Speaking in Scotland in 2009, Thatcher insisted she had no regrets and was right to introduce the poll tax and withdraw subsidies from “outdated industries, whose markets were in terminal decline”, subsidies that created “the culture of dependency, which had done such damage to Britain”.^[355] Political economist Susan Strange termed the neoliberal financial growth model “casino capitalism”, reflecting her view that speculation and financial trading were becoming more important to the economy than industry.^[356]

Critics on the left describe her as divisive^[357] and say she condoned greed and selfishness.^[348] Leading Welsh politician Rhodri Morgan,^[358] among others,^[359] characterised Thatcher as a “Marmite” figure. Journalist Michael White, writing in the aftermath of the 2007–08 financial crisis, challenged the view that her reforms were still a net benefit.^[360] Others consider her approach to have been “a mixed bag”^[361]^[362] and “[a] Curate’s egg“.^[363]

Thatcher did “little to advance the political cause of women” either within her party or the government.^[364] Burns (2009, p. 234) states that some British feminists regarded her as “an enemy”. Purvis (2013) says that, although Thatcher had struggled laboriously against the sexist prejudices of her day to rise to the top, she made no effort to ease the path for other women. Thatcher did not regard women’s rights as requiring particular attention as she did not, especially during her premiership, consider that women were being deprived of their rights. She had once suggested the shortlisting of women by default for all public appointments yet had also proposed that those with young children ought to leave the workforce.^[365]

Thatcher’s stance on immigration in the late 1970s was perceived as part of a rising racist public discourse,^[366] which Barker (1981) terms “new racism“.^[367] In opposition, Thatcher believed that the National Front (NF) was winning over large numbers of Conservative voters with warnings against floods of immigrants. Her strategy was to undermine the NF narrative by acknowledging that many of their voters had serious concerns in need of addressing. In 1978 she criticised Labour’s immigration policy to attract voters away from the NF to the Conservatives.^[368] Her rhetoric was followed by an increase in Conservative support at the expense of the NF. Critics on the left accused her of pandering to racism.^[369]^{[nb 11]}

Many Thatcherite policies had an influence on the Labour Party,^[373]^[374] which returned to power in 1997 under Tony Blair. Blair rebranded the party “New Labour” in 1994 with the aim of increasing its appeal beyond its traditional supporters,^[375] and to attract those who had supported Thatcher, such as the “Essex man“.^[376] Thatcher is said to have regarded the “New Labour” rebranding as her greatest achievement.^[377] In contrast to Blair, the Conservative Party leader at the time William Hague attempted to distance himself and the party from Thatcher’s economic policies in an attempt to gain public approval.^[378]

Shortly after Thatcher’s death in 2013, Scottish first minister Alex Salmond argued that her policies had the “unintended consequence” of encouraging Scottish devolution.^[379] Lord Foulkes of Cumnock agreed on Scotland Tonight that she had provided “the impetus” for devolution.^[380] Writing for The Scotsman in 1997, Thatcher argued against devolution on the basis that it would eventually lead to Scottish independence.^[381]

Reputation[edit source]

Margaret Thatcher was not merely the first woman and the longest-serving Prime Minister of modern times, but the most admired, most hated, most idolised and most vilified public figure of the second half of the twentieth century. To some she was the saviour of her country who […] created a vigorous enterprise economy which twenty years later was still outperforming the more regulated economies of the Continent. To others, she was a narrow ideologue whose hard-faced policies legitimised greed, deliberately increased inequality […] and destroyed the nation’s sense of solidarity and civic pride. There is no reconciling these views: yet both are true.^{[nb 12]}

Biographer John Campbell (2011b, p. 499)

Thatcher’s tenure of 11 years and 209 days as British prime minister was the longest since Lord Salisbury (13 years and 252 days, in three spells) and the longest continuous period in office since Lord Liverpool (14 years and 305 days).^[382]^[383]

Having led the Conservative Party to victory in three consecutive general elections, twice in a landslide, she ranks among the most popular party leaders in British history in terms of votes cast for the winning party; over 40 million ballots were cast in total for the Conservatives under her leadership.^[384]^[385]^[386] Her electoral successes were dubbed a “historic hat trick” by the British press in 1987.^[387]

Thatcher ranked highest among living persons in the 2002 BBC poll 100 Greatest Britons.^[388] In 1999, Time deemed Thatcher one of the 100 most important people of the 20th century.^[389] In 2015 she topped a poll by Scottish Widows, a major financial services company, as the most influential woman of the past 200 years;^[390] and in 2016 topped BBC Radio 4‘s Woman’s Hour Power List of women judged to have had the biggest impact on female lives over the past 70 years.^[391]^[392] In 2020, Time magazine included Thatcher’s name on its list of 100 Women of the Year. She was chosen as the Woman of the Year 1982, the year in which the Falklands War began under her command and resulted in the British victory.^[393]

In contrast to her relatively poor average approval rating as prime minister,^[283] Thatcher has since ranked highly in retrospective opinion polling and, according to YouGov, she is “see[n] in overall positive terms” by the British public.^[394] Just after her death in 2013, according to a poll by The Guardian, about half of the public viewed her positively while one third viewed her negatively.^[395] In a 2019 opinion poll by YouGov, most Britons rated her as Britain’s greatest post-war leader (with Churchill coming second).^[396] She was voted the fourth-greatest British prime minister of the 20th century in a poll of 139 academics organised by MORI.^[397]

Cultural depictions[edit source]

Main article: Cultural depictions of Margaret Thatcher Wax figures of Thatcher and Ronald Reagan at Madame Tussauds, London

According to theatre critic Michael Billington,^[398] Thatcher left an “emphatic mark” on the arts while prime minister.^[399] One of the earliest satires of Thatcher as prime minister involved satirist John Wells (as writer and performer), actress Janet Brown (voicing Thatcher) and future Spitting Image producer John Lloyd (as co-producer), who in 1979 were teamed up by producer Martin Lewis for the satirical audio album The Iron Lady, which consisted of skits and songs satirising Thatcher’s rise to power. The album was released in September 1979.^[400]^[401] Thatcher was heavily satirised on Spitting Image, and The Independent labelled her “every stand-up’s dream”.^[402]

Thatcher was the subject or the inspiration for 1980s protest songs. Musicians Billy Bragg and Paul Weller helped to form the Red Wedge collective to support Labour in opposition to Thatcher.^[403] Known as “Maggie” by supporters and opponents alike, the chant song “Maggie Out” became a signature rallying cry among the left during the latter half of her premiership.^[404]

Wells parodied Thatcher in several media. He collaborated with Richard Ingrams on the spoof “Dear Bill” letters, which ran as a column in Private Eye magazine; they were also published in book form and became a West End stage revue titled Anyone for Denis?, with Wells in the role of Thatcher’s husband. It was followed by a 1982 TV special directed by Dick Clement, in which Thatcher was played by Angela Thorne.^[405]

Since her premiership, Thatcher has been portrayed in a number of television programmes, documentaries, films and plays.^[406] She was portrayed by Patricia Hodge in Ian Curteis‘s long unproduced The Falklands Play (2002) and by Andrea Riseborough in the TV film The Long Walk to Finchley (2008). She is the protagonist in two films, played by Lindsay Duncan in Margaret (2009) and by Meryl Streep in The Iron Lady (2011),^[407] in which she is depicted as suffering from dementia or Alzheimer’s disease.^[408] She is a main character in the fourth season of The Crown, played by Gillian Anderson.^[409]

Titles, awards and honours[edit source]

Main article: List of honours of Margaret Thatcher Thatcher receiving the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1991

Thatcher became a privy councillor (PC) on becoming a secretary of state in 1970.^[410] She was the first woman entitled to full membership rights as an honorary member of the Carlton Club on becoming Leader of the Conservative Party in 1975.^[411]

As prime minister, Thatcher received two honorary distinctions:

24 October 1979: Honorary Fellowship (Hon.) of the Royal Institute of Chemistry (FRIC),^[412] which was merged into the Royal Society of Chemistry (FRSC) the following year;^[413]
1 July 1983: Fellowship of the Royal Society (FRS), a point of controversy among some of the then-existing Fellows.^[414]

Orders of chivalry

The Garter
1995

Good Hope
1991

Merit
1990

St John
1991
Shown are the ribbons for each Order bestowed on Thatcher.

Two weeks after her resignation, Thatcher was appointed Member of the Order of Merit (OM) by the Queen. Her husband Denis was made a hereditary baronet at the same time;^[415] as his wife, Thatcher was entitled to use the honorific style “Lady”,^[416] an automatically conferred title that she declined to use.^[417]^[418]^[419] She would be made Lady Thatcher in her own right on her subsequent ennoblement in the House of Lords.^[420]

In the Falklands, Margaret Thatcher Day has been marked each 10 January since 1992,^[421] commemorating her first visit to the Islands in January 1983, six months after the end of the Falklands War in June 1982.^[422]

Thatcher became a member of the House of Lords in 1992 with a life peerage as Baroness Thatcher, of Kesteven in the County of Lincolnshire.^[284]^[423] Subsequently, the College of Arms granted her usage of a personal coat of arms; she was allowed to revise these arms on her appointment as Lady of the Order of the Garter (LG) in 1995, the highest order of chivalry for women.^[424]

In the US, Thatcher received the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award,^[425] and was later designated Patron of The Heritage Foundation in 2006,^[426]^[427] where she established the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom.^[428]

Publications[edit source]

The Downing Street Years. HarperCollins. 1993. ISBN 978-0-00-255049-9.
The Path to Power. HarperCollins. 1995. ISBN 978-0-00-255050-5.
Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World. Harper Perennial. 2003. ISBN 978-0-06-095912-8.

References[edit source]

Notes[edit source]

^ In her foreword to the Conservative manifesto of 1979, she wrote of “a feeling of helplessness, that we are a once great nation that has somehow fallen behind”.^[1]
^ Winning support from a majority of her party in the first round of votes, Thatcher fell four votes short of the required 15% margin to win the contest outright. Her fall has been characterised as “a rare coup d’état at the top of the British politics: the first since Lloyd George sawed Asquith off at the knees in 1916.”^[2]
^ James (1977, pp. 119–120): The hang-up has always been the voice. Not the timbre so much as, well, the tone – the condescending explanatory whine which treats the squirming interlocutor as an eight-year-old child with personality deficiencies. It has been fascinating, recently, to watch her striving to eliminate this. BBC2 News Extra on Tuesday night rolled a clip from May 1973 demonstrating the Thatcher sneer at full pitch. (She was saying that she wouldn’t dream of seeking the leadership.) She sounded like a cat sliding down a blackboard.^[90]
^ Thatcher succeeded in completely suppressing her Lincolnshire dialect except when under stress, notably after provocation from Denis Healey in the Commons in 1983, when she accused the Labour frontbench of being frit.^[93]^[94]
^ In retirement, Thatcher became sceptical about her policy, rejecting climate alarmism.^[195]
^ Cannadine (2017): In many ways they were very different figures: he was sunny, genial, charming, relaxed, upbeat, and with little intellectual curiosity or command of policy detail; she was domineering, belligerent, confrontational, tireless, hyperactive, and with an unrivalled command of facts and figures. But the chemistry between them worked. Reagan had been grateful for her interest in him at a time when the British establishment refused to take him seriously; she agreed with him about the importance of creating wealth, cutting taxes, and building up stronger defences against Soviet Russia; and both believed in liberty and free-market freedom, and in the need to outface what Reagan would later call ‘the evil empire’.
^ The United States has more than 330,000 members of her forces in Europe to defend our liberty. Because they are here, they are subject to terrorist attack. It is inconceivable that they should be refused the right to use American aircraft and American pilots in the inherent right of self-defence, to defend their own people.^[224]
^ She was decidedly cool towards reunification prior to 1990, but made no attempt to block it.^[257]
^ Moore (2013, p. 87): Neither at the beginning of her career nor when she was prime minister, did Margaret Thatcher ever reject the wartime foundations of the welfare state, whether in health, social policy or education. In this she was less radical than her critics or some of her admirers supposed. Her concern was to focus more on abuse of the system, on bureaucracy and union militancy, and on the growth of what later came to be called the dependency culture, rather than on the system itself.
^ Lawson (1992, p. 64) lists the Thatcherite ideals as “a mixture of free markets, financial discipline, firm control over public expenditure, tax cuts, nationalism, ‘Victorian values’ (of the Samuel Smiles self-help variety), privatisation and a dash of populism”.
^ Mitchell & Russell (1989) posits that she had been misinterpreted and that race was never a focus of Thatcherism. By the 1980s, both the Conservatives and Labour had taken similar positions on immigration policy;^[370] the British Nationality Act 1981 was passed with cross-party support.^[371] There were no policies passed or proposed by ministers to restrict legal immigration, nor would Thatcher highlight the subject of race in any of her later remarks.^[372]
^ Campbell (2011a, p. 800) also writes about a third view that can be argued: Thatcher “achieved much less” than she and her “dries” would claim; she failed to curb public spending, diminish or privatise the welfare state, change fundamental attitudes of the general public, or “enhance” freedom where she had instead centralised control over “many areas of national life”.

Citations[edit source]

^ “1979 Conservative Party General Election Manifesto”. PoliticalStuff.co.uk. Archived from the original on 22 October 2019. Retrieved 28 July 2009.
^ Heffer, Simon (29 October 2019). “The rats and cowards who brought down a Titan”. The Critic Magazine. Archived from the original on 3 August 2020. Retrieved 18 July 2020.
^ Beckett (2006), p. 3.
^ Plaque #10728 on Open Plaques
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c [Anon.] (2017). “Thatcher, Baroness, (Margaret Hilda)”. Who’s Who. ukwhoswho.com (online Oxford University Press ed.). A & C Black, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing plc. doi:10.1093/ww/9780199540884.013.U37305. Retrieved 15 December 2017. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.) (subscription required)
^ Beckett (2006), p. 1.
^ O’Sullivan, Majella (10 April 2013). “Margaret Thatcher’s Irish roots lie in Co Kerry”. Belfast Telegraph. Archived from the original on 3 August 2020. Retrieved 18 July 2020.
^ Campbell (2011a), p. 38–39.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Beckett (2006), p. 8.
^ Johnson, Maureen (28 May 1988). “Bible-Quoting Thatcher Stirs Furious Debate”. Associated Press.
^ Filby, Eliza (31 October 2015). “God and Mrs. Thatcher: The Battle for Britain’s Soul”. National Review. Archived from the original on 12 December 2019. Retrieved 21 April 2018.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Moore, Charles (19 April 2013). “A side of Margaret Thatcher we’ve never seen”. The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 20 April 2018. Retrieved 25 July 2017.
^ Beckett (2006), p. 5.
^ Beckett (2006), p. 6; Blundell (2008), pp. 21–22.
^ “School aims”. Kesteven and Grantham Girls’ School. Archived from the original on 28 January 2013. Retrieved 9 April 2013.
^ Moore (2019), p. 929.
^ Beckett (2006), p. 12; Blundell (2008), p. 23.
^ Blundell (2008), pp. 25–27; Beckett (2006), p. 16.
^ Campbell (2000), p. 65.
^ Whittaker, Freddie; et al. (9 April 2013). “Thatcher: college will honour its former student”. Oxford Mail. Retrieved 26 October 2021.
^ Campbell (2000), p. 47.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Lecher, Colin (8 April 2013). “How Thatcher The Chemist Helped Make Thatcher The Politician”. Popular Science. Archived from the original on 17 February 2017. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Runciman, David (6 June 2013). “Rat-a-tat-a-tat-a-tat-a-tat”. London Review of Books. Archived from the original on 9 March 2019. Retrieved 11 June 2013.
^ Bowcott, Owen (30 December 2016). “Thatcher fought to preserve women-only Oxford college”. The Guardian. Archived from the original on 1 January 2017. Retrieved 31 December 2016.
^ Dougill (1987), p. 4.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Tony Bray – obituary”. The Telegraph. 5 August 2014. Archived from the original on 5 February 2019. Retrieved 25 July 2017.
^ Beckett (2006), pp. 20–21; Blundell (2008), p. 28.
^ Blundell (2008), p. 30.
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Bibliography[edit source]

Main article: Bibliography of Margaret Thatcher

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hideOffices and distinctions
Parliament of the United KingdomPreceded byJohn CrowderMember of Parliament for Finchley 1959–1992Succeeded byHartley BoothPolitical officesPreceded byRichard CrossmanShadow Secretary of State for Education and Science 1967–1970Succeeded byEdward ShortPreceded byEdward ShortSecretary of State for Education and Science 1970–1974Succeeded byReg PrenticePreceded byAnthony CroslandShadow Secretary of State for the Environment 1974–1975Succeeded byTimothy RaisonPreceded byEdward HeathLeader of the Opposition 1975–1979Succeeded byJames CallaghanPreceded byJames CallaghanPrime Minister of the United Kingdom 1979–1990Succeeded byJohn MajorFirst Lord of the Treasury 1979–1990Minister for the Civil Service 1979–1990Party political officesPreceded byEdward HeathLeader of the Conservative Party 1975–1990Succeeded byJohn MajorDiplomatic postsPreceded byRonald ReaganChair of the Group of Seven 1984Succeeded byHelmut KohlAcademic officesPreceded byFrançois MitterrandInvocation Speaker of the College of Europe 1988Succeeded byJacques DelorsPreceded byWarren E. BurgerChancellor of the College of William & Mary 1993–2000Succeeded byHenry KissingerAwardsPreceded byBob HopeRecipient of the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award 1998Succeeded byBilly Graham

hideOffices and distinctions

Parliament of the United KingdomPreceded byJohn CrowderMember of Parliament for Finchley
1959–1992Succeeded byHartley BoothPolitical officesPreceded byRichard CrossmanShadow Secretary of State for Education and Science
1967–1970Succeeded byEdward ShortPreceded byEdward ShortSecretary of State for Education and Science
1970–1974Succeeded byReg PrenticePreceded byAnthony CroslandShadow Secretary of State for the Environment
1974–1975Succeeded byTimothy RaisonPreceded byEdward HeathLeader of the Opposition
1975–1979Succeeded byJames CallaghanPreceded byJames CallaghanPrime Minister of the United Kingdom
1979–1990Succeeded byJohn MajorFirst Lord of the Treasury
1979–1990Minister for the Civil Service
1979–1990Party political officesPreceded byEdward HeathLeader of the Conservative Party
1975–1990Succeeded byJohn MajorDiplomatic postsPreceded byRonald ReaganChair of the Group of Seven
1984Succeeded byHelmut KohlAcademic officesPreceded byFrançois MitterrandInvocation Speaker of the College of Europe
1988Succeeded byJacques DelorsPreceded byWarren E. BurgerChancellor of the College of William & Mary
1993–2000Succeeded byHenry KissingerAwardsPreceded byBob HopeRecipient of the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award
1998Succeeded byBilly Graham

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15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Mikhail Gorbachev

Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev^[f] (born 2 March 1931) is a Russian and former Soviet politician. The eighth and final leader of the Soviet Union, he was the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1985 until 1991. He was also the country’s head of state from 1988 until 1991, serving as the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet from 1988 to 1989, chairman of the Supreme Soviet from 1989 to 1990, and president of the Soviet Union from 1990 to 1991. Ideologically, Gorbachev initially adhered to Marxism–Leninism, although he had moved towards social democracy by the early 1990s.

Gorbachev was born in Privolnoye, Stavropol Krai, to a poor peasant family of Russian and Ukrainian heritage. Growing up under the rule of Joseph Stalin, in his youth he operated combine harvesters on a collective farm before joining the Communist Party, which then governed the Soviet Union as a one-party state according to Marxist–Leninist doctrine. While studying at Moscow State University, he married fellow student Raisa Titarenko in 1953 prior to receiving his law degree in 1955. Moving to Stavropol, he worked for the Komsomol youth organization and, after Stalin’s death, became a keen proponent of the de-Stalinization reforms of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. He was appointed the First Party Secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee in 1970, in which position he oversaw construction of the Great Stavropol Canal. In 1978, he returned to Moscow to become a Secretary of the party’s Central Committee, and in 1979 joined its governing Politburo. Within three years of the death of Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, following the brief regimes of Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, the Politburo elected Gorbachev as General Secretary, the de facto head of government, in 1985.

Although committed to preserving the Soviet state and to its socialist ideals, Gorbachev believed significant reform was necessary, particularly after the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. He withdrew from the Soviet–Afghan War and embarked on summits with United States president Ronald Reagan to limit nuclear weapons and end the Cold War. Domestically, his policy of glasnost (“openness”) allowed for enhanced freedom of speech and press, while his perestroika (“restructuring”) sought to decentralize economic decision making to improve efficiency. His democratization measures and formation of the elected Congress of People’s Deputies undermined the one-party state. Gorbachev declined to intervene militarily when various Eastern Bloc countries abandoned Marxist–Leninist governance in 1989–90. Internally, growing nationalist sentiment threatened to break up the Soviet Union, leading Marxist–Leninist hardliners to launch the unsuccessful August Coup against Gorbachev in 1991. In the wake of this, the Soviet Union dissolved against Gorbachev’s wishes and he resigned. After leaving office, he launched his Gorbachev Foundation, became a vocal critic of Russian presidents Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin, and campaigned for Russia’s social-democratic movement.

Widely considered one of the most significant figures of the second half of the 20th century, Gorbachev remains the subject of controversy. The recipient of a wide range of awards, including the Nobel Peace Prize, he was widely praised for his pivotal role in ending the Cold War, introducing new political freedoms in the Soviet Union, and tolerating both the fall of Marxist–Leninist administrations in eastern and central Europe and the reunification of Germany. Conversely, he is often derided in Russia for accelerating the Soviet collapse, an event which brought a decline in Russia’s global influence and precipitated an economic crisis.

Early life[edit source]

Childhood: 1931–1950[edit source]

Gorbachev was born on 2 March 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Stavropol Krai, then in the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, one of the constituent republics of the Soviet Union.^[4] At the time, Privolnoye was divided almost evenly between ethnic Russians and ethnic Ukrainians.^[5] Gorbachev’s paternal family were ethnic Russians and had moved to the region from Voronezh several generations before; his maternal family were of ethnic Ukrainian heritage and had migrated from Chernihiv.^[6] His parents named him Victor, but at the insistence of his mother—a devout Orthodox Christian—he had a secret baptism, where his grandfather christened him Mikhail.^[7] His relationship with his father, Sergey Andreyevich Gorbachev, was close; his mother, Maria Panteleyevna Gorbacheva (née Gopkalo), was colder and punitive.^[8] His parents were poor,^[9] and lived as peasants.^[10] They had married as teenagers in 1928,^[11] and in keeping with local tradition had initially resided in Sergei’s father’s house, an adobe-walled hut, before a hut of their own could be built.^[12]Gorbachev and his Ukrainian maternal grandparents, late 1930s

The Soviet Union was a one-party state governed by the Communist Party, and during Gorbachev’s childhood was under the leadership of Joseph Stalin. Stalin had initiated a project of mass rural collectivization which, in keeping with his Marxist–Leninist ideas, he believed would help convert the country into a socialist society.^[13] Gorbachev’s maternal grandfather joined the Communist Party and helped form the village’s first kolkhoz (collective farm) in 1929, becoming its chair.^[14] This farm was 19 kilometres (12 mi) outside Privolnoye village and when he was three years old, Gorbachev left his parental home and moved into the kolkhoz with his maternal grandparents.^[15]

The country was then experiencing the famine of 1932–33, in which two of Gorbachev’s paternal uncles and an aunt died.^[16] This was followed by the Great Purge, in which individuals accused of being “enemies of the people“, including those sympathetic to rival interpretations of Marxism like Trotskyism, were arrested and interned in labor camps, if not executed. Both of Gorbachev’s grandfathers were arrested (his maternal in 1934 and his paternal in 1937) and spent time in Gulag labor camps prior to being released.^[17] After his December 1938 release, Gorbachev’s maternal grandfather discussed having been tortured by the secret police, an account that influenced the young boy.^[18]

Following on from the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, in June 1941 the German Army invaded the Soviet Union. German forces occupied Privolnoye for four and a half months in 1942.^[19] Gorbachev’s father had joined the Red Army and fought on the frontlines; he was wrongly declared dead during the conflict and fought in the Battle of Kursk before returning to his family, injured.^[20] After Germany was defeated, Gorbachev’s parents had their second son, Aleksandr, in 1947; he and Mikhail would be their only children.^[11]

The village school had closed during much of the war but re-opened in autumn 1944.^[21] Gorbachev did not want to return but when he did he excelled academically.^[22] He read voraciously, moving from the Western novels of Thomas Mayne Reid to the work of Vissarion Belinsky, Alexander Pushkin, Nikolai Gogol, and Mikhail Lermontov.^[23] In 1946, he joined Komsomol, the Soviet political youth organization, becoming leader of his local group and then being elected to the Komsomol committee for the district.^[24] From primary school he moved to the high school in Molotovskeye; he stayed there during the week while walking the 19 km (12 mi) home during weekends.^[25] As well as being a member of the school’s drama society,^[26] he organized sporting and social activities and led the school’s morning exercise class.^[27] Over the course of five consecutive summers from 1946 onward he returned home to assist his father operate a combine harvester, during which they sometimes worked 20-hour days.^[28] In 1948, they harvested over 8,000 centners of grain, a feat for which Sergey was awarded the Order of Lenin and his son the Order of the Red Banner of Labour.^[29]

University: 1950–1955[edit source]

I would consider it a high honour to be a member of the highly advanced, genuinely revolutionary Communist Party of Bolsheviks. I promise to be faithful to the great cause of Lenin and Stalin, to devote my entire life to the party’s struggle for Communism.

— Gorbachev’s letter requesting membership of the Communist Party, 1950^[30]

In June 1950, Gorbachev became a candidate member of the Communist Party.^[30] He also applied to study at the law school of Moscow State University (MSU), then the most prestigious university in the country. They accepted without asking for an exam, likely because of his worker-peasant origins and his possession of the Order of the Red Banner of Labour.^[31] His choice of law was unusual; it was not a well-regarded subject in Soviet society at that time.^[32] Aged 19, he traveled by train to Moscow, the first time he had left his home region.^[33]

In the city, Gorbachev resided with fellow MSU students at a dormitory in Sokolniki District.^[34] He and other rural students felt at odds with their Muscovite counterparts but he soon came to fit in.^[35] Fellow students recall him working especially hard, often late into the night.^[36] He gained a reputation as a mediator during disputes,^[37] and was also known for being outspoken in class, although would only reveal a number of his views privately; for instance he confided in some students his opposition to the Soviet jurisprudential norm that a confession proved guilt, noting that confessions could have been forced.^[38] During his studies, an anti-semitic campaign spread through the Soviet Union, culminating in the Doctors’ plot; Gorbachev publicly defended a Jewish student who was accused of disloyalty to the country by one of their fellows.^[39]

At MSU, Gorbachev became the Komsomol head of his entering class, and then Komsomol’s deputy secretary for agitation and propaganda at the law school.^[40] One of his first Komsomol assignments in Moscow was to monitor the election polling in Krasnopresnenskaya district to ensure the government’s desire for near total turnout; Gorbachev found that most of those who voted did so “out of fear”.^[41] In 1952, he was appointed a full member of the Communist Party.^[42] As a party and Komsomol member he was tasked with monitoring fellow students for potential subversion; some of his fellow students said that he did so only minimally and that they trusted him to keep confidential information secret from the authorities.^[43] Gorbachev became close friends with Zdeněk Mlynář, a Czechoslovak student who later became a primary ideologist of the 1968 Prague Spring. Mlynář recalled that the duo remained committed Marxist–Leninists despite their growing concerns about the Stalinist system.^[44] After Stalin died in March 1953, Gorbachev and Mlynář joined the crowds amassing to see Stalin’s body lying in state.^[45]Gorbachev studied at Moscow State University from 1950 to 1955

At MSU, Gorbachev met Raisa Titarenko, a Ukrainian studying in the university’s philosophy department.^[46] She was engaged to another man but after that engagement fell apart, she began a relationship with Gorbachev;^[47] together they went to bookstores, museums, and art exhibits.^[48] In early 1953, he took an internship at the procurator’s office in Molotovskoye district, but was angered by the incompetence and arrogance of those working there.^[49] That summer, he returned to Privolnoe to work with his father on the harvest; the money earned allowed him to pay for a wedding.^[50] On 25 September 1953 he and Raisa registered their marriage at Sokolniki Registry Office;^[50] and in October moved in together at the Lenin Hills dormitory.^[51] Raisa discovered that she was pregnant and although the couple wanted to keep the child she fell ill and required a life-saving abortion.^[52]

In June 1955, Gorbachev graduated with a distinction;^[53] his final paper had been on the advantages of “socialist democracy” (the Soviet political system) over “bourgeois democracy” (liberal democracy).^[54] He was subsequently assigned to the Soviet Procurator‘s office, which was then focusing on the rehabilitation of the innocent victims of Stalin’s purges, but found that they had no work for him.^[55] He was then offered a place on an MSU graduate course specializing in kolkhoz law, but declined.^[56] He had wanted to remain in Moscow, where Raisa was enrolled on a PhD program, but instead gained employment in Stavropol; Raisa abandoned her studies to join him there.^[57]

Rise in the Communist Party[edit source]

Stavropol Komsomol: 1955–1969[edit source]

Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet leader whose anti-Stalinist reforms were supported by Gorbachev

In August 1955, Gorbachev started work at the Stavropol regional procurator’s office, but disliked the job and used his contacts to get a transfer to work for Komsomol,^[58] becoming deputy director of Komsomol’s agitation and propaganda department for that region.^[59] In this position, he visited villages in the area and tried to improve the lives of their inhabitants; he established a discussion circle in Gorkaya Balka village to help its peasant residents gain social contacts.^[60]

Gorbachev and his wife initially rented a small room in Stavropol,^[61] taking daily evening walks around the city and on weekends hiking in the countryside.^[62] In January 1957, Raisa gave birth to a daughter, Irina,^[63] and in 1958 they moved into two rooms in a communal apartment.^[64] In 1961, Gorbachev pursued a second degree, on agricultural production; he took a correspondence course from the local Stavropol Agricultural Institute, receiving his diploma in 1967.^[65] His wife had also pursued a second degree, attaining a PhD in sociology in 1967 from the Moscow Pedagogical Institute;^[66] while in Stavropol she too joined the Communist Party.^[67]

Stalin was ultimately succeeded as Soviet leader by Nikita Khrushchev, who denounced Stalin and his cult of personality in a speech given in February 1956, after which he launched a de-Stalinization process throughout Soviet society.^[68] Later biographer William Taubman suggested that Gorbachev “embodied” the “reformist spirit” of the Khrushchev era.^[69] Gorbachev was among those who saw themselves as “genuine Marxists” or “genuine Leninists” in contrast to what they regarded as the perversions of Stalin.^[70] He helped spread Khrushchev’s anti-Stalinist message in Stavropol, but encountered many who continued to regard Stalin as a hero or who praised the Stalinist purges as just.^[71]

Gorbachev rose steadily through the ranks of the local administration.^[72] The authorities regarded him as politically reliable,^[73] and he would flatter his superiors, for instance gaining favor with prominent local politician Fyodor Kulakov.^[74] With an ability to outmanoeuvre rivals, some colleagues resented his success.^[75] In September 1956, he was promoted First Secretary of the Stavropol city’s Komsomol, placing him in charge of it;^[76] in April 1958 he was made deputy head of the Komsomol for the entire region.^[77] At this point he was given better accommodation: a two-room flat with its own private kitchen, toilet, and bathroom.^[78] In Stavropol, he formed a discussion club for youths,^[79] and helped mobilize local young people to take part in Khrushchev’s agricultural and development campaigns.^[80]Gorbachev on a visit to East Germany in 1966

In March 1961, Gorbachev became First Secretary of the regional Komsomol,^[81] in which position he went out of his way to appoint women as city and district leaders.^[82] In 1961, Gorbachev played host to the Italian delegation for the World Youth Festival in Moscow;^[83] that October, he also attended the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.^[84] In January 1963, Gorbachev was promoted to personnel chief for the regional party’s agricultural committee,^[85] and in September 1966 became First Secretary of the Stavropol City Party Organization (“Gorkom”).^[86] By 1968 he was increasingly frustrated with his job—in large part because Khrushchev’s reforms were stalling or being reversed—and he contemplated leaving politics to work in academia.^[87] However, in August 1968, he was named Second Secretary of the Stavropol Kraikom, making him the deputy of First Secretary Leonid Yefremov and the second most senior figure in the Stavrapol region.^[88] In 1969, he was elected as a deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union and made a member of its Standing Commission for the Protection of the Environment.^[89]

Cleared for travel to Eastern Bloc countries, in 1966 he was part of a delegation visiting East Germany, and in 1969 and 1974 visited Bulgaria.^[90] In August 1968 the Soviet Union led an invasion of Czechoslovakia to put an end to the Prague Spring, a period of political liberalization in the Marxist–Leninist country. Although Gorbachev later stated that he had had private concerns about the invasion, he publicly supported it.^[91] In September 1969 he was part of a Soviet delegation sent to Czechoslovakia, where he found the Czechoslovak people largely unwelcoming to them.^[92] That year, the Soviet authorities ordered him to punish Fagien B. Sadykov, a Stavropol-based agronomist whose ideas were regarded as critical of Soviet agricultural policy; Gorbachev ensured that Sadykov was fired from teaching but ignored calls for him to face tougher punishment.^[93] Gorbachev later related that he was “deeply affected” by the incident; “my conscience tormented me” for overseeing Sadykov’s persecution.^[94]

Heading the Stavropol Region: 1970–1977[edit source]

In April 1970, Yefremov was promoted to a higher position in Moscow and Gorbachev succeeded him as the First Secretary of the Stavropol kraikom. This granted Gorbachev significant power over the Stavropol region.^[95] He had been personally vetted for the position by senior Kremlin leaders and was informed of their decision by the Soviet leader, Leonid Brezhnev.^[96] Aged 39, he was considerably younger than his predecessors in the position.^[97] As head of the Stavropol region, he automatically became a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1971.^[98] According to biographer Zhores Medvedev, Gorbachev “had now joined the Party’s super-elite”.^[99] As regional leader, Gorbachev initially attributed economic and other failures to “the inefficiency and incompetence of cadres, flaws in management structure or gaps in legislation”, but eventually concluded that they were caused by an excessive centralization of decision making in Moscow.^[100] He began reading translations of restricted texts by Western Marxist authors like Antonio Gramsci, Louis Aragon, Roger Garaudy, and Giuseppe Boffa, and came under their influence.^[100]Part of the Great Stavropol Canal established under Gorbachev’s regional leadership

Gorbachev’s main task as regional leader was to raise agricultural production levels, something hampered by severe droughts in 1975 and 1976.^[101] He oversaw the expansion of irrigation systems through construction of the Great Stavropol Canal.^[102] For overseeing a record grain harvest in Ipatovsky district, in March 1972 he was awarded by Order of the October Revolution by Brezhnev in a Moscow ceremony.^[103] Gorbachev always sought to maintain Brezhnev’s trust;^[104] as regional leader, he repeatedly praised Brezhnev in his speeches, for instance referring to him as “the outstanding statesman of our time”.^[105] Gorbachev and his wife holidayed in Moscow, Leningrad, Uzbekistan, and resorts in the North Caucusus;^[106] he holidayed with the head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov, who was favorable towards him and who became an important patron.^[107] Gorbachev also developed good relationships with senior figures like the Soviet Prime Minister, Alexei Kosygin,^[108] and the longstanding senior party member Mikhail Suslov.^[109]

The government considered Gorbachev sufficiently reliable that he was sent as part of Soviet delegations to Western Europe; he made five trips there between 1970 and 1977.^[110] In September 1971 he was part of a delegation who traveled to Italy, where they met with representatives of the Italian Communist Party; Gorbachev loved Italian culture but was struck by the poverty and inequality he saw in the country.^[111] In 1972, he visited Belgium and the Netherlands, and in 1973 West Germany.^[112] Gorbachev and his wife visited France in 1976 and 1977, on the latter occasion touring the country with a guide from the French Communist Party.^[113] He was surprised by how openly West Europeans offered their opinions and criticized their political leaders, something absent from the Soviet Union, where most people did not feel safe speaking so openly.^[114] He later related that for him and his wife, these visits “shook our a priori belief in the superiority of socialist over bourgeois democracy”.^[115]

Gorbachev had remained close to his parents; after his father became terminally ill in 1974, Gorbachev traveled to be with him in Privolnoe shortly before his death.^[116] His daughter, Irina, married fellow student Anatoly Virgansky in April 1978.^[117] In 1977, the Supreme Soviet appointed Gorbachev to chair the Standing Commission on Youth Affairs due to his experience with mobilizing young people in Komsomol.^[118]

Secretary of the Central Committee: 1978–1984[edit source]

Gorbachev was skeptical of the deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan (pictured here in 1986)

In November 1978, Gorbachev was appointed a Secretary of the Central Committee.^[119] His appointment had been approved unanimously by the Central Committee’s members.^[120] To fill this position, Gorbachev and his wife moved to Moscow, where they were initially given an old dacha outside the city. They then moved to another, at Sosnovka, before finally being allocated a newly built brick house.^[121] He was also given an apartment inside the city, but gave that to his daughter and son-in-law; Irina had begun work at Moscow’s Second Medical Institute.^[122] As part of the Moscow political elite, Gorbachev and his wife now had access to better medical care and to specialized shops; they were also given cooks, servants, bodyguards, and secretaries, although many of these were spies for the KGB.^[123] In his new position, Gorbachev often worked twelve to sixteen hour days.^[123] He and his wife socialized little, but liked to visit Moscow’s theaters and museums.^[124]

In 1978, Gorbachev was appointed to the Central Committee’s Secretariat for Agriculture, replacing his old friend Kulakov, who had died of a heart attack.^[125] Gorbachev concentrated his attentions on agriculture: the harvests of 1979, 1980, and 1981 were all poor, due largely to weather conditions,^[126] and the country had to import increasing quantities of grain.^[127] He had growing concerns about the country’s agricultural management system, coming to regard it as overly centralized and requiring more bottom-up decision making;^[128] he raised these points at his first speech at a Central Committee Plenum, given in July 1978.^[129] He began to have concerns about other policies too. In December 1979, the Soviets sent the Red Army into neighbouring Afghanistan to support its Soviet-aligned government against Islamist insurgents; Gorbachev privately thought it a mistake.^[130] At times he openly supported the government position; in October 1980 he for instance endorsed Soviet calls for Poland’s Marxist–Leninist government to crack down on growing internal dissent in that country.^[130] That same month, he was promoted from a candidate member to a full member of the Politburo, the highest decision-making authority in the Communist Party.^[131] At the time, he was the Politburo’s youngest member.^[131]In April 1983, Gorbachev gave a speech marking the birthday of Lenin (pictured), founder of the Soviet Union.

After Brezhnev’s death in November 1982, Andropov succeeded him as General Secretary of the Communist Party, the de facto head of government in the Soviet Union. Gorbachev was enthusiastic about the appointment.^[132] However, although Gorbachev hoped that Andropov would introduce liberalizing reforms, the latter carried out only personnel shifts rather than structural change.^[133] Gorbachev became Andropov’s closest ally in the Politburo;^[134] with Andropov’s encouragement, Gorbachev sometimes chaired Politburo meetings.^[135] Andropov encouraged Gorbachev to expand into policy areas other than agriculture, preparing him for future higher office.^[136] In April 1983, Gorbachev delivered the annual speech marking the birthday of the Soviet founder Vladimir Lenin;^[137] this required him re-reading many of Lenin’s later writings, in which the latter had called for reform in the context of the New Economic Policy of the 1920s, and encouraged Gorbachev’s own conviction that reform was needed.^[138] In May 1983, Gorbachev was sent to Canada, where he met Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and spoke to the Canadian Parliament.^[139] There, he met and befriended the Soviet ambassador, Aleksandr Yakovlev, who later became a key political ally.^[140]

In February 1984, Andropov died; on his deathbed he indicated his desire that Gorbachev succeed him.^[141] Many in the Central Committee nevertheless thought the 53-year old Gorbachev was too young and inexperienced.^[142] Instead, Konstantin Chernenko—a longstanding Brezhnev ally—was appointed General Secretary, but he too was in very poor health.^[143] Chernenko was often too sick to chair Politburo meetings, with Gorbachev stepping in last minute.^[144] Gorbachev continued to cultivate allies both in the Kremlin and beyond,^[145] and also gave the main speech at a conference on Soviet ideology, where he angered party hardliners by implying that the country required reform.^[146]

In April 1984, he was appointed chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Soviet legislature, a largely honorific position.^[147] In June he traveled to Italy as a Soviet representative for the funeral of Italian Communist Party leader Enrico Berlinguer,^[148] and in September to Sofia, Bulgaria to attend celebrations of the fortieth anniversary of its liberation by the Red Army.^[149] In December, he visited Britain at the request of its Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher; she was aware that he was a potential reformer and wanted to meet him.^[150] At the end of the visit, Thatcher said: “I like Mr. Gorbachev. We can do business together”.^[151] He felt that the visit helped to erode Andrei Gromyko‘s dominance of Soviet foreign policy while at the same time sending a signal to the United States government that he wanted to improve Soviet-U.S. relations.^[152]

General Secretary of the CPSU[edit source]

Gorbachev in 1985 at a summit in Geneva, Switzerland

On 10 March 1985, Chernenko died.^[153] Gromyko proposed Gorbachev as the next General Secretary; as a longstanding party member, Gromyko’s recommendation carried great weight among the Central Committee.^[154] Gorbachev expected much opposition to his nomination as General Secretary, but ultimately the rest of the Politburo supported him.^[155] Shortly after Chernenko’s death, the Politburo unanimously elected Gorbachev as his successor; they wanted him over another elderly leader.^[156] He thus became the eighth leader of the Soviet Union.^[10] Few in the government imagined that he would be as radical a reformer as he proved.^[157] Although not a well-known figure to the Soviet public, there was widespread relief that the new leader was not elderly and ailing.^[158] Gorbachev’s first public appearance as leader was at Chernenko’s Red Square funeral, held on 14 March.^[159] Two months after being elected, he left Moscow for the first time, traveling to Leningrad, where he spoke to assembled crowds.^[160] In June he traveled to Ukraine, in July to Belarus, and in September to Tyumen Oblast, urging party members in these areas to take more responsibility for fixing local problems.^[161]

Early years: 1985–1986[edit source]

Gorbachev’s leadership style differed from that of his predecessors. He would stop to talk to civilians on the street, forbade the display of his portrait at the 1985 Red Square holiday celebrations, and encouraged frank and open discussions at Politburo meetings.^[162] To the West, Gorbachev was seen as a more moderate and less threatening Soviet leader; some Western commentators however believed this an act to lull Western governments into a false sense of security.^[163] His wife was his closest adviser, and took on the unofficial role of a “first lady” by appearing with him on foreign trips; her public visibility was a breach of standard practice and generated resentment.^[164] His other close aides were Georgy Shakhnazarov and Anatoly Chernyaev.^[165]

Gorbachev was aware that the Politburo could remove him from office, and that he could not pursue more radical reform without a majority of supporters in the Politburo.^[166] He sought to remove several older members from the Politburo, encouraging Grigory Romanov, Nikolai Tikhonov, and Viktor Grishin into retirement.^[167] He promoted Gromyko to head of state, a largely ceremonial role with little influence, and moved his own ally, Eduard Shevardnadze, to Gromyko’s former post in charge of foreign policy.^[168] Other allies whom he saw promoted were Yakovlev, Anatoly Lukyanov, and Vadim Medvedev.^[169] Another of those promoted by Gorbachev was Boris Yeltsin, who was made a Secretary of the Central Committee in July 1985.^[170] Most of these appointees were from a new generation of well-educated officials who had been frustrated during the Brezhnev era.^[171] In his first year, 14 of the 23 heads of department in the secretariat were replaced.^[172] Doing so, Gorbachev secured dominance in the Politburo within a year, faster than either Stalin, Khrushchev, or Brezhnev had achieved.^[173]

Domestic policies[edit source]

Gorbachev at the Brandenburg Gate in April 1986 during a visit to East Germany

Gorbachev recurrently employed the term perestroika, first used publicly in March 1984.^[174] He saw perestroika as encompassing a complex series of reforms to restructure society and the economy.^[175] He was concerned by the country’s low productivity, poor work ethic, and inferior quality goods;^[176] like several economists, he feared this would lead to the country becoming a second-rate power.^[177] The first stage of Gorbachev’s perestroika was uskoreniye (“acceleration”), a term he used regularly in the first two years of his leadership.^[178] The Soviet Union was behind the United States in many areas of production,^[179] but Gorbachev claimed that it would accelerate industrial output to match that of the U.S. by 2000.^[180] The Five Year Plan of 1985–90 was targeted to expand machine building by 50 to 100%.^[181] To boost agricultural productivity, he merged five ministries and a state committee into a single entity, Agroprom, although by late 1986 acknowledged this merger as a failure.^[182]

The purpose of reform was to prop up the centrally planned economy—not to transition to market socialism. Speaking in late summer 1985 to the secretaries for economic affairs of the central committees of the East European communist parties, Gorbachev said: “Many of you see the solution to your problems in resorting to market mechanisms in place of direct planning. Some of you look at the market as a lifesaver for your economies. But, comrades, you should not think about lifesavers but about the ship, and the ship is socialism.”^[183] Gorbachev’s perestroika also entailed attempts to move away from technocratic management of the economy by increasingly involving the labor force in industrial production.^[184] He was of the view that once freed from the strong control of central planners, state-owned enterprises would act as market agents.^[185] Gorbachev and other Soviet leaders did not anticipate opposition to the perestroika reforms; according to their interpretation of Marxism, they believed that in a socialist society like the Soviet Union there would not be “antagonistic contradictions”.^[186] However, there would come to be a public perception in the country that many bureaucrats were paying lip service to the reforms while trying to undermine them.^[187] He also initiated the concept of gospriyomka (state acceptance of production) during his time as leader,^[188] which represented quality control.^[189] In April 1986, he introduced an agrarian reform which linked salaries to output and allowed collective farms to sell 30% of their produce directly to shops or co-operatives rather than giving it all to the state for distribution.^[190] In a September 1986 speech, he embraced the idea of reintroducing market economics to the country alongside limited private enterprise, citing Lenin’s New Economic Policy as a precedent; he nevertheless stressed that he did not regard this as a return to capitalism.^[190]

In the Soviet Union, alcohol consumption had risen steadily between 1950 and 1985.^[191] By the 1980s, drunkenness was a major social problem and Andropov had planned a major campaign to limit alcohol consumption. Encouraged by his wife, Gorbachev—who believed the campaign would improve health and work efficiency—oversaw its implementation.^[192] Alcohol production was reduced by around 40%, the legal drinking age rose from 18 to 21, alcohol prices were increased, stores were banned from selling it before 2 P.M., and tougher penalties were introduced for workplace or public drunkenness and home production of alcohol.^[193] The All-Union Voluntary Society for the Struggle for Temperance was formed to promote sobriety; it had over 14 million members within three years.^[194] As a result, crime rates fell and life expectancy grew slightly between 1986 and 1987.^[195] However, moonshine production rose considerably,^[196] and the reform had significant costs to the Soviet economy, resulting in losses of up to US$100 billion between 1985 and 1990.^[197] Gorbachev later considered the campaign to have been an error,^[198] and it was terminated in October 1988.^[199] After it ended, it took several years for production to return to previous levels, after which alcohol consumption soared in Russia between 1990 and 1993.^[200]Gorbachev’s visit to Lithuania in 1990 in an attempt to stop Lithuania’s declaration of independence which passed two months later

In the second year of his leadership, Gorbachev began speaking of glasnost, or “openness”.^[201] According to Doder and Branston, this meant “greater openness and candour in government affairs and for an interplay of different and sometimes conflicting views in political debates, in the press, and in Soviet culture.”^[202] Encouraging reformers into prominent media positions, he brought in Sergei Zalygin as head of Novy Mir magazine and Yegor Yakovlev as editor-in-chief of Moscow News.^[203] He made the historian Yuri Afanasiev dean of the State Historical Archive Faculty, from where Afansiev could press for the opening of secret archives and the reassessment of Soviet history.^[171] Prominent dissidents like Andrei Sakharov were freed from internal exile or prison.^[204] Gorbachev saw glasnost as a necessary measure to ensure perestroika by alerting the Soviet populace to the nature of the country’s problems in the hope that they would support his efforts to fix them.^[205] Particularly popular among the Soviet intelligentsia, who became key Gorbachev supporters,^[206] glasnost boosted his domestic popularity but alarmed many Communist Party hardliners.^[207] For many Soviet citizens, this newfound level of freedom of speech and press—and its accompanying revelations about the country’s past—was uncomfortable.^[208]

Some in the party thought Gorbachev was not going far enough in his reforms; a prominent liberal critic was Yeltsin. He had risen rapidly since 1985, attaining the role of Moscow city boss.^[209] Like many members of the government, Gorbachev was skeptical of Yeltsin, believing that he engaged in too much self-promotion.^[210] Yeltsin was also critical of Gorbachev, regarding him as patronizing.^[209] In early 1986, Yeltsin began sniping at Gorbachev in Politburo meetings.^[210] At the Twenty-Seventh Party Congress in February, Yeltsin called for more far-reaching reforms than Gorbachev was initiating and criticized the party leadership, although did not cite Gorbachev by name, claiming that a new cult of personality was forming. Gorbachev then opened the floor to responses, after which attendees publicly criticized Yeltsin for several hours.^[211] After this, Gorbachev also criticized Yeltsin, claiming that he only cared for himself and was “politically illiterate”.^[212] Yeltsin then resigned as both Moscow boss and as a member of the Politburo.^[212] From this point, tensions between the two men developed into a mutual hatred.^[213]

In April 1986 the Chernobyl disaster occurred.^[214] In the immediate aftermath, officials fed Gorbachev incorrect information to downplay the incident. As the scale of the disaster became apparent, 336,000 people were evacuated from the area around Chernobyl.^[215] Taubman noted that the disaster marked “a turning point for Gorbachev and the Soviet regime”.^[216] Several days after it occurred, he gave a televised report to the nation.^[217] He cited the disaster as evidence for what he regarded as widespread problems in Soviet society, such as shoddy workmanship and workplace inertia.^[218] Gorbachev later described the incident as one which made him appreciate the scale of incompetence and cover-ups in the Soviet Union.^[216] From April to the end of the year, Gorbachev became increasingly open in his criticism of the Soviet system, including food production, state bureaucracy, the military draft, and the large size of the prison population.^[219]

Foreign policy[edit source]

U.S. President Reagan and Gorbachev meeting in Iceland in 1986

In a May 1985 speech given to the Soviet Foreign Ministry—the first time a Soviet leader had directly addressed his country’s diplomats—Gorbachev spoke of a “radical restructuring” of foreign policy.^[220] A major issue facing his leadership was Soviet involvement in the Afghan Civil War, which had then been going on for over five years.^[221] Over the course of the war, the Soviet Army took heavy casualties and there was much opposition to Soviet involvement among both the public and military.^[221] On becoming leader, Gorbachev saw withdrawal from the war as a key priority.^[222] In October 1985, he met with Afghan Marxist leader Babrak Karmal, urging him to acknowledge the lack of widespread public support for his government and pursue a power sharing agreement with the opposition.^[222] That month, the Politburo approved Gorbachev’s decision to withdraw combat troops from Afghanistan, although the last troops did not leave until February 1989.^[223]

Gorbachev had inherited a renewed period of high tension in the Cold War.^[224] He believed strongly in the need to sharply improve relations with the United States; he was appalled at the prospect of nuclear war, was aware that the Soviet Union was unlikely to win the arms race, and thought that the continued focus on high military spending was detrimental to his desire for domestic reform.^[224] Although privately also appalled at the prospect of nuclear war, U.S. President Ronald Reagan publicly appeared to not want a de-escalation of tensions, having scrapped détente and arms controls, initiating a military build-up, and calling the Soviet Union the “evil empire“.^[225]

Both Gorbachev and Reagan wanted a summit to discuss the Cold War, but each faced some opposition to such a move within their respective governments.^[226] They agreed to hold a summit in Geneva, Switzerland in November 1985.^[227] In the buildup to this, Gorbachev sought to improve relations with the U.S.’s NATO allies, visiting France in October 1985 to meet with President François Mitterrand.^[228] At the Geneva summit, discussions between Gorbachev and Reagan were sometimes heated, and Gorbachev was initially frustrated that his U.S. counterpart “does not seem to hear what I am trying to say”.^[229] As well as discussing the Cold War proxy conflicts in Afghanistan and Nicaragua and human rights issues, the pair discussed the U.S.’s Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), to which Gorbachev was strongly opposed.^[230] The duo’s wives also met and spent time together at the summit.^[231] The summit ended with a joint commitment to avoiding nuclear war and to meet for two further summits: in Washington D.C. in 1986 and in Moscow in 1987.^[230] Following the conference, Gorbachev traveled to Prague to inform other Warsaw Pact leaders of developments.^[232]Gorbachev with Erich Honecker of East Germany. Privately, Gorbachev told Chernyaev that Honecker was a “scumbag”.^[233]

In January 1986, Gorbachev publicly proposed a three-stage programme for abolishing the world’s nuclear weapons by the end of the 20th century.^[234] An agreement was then reached to meet with Reagan in Reykjavík, Iceland in October 1986. Gorbachev wanted to secure guarantees that SDI would not be implemented, and in return was willing to offer concessions, including a 50% reduction in Soviet long range nuclear missiles.^[235] Both leaders agreed with the shared goal of abolishing nuclear weapons, but Reagan refused to terminate the SDI program and no deal was reached.^[236] After the summit, many of Reagan’s allies criticized him for going along with the idea of abolishing nuclear weapons.^[237] Gorbachev meanwhile told the Politburo that Reagan was “extraordinarily primitive, troglodyte, and intellectually feeble”.^[237]

In his relations with the developing world, Gorbachev found many of the leaders professing revolutionary socialist credentials or a pro-Soviet attitude—such as Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Syria’s Hafez al-Assad—frustrating, and his best personal relationship was instead with India’s Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi.^[221] He thought that the “socialist camp” of Marxist–Leninist governed states—the Eastern Bloc countries, North Korea, Vietnam, and Cuba—were a drain on the Soviet economy, receiving a far greater amount of goods from the Soviet Union than they collectively gave in return.^[238] He sought improved relations with China, a country whose Marxist government had severed ties with the Soviets in the Sino-Soviet Split and had since undergone its own structural reform. In June 1985 he signed a US$14 billion five-year trade agreement with the country and in July 1986, he proposed troop reductions along the Soviet-Chinese border, hailing China as “a great socialist country”.^[239] He made clear his desire for Soviet membership of the Asian Development Bank and for greater ties to Pacific countries, especially China and Japan.^[240]

Further reform: 1987–1989[edit source]

Domestic reforms[edit source]

Gorbachev speaking in 1987

In January 1987, Gorbachev attended a Central Committee plenum where he talked about perestroika and democratization while criticizing widespread corruption.^[241] He considered putting a proposal to allow multi-party elections into his speech, but decided against doing so.^[242] After the plenum, he focused his attentions on economic reform, holding discussions with government officials and economists.^[243] Many economists proposed reducing ministerial controls on the economy and allowing state-owned enterprises to set their own targets; Ryzhkov and other government figures were skeptical.^[244] In June, Gorbachev finished his report on economic reform. It reflected a compromise: ministers would retain the ability to set output targets but these would not be considered binding.^[245] That month, a plenum accepted his recommendations and the Supreme Soviet passed a “law on enterprises” implementing the changes.^[246] Economic problems remained: by the late 1980s there were still widespread shortages of basic goods, rising inflation, and declining living standards.^[247] These stoked a number of miners’ strikes in 1989.^[248]

By 1987, the ethos of glasnost had spread through Soviet society: journalists were writing increasingly openly,^[249] many economic problems were being publicly revealed,^[250] and studies appeared that critically reassessed Soviet history.^[251] Gorbachev was broadly supportive, describing glasnost as “the crucial, irreplaceable weapon of perestroika”.^[249] He nevertheless insisted that people should use the newfound freedom responsibly, stating that journalists and writers should avoid “sensationalism” and be “completely objective” in their reporting.^[252] Nearly two hundred previously restricted Soviet films were publicly released, and a range of Western films were also made available.^[253] In 1989, Soviet responsibility for the 1940 Katyn massacre was finally revealed.^[254]

In September 1987, the government stopped jamming the signal of the British Broadcasting Corporation and Voice of America.^[255] The reforms also included greater tolerance of religion;^[256] an Easter service was broadcast on Soviet television for the first time and the millennium celebrations of the Russian Orthodox Church were given media attention.^[257] Independent organizations appeared, most supportive of Gorbachev, although the largest, Pamyat, was ultra-nationalist and anti-Semitic in nature.^[258] Gorbachev also announced that Soviet Jews wishing to migrate to Israel would be allowed to do so, something previously prohibited.^[259]

In August 1987, Gorbachev holidayed in Nizhniaia Oreanda, Ukraine, there writing Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and Our World at the suggestion of U.S. publishers.^[260] For the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution of 1917—which brought Lenin and the Communist Party to power—Gorbachev produced a speech on “October and Perestroika: The Revolution Continues”. Delivered to a ceremonial joint session of the Central Committee and the Supreme Soviet in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, it praised Lenin but criticized Stalin for overseeing mass human rights abuses.^[261] Party hardliners thought the speech went too far; liberalisers thought it did not go far enough.^[262]

In March 1988, the magazine Sovetskaya Rossiya published an open letter by the teacher Nina Andreyeva. It criticized elements of Gorbachev’s reforms, attacking what she regarded as the denigration of the Stalinist era and arguing that a reformer clique—whom she implied were mostly Jews and ethnic minorities—were to blame.^[263] Over 900 Soviet newspapers reprinted it and anti-reformists rallied around it; many reformers panicked, fearing a backlash against perestroika.^[264] On returning from Yugoslavia, Gorbachev called a Politburo meeting to discuss the letter, at which he confronted those hardliners supporting its sentiment. Ultimately, the Politburo arrived at a unanimous decision to express disapproval of Andreyeva’s letter and publish a rebuttal in Pravda.^[265] Yakovlev and Gorbachev’s rebuttal claimed that those who “look everywhere for internal enemies” were “not patriots” and presented Stalin’s “guilt for massive repressions and lawlessness” as “enormous and unforgiveable”.^[266]

Forming the Congress of People’s Deputies[edit source]

Although the next party congress was not scheduled until 1991, Gorbachev convened the 19th Party Conference in its place in June 1988. He hoped that by allowing a broader range of people to attend than at previous conferences, he would gain additional support for his reforms.^[267] With sympathetic officials and academics, Gorbachev drafted plans for reforms that would shift power away from the Politburo and towards the soviets. While the soviets had become largely powerless bodies that rubber-stamped Politburo policies, he wanted them to become year-round legislatures. He proposed the formation of a new institution, the Congress of People’s Deputies, whose members were to be elected in a largely free vote.^[268] This congress would in turn elect a USSR Supreme Soviet, which would do most of the legislating.^[269]Gorbachev and his wife Raisa on a trip to Poland in 1988

These proposals reflected Gorbachev’s desire for more democracy; however, in his view there was a major impediment in that the Soviet people had developed a “slave psychology” after centuries of Tsarist autocracy and Marxist–Leninist authoritarianism.^[270] Held at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, the conference brought together 5,000 delegates and featured arguments between hardliners and liberalisers. The proceedings were televised, and for the first time since the 1920s, voting was not unanimous.^[271] In the months following the conference, Gorbachev focused on redesigning and streamlining the party apparatus; the Central Committee staff—which then numbered around 3,000—was halved, while various Central Committee departments were merged to cut down the overall number from twenty to nine.^[272]

In March and April 1989, elections to the new Congress were held.^[273] Of the 2,250 legislators to be elected, one hundred — termed the “Red Hundred” by the press — were directly chosen by the Communist Party, with Gorbachev ensuring many were reformists.^[274] Although over 85% of elected deputies were party members,^[275] many of those elected—including Sakharov and Yeltsin—were liberalisers.^[276] Gorbachev was happy with the result, describing it as “an enormous political victory under extraordinarily difficult circumstances”.^[277] The new Congress convened in May 1989.^[278] Gorbachev was then elected its chair – the new de facto head of state – with 2,123 votes in favor to 87 against.^[279] Its sessions were televised live,^[279] and its members elected the new Supreme Soviet.^[280] At the Congress, Sakharov spoke repeatedly, exasperating Gorbachev with his calls for greater liberalization and the introduction of private property.^[281] When Sakharov died shortly after, Yeltsin became the figurehead of the liberal opposition.^[282]

Relations with China and Western states[edit source]

Gorbachev in one-to-one discussions with Reagan at a summit in Geneva, Switzerland, 19 November 1985

Gorbachev tried to improve relations with the UK, France, and West Germany;^[283] like previous Soviet leaders, he was interested in pulling Western Europe away from U.S. influence.^[284] Calling for greater pan-European co-operation, he publicly spoke of a “Common European Home” and of a Europe “from the Atlantic to the Urals”.^[285] In March 1987, Thatcher visited Gorbachev in Moscow; despite their ideological differences, they liked one another.^[286] In April 1989 he visited London, lunching with Elizabeth II.^[287] In May 1987, Gorbachev again visited France, and in November 1988 Mitterrand visited him in Moscow.^[288] The West German Chancellor, Helmut Kohl had initially offended Gorbachev by comparing him to Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels, although later informally apologized and in October 1988 visited Moscow.^[289] In June 1989 Gorbachev then visited Kohl in West Germany.^[290] In November 1989 he also visited Italy, meeting with Pope John Paul II.^[291] Gorbachev’s relationships with these West European leaders were typically far warmer than those he had with their Eastern Bloc counterparts.^[292]

Gorbachev continued to pursue good relations with China to heal the Sino-Soviet Split. In May 1989 he visited Beijing and there met its leader Deng Xiaoping; Deng shared Gorbachev’s belief in economic reform but rejected calls for democratization.^[293] Pro-democracy students had amassed in Tiananmen Square during Gorbachev’s visit but after he left were massacred by troops. Gorbachev did not condemn the massacre publicly but it reinforced his commitment not to use violent force in dealing with pro-democracy protests in the Eastern Bloc.^[294]

Following the failures of earlier talks with the U.S., in February 1987, Gorbachev held a conference in Moscow, titled “For a World without Nuclear Weapons, for Mankind’s Survival”, which was attended by various international celebrities and politicians.^[295] By publicly pushing for nuclear disarmament, Gorbachev sought to give the Soviet Union the moral high ground and weaken the West’s self-perception of moral superiority.^[296] Aware that Reagan would not budge on SDI, Gorbachev focused on reducing “Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces”, to which Reagan was receptive.^[297] In April 1987, Gorbachev discussed the issue with U.S. Secretary of State George P. Shultz in Moscow; he agreed to eliminate the Soviets’ SS-23 rockets and allow U.S. inspectors to visit Soviet military facilities to ensure compliance.^[298] There was hostility to such compromises from the Soviet military, but following the May 1987 Mathias Rust incident—in which a West German teenager was able to fly undetected from Finland and land in Red Square—Gorbachev fired many senior military figures for incompetence.^[299] In December 1987, Gorbachev visited Washington D.C., where he and Reagan signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty.^[300] Taubman called it “one of the highest points of Gorbachev’s career”.^[301]Reagan and Gorbachev with wives (Nancy and Raisa, respectively) attending a dinner at the Soviet Embassy in Washington, 9 December 1987

A second U.S.-Soviet summit occurred in Moscow in May–June 1988, which Gorbachev expected to be largely symbolic.^[302] Again, he and Reagan criticized each other’s countries—Reagan raising Soviet restrictions on religious freedom; Gorbachev highlighting poverty and racial discrimination in the U.S.—but Gorbachev related that they spoke “on friendly terms”.^[303] They reached an agreement on notifying each other before conducting the ballistic missile test and made agreements on transport, fishing, and radio navigation.^[304] At the summit, Reagan told reporters that he no longer considered the Soviet Union an “evil empire” and the duo revealed that they considered themselves friends.^[305]

The third summit was held in New York City in December.^[306] Arriving there, Gorbachev gave a speech to the United Nations Assembly where he announced a unilateral reduction in the Soviet armed forces by 500,000; he also announced that 50,000 troops would be withdrawn from Central and Eastern Europe.^[307] He then met with Reagan and President-elect George H. W. Bush; he rushed home, skipping a planned visit to Cuba, to deal with the Armenian earthquake.^[308] On becoming U.S. president, Bush appeared interested in continuing talks with Gorbachev but wanted to appear tougher on the Soviets than Reagan had to allay criticism from the right-wing of his Republican Party.^[309] In December 1989, Gorbachev and Bush met at the Malta Summit.^[310] Bush offered to assist the Soviet economy by suspending the Jackson-Vanik Amendment and repealing the Stevenson and Baird Amendments.^[311] There, the duo agreed to a joint press conference, the first time that a U.S. and Soviet leader had done so.^[312] Gorbachev also urged Bush to normalize relations with Cuba and meet its president, Fidel Castro, although Bush refused to do so.^[313]

Nationality question and the Eastern Bloc[edit source]

Gorbachev meeting the Romanian Marxist–Leninist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu in 1985. According to Taubman, Ceaușescu was Gorbachev’s “favorite punching bag”.^[221]

On taking power, Gorbachev found some unrest among different national groups within the Soviet Union. In December 1986, riots broke out in several Kazakh cities after a Russian was appointed head of the region.^[314] In 1987, Crimean Tatars protested in Moscow to demand resettlement in Crimea, the area from which they had been deported on Stalin’s orders in 1944. Gorbachev ordered a commission, headed by Gromyko, to examine their situation. Gromyko’s report opposed calls for assisting Tatar resettlement in Crimea.^[315] By 1988, the Soviet “nationality question” was increasingly pressing.^[316] In February, the administration of the Nagorno-Karabakh region officially requested that it be transferred from the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic to the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic; the majority of the region’s population were ethnically Armenian and wanted unification with other majority Armenian areas.^[317] As rival Armenian and Azerbaijani demonstrations took place in Nagorno-Karabakh, Gorbachev called an emergency meeting of the Politburo.^[318] Ultimately, Gorbachev promised greater autonomy for Nagorno-Karabakh but refused the transfer, fearing that it would set off similar ethnic tensions and demands throughout the Soviet Union.^[319]

That month, in the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait, Azerbaijani gangs began killing members of the Armenian minority. Local troops tried to quell the unrest but were attacked by mobs.^[320] The Politburo ordered additional troops into the city, but in contrast to those like Ligachev who wanted a massive display of force, Gorbachev urged restraint. He believed that the situation could be resolved through a political solution, urging talks between the Armenian and Azerbaijani Communist Parties.^[321] Further anti-Armenian violence broke out in Baku in 1990.^[322] Problems also emerged in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic; in April 1989, Georgian nationalists demanding independence clashed with troops in Tbilisi, resulting in various deaths.^[323] Independence sentiment was also rising in the Baltic states; the Supreme Soviets of the Estonian, Lithuanian, and Latvian Soviet Socialist Republics declared their economic “autonomy” from Russia and introduced measures to restrict Russian immigration.^[324] In August 1989, protesters formed the Baltic Way, a human chain across the three republics to symbolize their wish for independence.^[325] That month, the Lithuanian Supreme Soviet ruled the 1940 Soviet annexation of their country to be illegal;^[326] in January 1990, Gorbachev visited the republic to encourage it to remain part of the Soviet Union.^[327]Berlin Wall, “Thank you, Gorbi!”, October 1990

Gorbachev rejected the “Brezhnev Doctrine“, the idea that the Soviet Union had the right to intervene militarily in other Marxist–Leninist countries if their governments were threatened.^[328] In December 1987 he announced the withdrawal of 500,000 Soviet troops from Central and Eastern Europe.^[329] While pursuing domestic reforms, he did not publicly support reformers elsewhere in the Eastern Bloc.^[330] Hoping instead to lead by example, he later related that he did not want to interfere in their internal affairs, but he may have feared that pushing reform in Central and Eastern Europe would have angered his own hardliners too much.^[331] Some Eastern Bloc leaders, like Hungary’s János Kádár and Poland’s Wojciech Jaruzelski, were sympathetic to reform; others, like Romania’s Nicolae Ceaușescu, were hostile to it.^[332] In May 1987 Gorbachev visited Romania, where he was appalled by the state of the country, later telling the Politburo that there “human dignity has absolutely no value”.^[333] He and Ceaușescu disliked each other, and argued over Gorbachev’s reforms.^[334]

In August 1989, the Pan-European Picnic, which Otto von Habsburg planned as a test of Gorbachev, resulted in a large mass exodus of East German refugees. According to the Sinatra doctrine, the Soviet Union did not interfere and the media-informed Eastern European population realized that on the one hand their rulers were increasingly losing power and on the other hand the Iron Curtain was falling apart as a bracket for the Eastern Bloc.^[335]^[336]^[337]

Unraveling of the USSR[edit source]

In the Revolutions of 1989, most of the Marxist–Leninist states of Central and Eastern Europe held multi-party elections resulting in regime change.^[338] In most countries, like Poland and Hungary, this was achieved peacefully, but in Romania the revolution turned violent and led to Ceaușescu’s overthrow and execution.^[338] Gorbachev was too preoccupied with domestic problems to pay much attention to these events.^[339] He believed that democratic elections would not lead Eastern European countries into abandoning their commitment to socialism.^[340] In 1989, he visited East Germany for the fortieth anniversary of its founding;^[341] shortly after, in November, the East German government allowed its citizens to cross the Berlin Wall, a decision Gorbachev praised. Over the following years, much of the wall was demolished.^[342] Neither Gorbachev nor Thatcher or Mitterrand wanted a swift reunification of Germany, aware that it would likely become the dominant European power. Gorbachev wanted a gradual process of German integration but Kohl began calling for rapid reunification.^[343] With Germany reunified, many observers declared the Cold War over.^[344]

Presidency of the Soviet Union: 1990–1991[edit source]

Gorbachev addressing the United Nations General Assembly in December 1988. During the speech he dramatically announced deep unilateral cuts in Soviet military forces in Eastern Europe.

In February 1990, both liberalisers and Marxist–Leninist hardliners intensified their attacks on Gorbachev.^[345] A liberalizer march took part in Moscow criticizing Communist Party rule,^[346] while at a Central Committee meeting, the hardliner Vladimir Brovikov accused Gorbachev of reducing the country to “anarchy” and “ruin” and of pursuing Western approval at the expense of the Soviet Union and the Marxist–Leninist cause.^[347] Gorbachev was aware that the Central Committee could still oust him as General Secretary, and so decided to reformulate the role of head of government to a presidency from which he could not be removed.^[348] He decided that the presidential election should be held by the Congress of People’s Deputies. He chose this over a public vote because he thought the latter would escalate tensions and feared that he might lose it;^[349] a spring 1990 poll nevertheless still showed him as the most popular politician in the country.^[350]

In March, the Congress of People’s Deputies held the first (and only) Soviet presidential election, in which Gorbachev was the only candidate. He secured 1,329 in favor to 495 against; 313 votes were invalid or absent. He therefore became the first executive President of the Soviet Union.^[351] A new 18-member Presidential Council de facto replaced the Politburo.^[352] At the same Congress meeting, he presented the idea of repealing Article 6 of the Soviet constitution, which had ratified the Communist Party as the “ruling party” of the Soviet Union. The Congress passed the reform, undermining the de jure nature of the one-party state.^[353]

In the 1990 elections for the Russian Supreme Soviet, the Communist Party faced challengers from an alliance of liberalisers known as “Democratic Russia“; the latter did particularly well in urban centers.^[354] Yeltsin was elected the parliament’s chair, something Gorbachev was unhappy about.^[355] That year, opinion polls showed Yeltsin overtaking Gorbachev as the most popular politician in the Soviet Union.^[350] Gorbachev struggled to understand Yeltsin’s growing popularity, commenting: “he drinks like a fish… he’s inarticulate, he comes up with the devil knows what, he’s like a worn-out record.”^[356] The Russian Supreme Soviet was now out of Gorbachev’s control;^[356] in June 1990, it declared that in the Russian Republic, its laws took precedence over those of the Soviet central government.^[357] Amid a growth in Russian nationalist sentiment, Gorbachev had reluctantly allowed the formation of a Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic as a branch of the larger Soviet Communist Party. Gorbachev attended its first congress in June, but soon found it dominated by hardliners who opposed his reformist stance.^[358]

German reunification and the Gulf War[edit source]

In January 1990, Gorbachev privately agreed to permit East German reunification with West Germany, but rejected the idea that a unified Germany could retain West Germany’s NATO membership.^[359] His compromise that Germany might retain both NATO and Warsaw Pact memberships did not attract support.^[360] In May 1990, he visited the U.S. for talks with President Bush;^[361] there, he agreed that an independent Germany would have the right to choose its international alliances.^[360] He later revealed that he had agreed to do so because U.S. Secretary of State James Baker promised that NATO troops would not be posted to eastern Germany and that the military alliance would not expand into Eastern Europe.^[362] Privately, Bush ignored Baker’s assurances and later pushed for NATO expansion.^[363] More recently, Gorbachev and others have rejected claims that Gorbachev was given any assurances that NATO would not expand eastward.^[364]^[365] On the trip, the U.S. informed Gorbachev of its evidence that the Soviet military—possibly unbeknownst to Gorbachev—had been pursuing a biological weapons program in contravention of the 1987 Biological Weapons Convention.^[366] In July, Kohl visited Moscow and Gorbachev informed him that the Soviets would not oppose a reunified Germany being part of NATO.^[367] Domestically, Gorbachev’s critics accused him of betraying the national interest;^[368] more broadly, they were angry that Gorbachev had allowed the Eastern Bloc to move away from direct Soviet influence.^[369]In September 1990, Gorbachev met repeatedly with U.S. President George Bush at the Helsinki Summit

In August 1990, Saddam Hussein‘s Iraqi government invaded Kuwait; Gorbachev endorsed President Bush’s condemnation of it.^[370] This brought criticism from many in the Soviet state apparatus, who saw Hussein as a key ally in the Persian Gulf and feared for the safety of the 9,000 Soviet citizens in Iraq, although Gorbachev argued that the Iraqis were the clear aggressors in the situation.^[371] In November the Soviets endorsed a UN Resolution permitting force to be used in expelling the Iraqi Army from Kuwait.^[372] Gorbachev later called it a “watershed” in world politics, “the first time the superpowers acted together in a regional crisis.”^[373] However, when the U.S. announced plans for a ground invasion, Gorbachev opposed it, urging instead a peaceful solution.^[374] In October 1990, Gorbachev was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize; he was flattered but acknowledged “mixed feelings” about the accolade.^[375] Polls indicated that 90% of Soviet citizens disapproved of the award, which was widely seen as a Western and anti-Soviet accolade.^[376]

With the Soviet budget deficit climbing and no domestic money markets to provide the state with loans, Gorbachev looked elsewhere.^[377] Throughout 1991, Gorbachev requested sizable loans from Western countries and Japan, hoping to keep the Soviet economy afloat and ensure the success of perestroika.^[378] Although the Soviet Union had been excluded from the G7, Gorbachev secured an invitation to its London summit in July 1991.^[379] There, he continued to call for financial assistance; Mitterrand and Kohl backed him,^[380] while Thatcher—no longer in office— also urged Western leaders to agree.^[381] Most G7 members were reluctant, instead offering technical assistance and proposing the Soviets receive “special associate” status—rather than full membership—of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.^[382] Gorbachev was frustrated that the U.S. would spend $100 billion on the Gulf War but would not offer his country loans.^[383] Other countries were more forthcoming; West Germany had given the Soviets DM60 billion by mid-1991.^[384] Later that month, Bush visited Moscow, where he and Gorbachev signed the START I treaty, a bilateral agreement on the reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms, after ten years of negotiation.^[385]

August putsch and government crises[edit source]

Further information: 1991 Soviet coup d’état attempt

At the 28th Communist Party Congress in July 1990, hardliners criticized the reformists but Gorbachev was re-elected party leader with the support of three-quarters of delegates and his choice of Deputy General Secretary, Vladimir Ivashko, was also elected.^[386] Seeking compromise with the liberalizers, Gorbachev assembled a team of both his own and Yeltsin’s advisers to come up with an economic reform package: the result was the “500 Days” programme. This called for further decentralization and some privatization.^[387] Gorbachev described the plan as “modern socialism” rather than a return to capitalism but had many doubts about it.^[388] In September, Yeltsin presented the plan to the Russian Supreme Soviet, which backed it.^[389] Many in the Communist Party and state apparatus warned against it, arguing that it would create marketplace chaos, rampant inflation, and unprecedented levels of unemployment.^[390] The 500 Days plan was abandoned.^[391] At this, Yeltsin rallied against Gorbachev in an October speech, claiming that Russia would no longer accept a subordinate position to the Soviet government.^[392]

By mid-November 1990, much of the press was calling for Gorbachev to resign and predicting civil war.^[393] Hardliners were urging Gorbachev to disband the presidential council and arrest vocal liberals in the media.^[394] In November, he addressed the Supreme Soviet where he announced an eight-point program, which included governmental reforms, among them the abolition of the presidential council.^[395] By this point, Gorbachev was isolated from many of his former close allies and aides.^[396] Yakovlev had moved out of his inner circle and Shevardnadze had resigned.^[397] His support among the intelligentsia was declining,^[398] and by the end of 1990 his approval ratings had plummeted.^[399]

Amid growing dissent in the Baltics, especially Lithuania, in January 1991 Gorbachev demanded that the Lithuanian Supreme Council rescind its pro-independence reforms.^[400] Soviet troops occupied several Vilnius buildings and clashed with protesters, 15 of whom were killed.^[401] Gorbachev was widely blamed by liberalizers, with Yeltsin calling for his resignation.^[402] Gorbachev denied sanctioning the military operation, although some in the military claimed that he had; the truth of the matter was never clearly established.^[403] Fearing more civil disturbances, that month Gorbachev banned demonstrations and ordered troops to patrol Soviet cities alongside the police. This further alienated the liberalizers but was not enough to win over hardliners.^[404] Wanting to preserve the Union, in April Gorbachev and the leaders of nine Soviet republics jointly pledged to prepare a treaty that would renew the federation under a new constitution; but six of the republics—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Georgia, and Armenia—did not endorse this.^[405] A referendum on the issue brought 76.4% in favor of continued federation but the six rebellious republics had not taken part.^[406] Negotiations took place to decide what form the new constitution would take, again bringing together Gorbachev and Yeltsin in discussion; it was planned to be formally signed in August.^[407]Tens of thousands of anti-coup protesters surrounding the White House

In August, Gorbachev and his family holidayed at their dacha, “Zarya” (‘Dawn’) in Foros, Crimea.^[408] Two weeks into his holiday, a group of senior Communist Party figures—the “Gang of Eight“—calling themselves the State Committee on the State of Emergency launched a coup d’état to seize control of the Soviet Union.^[409] The phone lines to his dacha were cut and a group arrived, including Boldin, Shenin, Baklanov, and General Varennikov, informing him of the take-over.^[410] The coup leaders demanded that Gorbachev formally declare a state of emergency in the country, but he refused.^[411] Gorbachev and his family were kept under house arrest in their dacha.^[412] The coup plotters publicly announced that Gorbachev was ill and thus Vice President Yanayev would take charge of the country.^[413]

Yeltsin, now President of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, went inside the Moscow White House. Tens of thousands of protesters amassed outside it to prevent troops storming the building to arrest him.^[414] Gorbachev feared that the coup plotters would order him killed, so had his guards barricade his dacha.^[415] However, the coup’s leaders realized that they lacked sufficient support and ended their efforts. On 21 August, Vladimir Kryuchkov, Dmitry Yazov, Oleg Baklanov, Anatoly Lukyanov, and Vladimir Ivashko arrived at Gorbachev’s dacha to inform him that they were doing so.^[415]

That evening, Gorbachev returned to Moscow, where he thanked Yeltsin and the protesters for helping to undermine the coup.^[416] At a subsequent press conference, he pledged to reform the Soviet Communist Party.^[417] Two days later, he resigned as its General Secretary and called on the Central Committee to dissolve.^[418]^[419] Several members of the coup committed suicide; others were fired.^[420] Gorbachev attended a session of the Russian Supreme Soviet on 23 August, where Yeltsin aggressively criticized him for having appointed and promoted many of the coup members to start with. Yeltsin then announced the suspension of the activities of the Russian Communist Party.^[421]

Final collapse[edit source]

Main article: Dissolution of the Soviet Union

On 29 August 1991, the Supreme Soviet indefinitely suspended all Communist Party activity, effectively ending Communist rule in the Soviet Union (On 6 November, Yeltsin issued a decree banning all Communist Party activities in Russia). From then on, the Soviet Union collapsed with dramatic speed. By the end of September, Gorbachev had lost the ability to influence events outside of Moscow.Leaders of the Soviet Republics sign the Belovezha Accords which eliminated the USSR and established the Commonwealth of Independent States, 1991

On 30 October, Gorbachev attended a conference in Madrid trying to revive the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. The event was co-sponsored by the U.S. and Soviet Union, one of the first examples of such cooperation between the two countries. There, he again met with Bush.^[422] En route home, he traveled to France where he stayed with Mitterrand at the latter’s home near Bayonne.^[423]

After the coup, Yeltsin had suspended all Communist Party activities on Russian soil by shutting down the Central Committee offices in Staraya Square along with raising of the imperial Russian tricolor flag alongside the Soviet flag at Red Square. By the final weeks of 1991, Yeltsin began to take over the remnants of the Soviet government including the Kremlin itself.

To keep unity within the country, Gorbachev continued to pursue plans for a new union treaty but found increasing opposition to the idea of a continued federal state as the leaders of various Soviet republics bowed to growing nationalist pressure.^[424] Yeltsin stated that he would veto any idea of a unified state, instead favoring a confederation with little central authority.^[425] Only the leaders of Kazakhstan and Kirghizia supported Gorbachev’s approach.^[426] The referendum in Ukraine on 1 December with a 90% turnout for secession from the Union was a fatal blow; Gorbachev had expected Ukrainians to reject independence.^[427]

Without Gorbachev’s knowledge, Yeltsin met with Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk and Belarusian President Stanislav Shushkevich in Belovezha Forest, near Brest, Belarus, on 8 December and signed the Belavezha Accords, which declared the Soviet Union had ceased to exist and formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as its successor.^[428] Gorbachev only learned of this development when Shushkevich phoned him; Gorbachev was furious.^[429] He desperately looked for an opportunity to preserve the Soviet Union, hoping in vain that the media and intelligentsia might rally against the idea of its dissolution.^[430] Ukrainian, Belarusian, and Russian Supreme Soviets then ratified the establishment of the CIS.^[431] On 9 December, he issued a statement calling the CIS agreement “illegal and dangerous”.^[432]^[433] On 20 December, the leaders of 11 of the 12 remaining republics–all except Georgia–met in Alma-Ata and signed the Alma-Ata Protocol, agreeing to dismantle the Soviet Union and formally establish the CIS. They also provisionally accepted Gorbachev’s resignation as president of what remained of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev revealed that he would resign as soon as he saw that the CIS was a reality.^[434]^[435]

Accepting the fait accompli of the Soviet Union’s dissolution, Gorbachev reached a deal with Yeltsin that called for Gorbachev to formally announce his resignation as Soviet President and Commander-in-Chief on 25 December, before vacating the Kremlin by 29 December.^[436] Yakovlev, Chernyaev, and Shevardnadze joined Gorbachev to help him write a resignation speech.^[434] Gorbachev then gave his speech in the Kremlin in front of television cameras, allowing for international broadcast.^[437] In it, he announced, “I hereby discontinue my activities at the post of President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.” He expressed regret for the breakup of the Soviet Union but cited what he saw as the achievements of his administration: political and religious freedom, the end of totalitarianism, the introduction of democracy and a market economy, and an end to the arms race and Cold War.^[438] Gorbachev was only the third Soviet leader, after Malenkov and Khrushchev, not to die in office.^[439]^[440] The following day, 26 December, the Council of the Republics, the upper house of the Supreme Soviet, formally voted the Soviet Union out of existence.^[441] The Soviet Union officially ceased to exist at midnight on 31 December 1991;^[442] as of that date, all Soviet institutions that had not been taken over by Russia ceased to function.

Post-presidency[edit source]

Initial years: 1991–1999[edit source]

Gorbachev visiting Reagan, both in western wear, at Rancho del Cielo in 1992

Out of office, Gorbachev had more time to spend with his wife and family.^[443] He and Raisa initially lived in their dilapidated dacha on Rublevskoe Shosse, and were also allowed to privatise their smaller apartment on Kosygin Street.^[443] He focused on establishing his International Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Studies, or “Gorbachev Foundation”, launched in March 1992;^[444] Yakovlev and Revenko were its first Vice Presidents.^[445] Its initial tasks were in analyzing and publishing material on the history of perestroika, as well as defending the policy from what it called “slander and falsifications”. The foundation also tasked itself with monitoring and critiquing life in post-Soviet Russia, presenting alternative development forms to those pursued by Yeltsin.^[445]

To finance his foundation, Gorbachev began lecturing internationally, charging large fees to do so.^[445] On a visit to Japan, he was well received and given multiple honorary degrees.^[446] In 1992, he toured the U.S. in a Forbes private jet to raise money for his foundation. During the trip he met up with the Reagans for a social visit.^[446] From there he went to Spain, where he attended the Expo ’92 world fair in Seville and met with Prime Minister Felipe González, who had become a friend of his.^[447] He further visited Israel and Germany, where he was received warmly by many politicians who praised his role in facilitating German reunification.^[448] To supplement his lecture fees and book sales, Gorbachev appeared in commercials such as a television advertisement for Pizza Hut, another for the ÖBB^[449] and a photograph advertisement for Louis Vuitton, enabling him to keep the foundation afloat.^[450]^[451] With his wife’s assistance, Gorbachev worked on his memoirs, which were published in Russian in 1995 and in English the following year.^[452] He also began writing a monthly syndicated column for The New York Times.^[453]

In 1993, Gorbachev launched Green Cross International, which focused on encouraging sustainable futures, and then the World Political Forum.^[454] In 1995, he initiated the World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates.^[455]

External video
Booknotes interview with Gorbachev on his memoirs, November 24, 1996, C-SPAN

Gorbachev had promised to refrain from criticizing Yeltsin while the latter pursued democratic reforms, but soon the two men were publicly criticizing each other again.^[456] After Yeltsin’s decision to lift price caps generated massive inflation and plunged many Russians into poverty, Gorbachev openly criticized him, comparing the reform to Stalin’s policy of forced collectivization.^[456] After pro-Yeltsin parties did poorly in the 1993 legislative election, Gorbachev called on him to resign.^[457] In 1995, his foundation held a conference on “The Intelligentsia and Perestroika”. It was there that Gorbachev proposed to the Duma a law that would reduce many of the presidential powers established by Yeltsin’s 1993 constitution.^[458] Gorbachev continued to defend perestroika but acknowledged that he had made tactical errors as Soviet leader.^[454] While he still believed that Russia was undergoing a process of democratization, he concluded that it would take decades rather than years, as he had previously thought.^[459]

In contrast to her husband’s political activities, Raisa had focused on campaigning for children’s charities.^[460] In 1997, she founded a sub-division of the Gorbachev Foundation known as Raisa Maksimovna’s Club to focus on improving women’s welfare in Russia.^[461] The Foundation had initially been housed in the former Social Science Institute building, but Yeltsin introduced limits to the number of rooms it could use there;^[462] the American philanthropist Ted Turner then donated over $1 million to enable the foundation to build new premises on the Leningradsky Prospekt.^[463] In 1999, Gorbachev made his first visit to Australia, where he gave a speech to the country’s parliament.^[464] Shortly after, in July, Raisa was diagnosed with leukemia. With the assistance of German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, she was transferred to a cancer center in Münster, Germany and there underwent chemotherapy.^[465] In September she fell into a coma and died.^[222] After Raisa’s passing, Gorbachev’s daughter Irina and his two granddaughters moved into his Moscow home to live with him.^[466] When questioned by journalists, he said that he would never remarry.^[453]Gorbachev, daughter Irina and his wife’s sister Lyudmila at the funeral of Raisa, 1999

1996 presidential campaign[edit source]

Main article: Mikhail Gorbachev 1996 presidential campaign

The Russian presidential elections were scheduled for June 1996, and although his wife and most of his friends urged him not to run, Gorbachev decided to do so.^[467] He hated the idea that the election would result in a run-off between Yeltsin and Gennady Zyuganov, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation candidate whom Yeltsin saw as a Stalinist hardliner. He never expected to win outright but thought a centrist bloc could be formed around either himself or one of the other candidates with similar views, such as Grigory Yavlinsky, Svyatoslav Fyodorov, or Alexander Lebed.^[468] After securing the necessary one million signatures of nomination, he announced his candidacy in March.^[469] Launching his campaign, he traveled across Russia giving rallies in twenty cities.^[469] He repeatedly faced anti-Gorbachev protesters, while some pro-Yeltsin local officials tried to hamper his campaign by banning local media from covering it or by refusing him access to venues.^[470] In the election, Gorbachev came seventh with approximately 386,000 votes, or around 0.5% of the total.^[471] Yeltsin and Zyuganov went through to the second round, where the former was victorious.^[471]

Gorbachev attended the Inauguration of Vladimir Putin in May 2000

In December 1999, Yeltsin resigned and was succeeded by his deputy, Vladimir Putin, who then won the March 2000 presidential election.^[472] Gorbachev attended Putin’s inauguration ceremony in May, the first time he had entered the Kremlin since 1991.^[473] Gorbachev initially welcomed Putin’s rise, seeing him as an anti-Yeltsin figure.^[454] Although he spoke out against some of the Putin government’s actions, Gorbachev also had praise for the new government; in 2002, he said: “I’ve been in the same skin. That’s what allows me to say that what [Putin] has done is in the interest of the majority.”^[474] At the time, he believed Putin to be a committed democrat who nevertheless had to use “a certain dose of authoritarianism” to stabilize the economy and rebuild the state after the Yeltsin era.^[473] At Putin’s request, Gorbachev became co-chair of the “Petersburg Dialogue” project between high-ranking Russians and Germans.^[472]

In 2000, Gorbachev helped form the Russian United Social Democratic Party.^[475] In June 2002 he participated in a meeting with Putin, who praised the venture, suggesting that a center-left party could be good for Russia and that he would be open to working with it.^[474] In 2003, Gorbachev’s party merged with the Social Democratic Party to form the Social Democratic Party of Russia^[475] — which, however, faced much internal division and failed to gain traction with voters.^[475] Gorbachev resigned as party leader in May 2004 following a disagreement with the party’s chairman over the direction taken in the 2003 election campaign. The party was later banned in 2007 by the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation due to its failure to establish local offices with at least 500 members in the majority of Russian regions, which is required by Russian law for a political organization to be listed as a party.^[476] Later that year, Gorbachev founded a new movement, the Union of Social Democrats. Stating that it would not contest the forthcoming elections, Gorbachev declared: “We are fighting for power, but only for power over people’s minds”.^[477]

Gorbachev was critical of U.S. hostility to Putin, arguing that the U.S. government “doesn’t want Russia to rise” again as a global power and wants “to continue as the sole superpower in charge of the world”.^[478] More broadly, Gorbachev was critical of U.S. policy following the Cold War, arguing that the West had attempted to “turn [Russia] into some kind of backwater”.^[479] He rejected the idea – expressed by Bush – that the U.S. had “won” the Cold War, arguing that both sides had cooperated to end the conflict.^[479] He declared that since the fall of the Soviet Union, the U.S., rather than cooperating with Russia, had conspired to build a “new empire headed by themselves”.^[480] He was critical of how the U.S. had expanded NATO right up to Russia’s borders despite their initial assurances that they would not do so, citing this as evidence that the U.S. government could not be trusted.^[479]^[481] He spoke out against the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia because it lacked UN backing, as well as the 2003 invasion of Iraq led by the U.S.^[479] In June 2004 Gorbachev nevertheless attended Reagan’s state funeral,^[482] and in 2007 visited New Orleans to see the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina.^[483]

Growing criticism of Putin and foreign policy remarks: since 2008[edit source]

Barred by the constitution from serving more than two consecutive terms as president, Putin stood down in 2008 and was succeeded by his Prime Minister, Dmitry Medvedev, who reached out to Gorbachev in ways that Putin had not.^[478] In September 2008, Gorbachev and business oligarch Alexander Lebedev announced they would form the Independent Democratic Party of Russia,^[484] and in May 2009 Gorbachev announced that the launch was imminent.^[485] After the outbreak of the 2008 South Ossetia war between Russia and South Ossetian separatists on one side and Georgia on the other, Gorbachev spoke out against U.S. support for Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili and for moving to bring the Caucasus into the sphere of its national interest.^[486]^[487] Gorbachev nevertheless remained critical of Russia’s government and criticized the 2011 parliamentary elections as being rigged in favor of the governing party, United Russia, and called for them to be re-held.^[488] After protests broke out in Moscow over the election, Gorbachev praised the protesters.^[488]Gorbachev (right) being introduced to U.S. President Barack Obama by U.S. Vice President Joe Biden, March 2009

In 2009, Gorbachev released Songs for Raisa, an album of Russian romantic ballads, sung by him and accompanied by musician Andrei Makarevich, to raise money for a charity devoted to his late wife.^[489] That year he also met with U.S. President Barack Obama in efforts to “reset” strained U.S.-Russian relations,^[490] and attended an event in Berlin commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall.^[491] In 2011, an eightieth birthday gala for him was held at London’s Royal Albert Hall, featuring tributes from Simon Peres, Lech Wałęsa, Michel Rocard, and Arnold Schwarzenegger. Proceeds from the event went to the Raisa Gorbachev Foundation.^[492] That year, Medvedev awarded him the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called.^[488]

In 2012, Putin announced that he was standing again as president, something Gorbachev was critical of.^[493]^[494]^[495] He complained that Putin’s new measures had “tightened the screws” on Russia and that the president was trying to “completely subordinate society”, adding that United Russia now “embodied the worst bureaucratic features of the Soviet Communist party”.^[493]

Gorbachev was in increasingly poor health; in 2011, he had a spinal operation and, in 2014, oral surgery.^[488] In 2015, Gorbachev ceased his frequent international traveling.^[496] He continued to speak out on issues affecting Russia and the world. In 2014, he defended the Crimean status referendum that led to Russia’s annexation of Crimea.^[479] He noted that while Crimea was transferred from Russia to Ukraine in 1954, when both were part of the Soviet Union, the Crimean people had not been asked at the time, whereas in the 2014 referendum they had.^[497] After sanctions were placed on Russia as a result of the annexation, Gorbachev spoke out against them.^[498] His comments led to Ukraine banning him from entering the country for five years.^[499]

Russia can succeed only through democracy. Russia is ready for political competition, a real multiparty system, fair elections and regular rotation of government. This should define the role and responsibility of the president.

— Gorbachev, 2017^[500]

At a November 2014 event marking 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Gorbachev warned that the ongoing war in Donbas had brought the world to the brink of a new cold war, and he accused Western powers, particularly the U.S., of adopting an attitude of “triumphalism” towards Russia.^[501]^[502] In July 2016, Gorbachev criticized NATO for deploying more troops to Eastern Europe amid escalating tensions between the military alliance and Russia.^[503] In June 2018, he welcomed the 2018 Russia–United States summit between Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump,^[504] although in October criticized Trump’s threat to withdraw from the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, saying the move “is not the work of a great mind.” He added: “all agreements aimed at nuclear disarmament and the limitation of nuclear weapons must be preserved, for the sake of life on Earth.”^[505]

After the 2021 United States Capitol attack, Gorbachev declared: “The storming of the capitol was clearly planned in advance, and it’s obvious by whom.” He did not clarify to whom he was referring. Gorbachev also said that the attack “called into question the future fate of the United States as a nation”.^[506]

In an interview with Russian news agency TASS on 20 January 2021, Gorbachev said that relations between the United States and Russia are of “great concern”, and called on U.S. President Joe Biden to begin talks with the Kremlin in order to make the two countries’ “intentions and actions clearer” and “in order to normalize relations.”^[507]

On 24 December 2021, Gorbachev said that the United States “grew arrogant and self-confident” after the collapse of the Soviet Union, resulting in “a new empire. Hence the idea of NATO expansion”. He also endorsed the upcoming security talks between the United States and Russia, saying “I hope there will be a result”.^[508]

Political ideology[edit source]

Even before he left office, Gorbachev had become a kind of social democrat—believing in, as he later put it, equality of opportunity, publicly supported education and medical care, a guaranteed minimum of social welfare, and a “socially oriented market economy”—all within a democratic political framework. Exactly when this transformation occurred is hard to say, but surely by 1989 or 1990 it had taken place.

— Gorbachev biographer William Taubman, 2017^[475]

According to his university friend Zdeněk Mlynář, in the early 1950s “Gorbachev, like everyone else at the time, was a Stalinist.”^[509] Mlynář noted, however, that unlike most other Soviet students, Gorbachev did not view Marxism simply as “a collection of axioms to be committed to memory.”^[510] Biographers Doder and Branson related that after Stalin’s death, Gorbachev’s “ideology would never be doctrinal again”,^[511] but noted that he remained “a true believer” in the Soviet system.^[512] Doder and Branson noted that at the Twenty-Seventh Party Congress in 1986, Gorbachev was seen to be an orthodox Marxist–Leninist;^[513] that year, the biographer Zhores Medvedev stated that “Gorbachev is neither a liberal nor a bold reformist”.^[514]

By the mid-1980s, when Gorbachev took power, many analysts were arguing that the Soviet Union was declining to the status of a Third World country.^[515] In this context, Gorbachev argued that the Communist Party had to adapt and engage in creative thinking much as Lenin had creatively interpreted and adapted the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels to the situation of early 20th century Russia.^[516] For instance, he thought that rhetoric about global revolution and overthrowing the bourgeoisie—which had been integral to Leninist politics—had become too dangerous in an era where nuclear warfare could obliterate humanity.^[517] He began to move away from the Marxist–Leninist belief in class struggle as the engine of political change, instead viewing politics as a ways of co-ordinating the interests of all classes.^[518] However, as Gooding noted, the changes that Gorbachev proposed were “expressed wholly within the terms of Marxist-Leninist ideology”.^[519]

According to Doder and Branson, Gorbachev also wanted to “dismantle the hierarchical military society at home and abandon the grand-style, costly, imperialism abroad”.^[520] However, Jonathan Steele argued that Gorbachev failed to appreciate why the Baltic nations wanted independence and “at heart he was, and remains, a Russian imperialist.”^[521] Gooding thought that Gorbachev was “committed to democracy”, something marking him out as different from his predecessors.^[522] Gooding also suggested that when in power, Gorbachev came to see socialism not as a place on the path to communism, but a destination in itself.^[523]Gorbachev in 1987

Gorbachev’s political outlook was shaped by the 23 years he served as a party official in Stavropol.^[524] Doder and Branson thought that throughout most of his political career prior to becoming General Secretary, “his publicly expressed views almost certainly reflected a politician’s understanding of what should be said, rather than his personal philosophy. Otherwise he could not have survived politically.”^[525] Like many Russians, Gorbachev sometimes thought of the Soviet Union as being largely synonymous with Russia and in various speeches described it as “Russia”; in one incident he had to correct himself after calling the USSR “Russia” while giving a speech in Kyiv, Ukraine.^[524]

McCauley noted that perestroika was “an elusive concept”, one which “evolved and eventually meant something radically different over time.”^[526] McCauley stated that the concept originally referred to “radical reform of the economic and political system” as part of Gorbachev’s attempt to motivate the labor force and make management more effective.^[527] It was only after initial measures to achieve this proved unsuccessful that Gorbachev began to consider market mechanisms and co-operatives, albeit with the state sector remaining dominant.^[527] The political scientist John Gooding suggested that had the perestroika reforms succeeded, the Soviet Union would have “exchanged totalitarian controls for milder authoritarian ones” although not become “democratic in the Western sense”.^[522] With perestroika, Gorbachev had wanted to improve the existing Marxist–Leninist system but ultimately ended up destroying it.^[528] In this, he brought an end to state socialism in the Soviet Union and paved the way for a transition to liberal democracy.^[529]

Taubman nevertheless thought Gorbachev remained a socialist.^[530] He described Gorbachev as “a true believer—not in the Soviet system as it functioned (or didn’t) in 1985 but in its potential to live up to what he deemed its original ideals.”^[530] He added that “until the end, Gorbachev reiterated his belief in socialism, insisting that it wasn’t worthy of the name unless it was truly democratic.”^[531] As Soviet leader, Gorbachev believed in incremental reform rather than a radical transformation;^[532] he later referred to this as a “revolution by evolutionary means”.^[532] Doder and Branson noted that over the course of the 1980s, his thought underwent a “radical evolution”.^[533] Taubman noted that by 1989 or 1990, Gorbachev had transformed into a social democrat.^[475] McCauley suggested that by at least June 1991 Gorbachev was a “post-Leninist”, having “liberated himself” from Marxism–Leninism.^[534] After the fall of the Soviet Union, the newly formed Communist Party of the Russian Federation would have nothing to do with him.^[535] However, in 2006, he expressed his continued belief in Lenin’s ideas: “I trusted him then and I still do”.^[530] He claimed that “the essence of Lenin” was a desire to develop “the living creative activity of the masses”.^[530] Taubman believed that Gorbachev identified with Lenin on a psychological level.^[536]

Personal life[edit source]

The official Soviet portrait of Gorbachev. Many official photographs and visual depictions of Gorbachev removed the port-wine birthmark from his head.^[537]

Reaching an adult height of 5 foot 9 inches (1.75 m),^[538] Gorbachev has a distinctive port-wine stain on the top of his head.^[539] By 1955 his hair was thinning,^[540] and by the late 1960s he was bald.^[541] Throughout the 1960s he struggled against obesity and dieted to control the problem;^[87] Doder and Branson characterized him as “stocky but not fat”.^[538] He speaks in a southern Russian accent,^[542] and is known to sing both folk and pop songs.^[543]

Throughout his life, he tried to dress fashionably.^[544] Having an aversion to hard liquor,^[545] he drank sparingly and did not smoke.^[546] He was protective of his private life and avoided inviting people to his home.^[115] Gorbachev cherished his wife,^[547] who in turn was protective of him.^[106] He was an involved parent and grandparent.^[548] He sent his daughter, his only child, to a local school in Stavropol rather than to a school set aside for the children of party elites.^[549] Unlike many of his contemporaries in the Soviet administration, he was not a womanizer and was known for treating women respectfully.^[82]

Gorbachev was baptized Russian Orthodox and when he was growing up, his grandparents had been practicing Christians.^[550] In 2008, there was some press speculation that he was a practicing Christian after he visited the tomb of St Francis of Assisi, to which he publicly clarified that he was an atheist.^[551] Since studying at university, Gorbachev considered himself an intellectual;^[35] Doder and Branson thought that “his intellectualism was slightly self-conscious”,^[552] noting that unlike most Russian intelligentsia, Gorbachev was not closely connected “to the world of science, culture, the arts, or education”.^[553] When living in Stavropol he and his wife collected hundreds of books.^[554] Among his favorite authors were Arthur Miller, Dostoevsky, and Chinghiz Aitmatov, while he also enjoyed reading detective fiction.^[555] He enjoyed going for walks,^[556] having a love of natural environments,^[557] and was also a fan of association football.^[558] He favored small gatherings where the assembled discussed topics like art and philosophy rather than the large, alcohol-fueled parties common among Soviet officials.^[559]

Personality[edit source]

Gorbachev’s university friend, Mlynář, described him as “loyal and personally honest”.^[560] He was self-confident,^[561] polite,^[546] and tactful;^[546] he had a happy and optimistic temperament.^[562] He used self-deprecating humour,^[563] and sometimes profanities,^[563] and often referred to himself in the third person.^[564] He was a skilled manager,^[82] and had a good memory.^[565] A hard worker or workaholic,^[566] as General Secretary, he would rise at 7:00 or 8:00 in the morning and not go to bed until 1:00 or 2:00.^[567] Taubman called him “a remarkably decent man”;^[547] he thought Gorbachev to have “high moral standards”.^[568]Gorbachev at the Western Wall in Jerusalem, 16 June 1992

Zhores Medvedev thought him a talented orator, in 1986 stating that “Gorbachev is probably the best speaker there has been in the top Party echelons” since Leon Trotsky.^[569] Medvedev also considered Gorbachev “a charismatic leader”, something Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko had not been.^[570] Doder and Branson called him “a charmer capable of intellectually seducing doubters, always trying to co-opt them, or at least blunt the edge of their criticism”.^[571] McCauley thought Gorbachev displayed “great tactical skill” in maneuvering successfully between hardline Marxist–Leninists and liberalisers for most of his time as leader, adding, though, that he was “much more skilled at tactical, short-term policy than strategic, long-term thinking”, in part because he was “given to making policy on the hoof”.^[572]

Doder and Branson thought Gorbachev “a Russian to the core, intensely patriotic as only people living in the border regions can be.”^[524] Taubman also noted that the former Soviet leader has a “sense of self-importance and self-righteousness” as well as a “need for attention and admiration” which grated on some of his colleagues.^[568] He was sensitive to personal criticism and easily took offense.^[573] Colleagues were often frustrated that he would leave tasks unfinished,^[574] and sometimes also felt underappreciated and discarded by him.^[575] Biographers Doder and Branson thought that Gorbachev was “a puritan” with “a proclivity for order in his personal life”.^[576] Taubman noted that he was “capable of blowing up for calculated effect”.^[577] He also thought that by 1990, when his domestic popularity was waning, Gorbachev become “psychologically dependent on being lionized abroad”, a trait for which he was criticized in the Soviet Union.^[578] McCauley was of the view that “one of his weaknesses was an inability to foresee the consequences of his actions”.^[579]

Reception and legacy[edit source]

Opinions on Gorbachev are deeply divided.^[564] According to a 2017 survey carried out by the independent institute Levada Center, 46% of Russian citizens have a negative opinion towards Gorbachev, 30% are indifferent, while only 15% have a positive opinion.^[580] Many, particularly in Western countries, see him as the greatest statesman of the second half of the 20th century.^[581] U.S. press referred to the presence of “Gorbymania” in Western countries during the late 1980s and early 1990s, as represented by large crowds that turned out to greet his visits,^[582] with Time magazine naming him its “Man of the Decade” in the 1980s.^[583] In the Soviet Union itself, opinion polls indicated that Gorbachev was the most popular politician from 1985 through to late 1989.^[584] For his domestic supporters, Gorbachev was seen as a reformer trying to modernise the Soviet Union,^[585] and to build a form of democratic socialism.^[586] Taubman characterized Gorbachev as “a visionary who changed his country and the world—though neither as much as he wished.”^[587] Taubman regarded Gorbachev as being “exceptional… as a Russian ruler and a world statesman”, highlighting that he avoided the “traditional, authoritarian, anti-Western norm” of both predecessors like Brezhnev and successors like Putin.^[588] McCauley thought that in allowing the Soviet Union to move away from Marxism–Leninism, Gorbachev gave the Soviet people “something precious, the right to think and manage their lives for themselves”, with all the uncertainty and risk that that entailed.^[589]

Gorbachev succeeded in destroying what was left of totalitarianism in the Soviet Union; he brought freedom of speech, of assembly, and of conscience to people who had never known it, except perhaps for a few chaotic months in 1917. By introducing free elections and creating parliamentary institutions, he laid the groundwork for democracy. It is more the fault of the raw material he worked with than of his own real shortcomings and mistakes that Russian democracy will take much longer to build than he thought.

— Gorbachev biographer William Taubman, 2017^[587]

Gorbachev’s negotiations with the U.S. helped bring an end to the Cold War and reduced the threat of nuclear conflict.^[587] His decision to allow the Eastern Bloc to break apart prevented significant bloodshed in Central and Eastern Europe; as Taubman noted, this meant that the “Soviet Empire” ended in a far more peaceful manner than the British Empire several decades before.^[587] Similarly, under Gorbachev, the Soviet Union broke apart without falling into civil war, as happened during the breakup of Yugoslavia at the same time.^[590] McCauley noted that in facilitating the merger of East and West Germany, Gorbachev was “a co-father of German unification”, assuring him long-term popularity among the German people.^[591]

He also faced domestic criticism during his rule. During his career, Gorbachev attracted the admiration of some colleagues, but others came to hate him.^[568] Across society more broadly, his inability to reverse the decline in the Soviet economy brought discontent.^[592] Liberals thought he lacked the radicalism to really break from Marxism–Leninism and establish a free market liberal democracy.^[593] Conversely, many of his Communist Party critics thought his reforms were reckless and threatened the survival of Soviet socialism;^[594] some believed he should have followed the example of China’s Communist Party and restricted himself to economic rather than governmental reforms.^[595] Many Russians saw his emphasis on persuasion rather than force as a sign of weakness.^[531]

For much of the Communist Party nomenklatura, the Soviet Union’s dissolution was disastrous as it resulted in their loss of power.^[596] In Russia, he is widely despised for his role in the collapse of the Soviet Union and the ensuing economic collapse.^[564] General Varennikov, one of those who orchestrated the 1991 coup attempt against Gorbachev, for instance called him “a renegade and traitor to your own people”.^[458] Many of his critics attacked him for allowing the Marxist–Leninist governments across Eastern Europe to fall,^[597] and for allowing a reunited Germany to join NATO, something they deem to be contrary to Russia’s national interest.^[598]

The historian Mark Galeotti stressed the connection between Gorbachev and his predecessor, Andropov. In Galeotti’s view, Andropov was “the godfather of the Gorbachev revolution”, because—as a former head of the KGB—he was able to put forward the case for reform without having his loyalty to the Soviet cause questioned, an approach that Gorbachev was able to build on and follow through with.^[599] According to McCauley, Gorbachev “set reforms in motion without understanding where they could lead. Never in his worst nightmare could he have imagined that perestroika would lead to the destruction of the Soviet Union”.^[600]

Orders, decorations, and honors[edit source]

Former US president Ronald Reagan awards the first Ronald Reagan Freedom Award to Gorbachev at the Reagan Library, 4 May 1992

In 1988, India awarded Gorbachev the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development;^[601] in 1990, he was given the Nobel Peace Prize for “his leading role in the peace process which today characterizes important parts of the international community”.^[602] Out of office he continued to receive honors. In 1992, he was the first recipient of the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award,^[603] and in 1994 was given the Grawemeyer Award by the University of Louisville, Kentucky.^[604] In 1995, he was awarded the Grand-Cross of the Order of Liberty by Portuguese President Mário Soares,^[605] and in 1998 the Freedom Award from the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee.^[606] In 2000, he was presented with the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement at an awards ceremony at Hampton Court Palace near London.^[607] In 2002, Gorbachev received the Freedom of the City of Dublin from Dublin City Council.^[608]

In 2002, Gorbachev was awarded the Charles V Prize by the European Academy of Yuste Foundation.^[609] Gorbachev, together with Bill Clinton and Sophia Loren, were awarded the 2004 Grammy Award for Best Spoken Word Album for Children for their recording of Sergei Prokofiev‘s 1936 Peter and the Wolf for Pentatone.^[610] In 2005, Gorbachev was awarded the Point Alpha Prize for his role in supporting German reunification.^[611]

Works[edit source]

Year	Title	Co-author	Publisher
1996	Memoirs	–	Doubleday
2005	Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century: Gorbachev and Ikeda on Buddhism and Communism	Daisaku Ikeda	I. B. Tauris
2016	The New Russia	–	Polity
2018	In a Changing World	–
2020	What Is at Stake Now: My Appeal for Peace and Freedom	–	Polity

In the arts[edit source]

In the 2020/2021 Russian theatre season, the Theatre of Nations in Moscow in collaboration with Latvian theatre director Alvis Hermanis staged a production called Gorbachev. Yevgeny Mironov and Chulpan Khamatova played the roles of Gorbachev and his wife Raisa, in a play focusing on their personal relationship.^[612]

Notes[edit source]

^ Briefly suspended from 19 to 21 August 1991 during the August Coup.
^ De facto until 21 August 1991; de jure until 4 September.
^ This post was abolished on 25 December 1991 and powers were transferred to Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia. Functions of the presidency were succeeded by the Council of Heads of State and the Executive Secretary of the Commonwealth of Independent States.
^ On 14 March 1990, the provision on the CPSU monopoly on power was removed from Article 6 of the Constitution of the USSR. Thus, in the Soviet Union, a multi-party system was officially allowed and the CPSU ceased to be part of the state apparatus.
^ Himself as the Chairman of the United Social Democratic Party of Russia until 24 November 2001, and the Chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Russia until 20 October 2007
^ UK: /ˈɡɔːrbətʃɒf, ˌɡɔːrbəˈtʃɒf/, US: /-tʃɔːf, -tʃɛf/;^[1]^[2]^[3] Russian: Михаил Сергеевич Горбачёв, tr. Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachyov, IPA: [mʲɪxɐˈil sʲɪrˈɡʲejɪvʲɪdʑ ɡərbɐˈtɕɵf] (listen)

References[edit source]

Citations[edit source]

^ “Gorbachev”. Random House Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary.
^ “Gorbachev, Mikhail”, Oxford Dictionaries, accessed 4 February 2019
^ “Gorbachev”. Merriam-Webster Dictionary. Retrieved 4 February 2019.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 22; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 1; McCauley 1998, p. 15; Taubman 2017, p. 7.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 10.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 15; Taubman 2017, p. 10.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 4; McCauley 1998, p. 15; Taubman 2017, p. 7.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 8–9.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 9.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Medvedev 1986, p. 22.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 16.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 16, 17.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 1; Taubman 2017, p. 7.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 15; Taubman 2017, pp. 12–13.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 14.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 16; Taubman 2017, p. 7.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 15–16; Taubman 2017, pp. 7, 8.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 18–19.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 5–6; McCauley 1998, p. 17; Taubman 2017, pp. 7, 20–22.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 5; McCauley 1998, p. 17; Taubman 2017, pp. 8, 26–27.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 27.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 9, 27–28.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 29–30.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 8, 28–29.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 30.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 7; McCauley 1998, p. 18; Taubman 2017, p. 32.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 32.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 18; Taubman 2017, p. 34.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 6; McCauley 1998, p. 18; Taubman 2017, pp. 8, 34.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 42.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 6, 8; McCauley 1998, p. 18; Taubman 2017, pp. 40–41.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 35.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 43.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 50.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 44.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 14; Taubman 2017, p. 48.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 53.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 52.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, pp. 45, 52.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 10; McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, p. 46.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 46.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, p. 46.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 47.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 36–37; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 11; McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, pp. 45, 53, 56–57.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 20; Taubman 2017, pp. 57–58.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 15; Taubman 2017, pp. 59, 63.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 59–63.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 66.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 72–73.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b McCauley 1998, p. 20; Taubman 2017, p. 68.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 70.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 70–71.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 42; McCauley 1998, p. 20.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 20.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 20–21; Taubman 2017, pp. 73–74.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 20; Taubman 2017, p. 74.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 20–21; Taubman 2017, p. 75.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 21; Taubman 2017, p. 77.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 31; Taubman 2017, p. 78.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 95.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 210; Taubman 2017, pp. 81–83.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 81.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 19; McCauley 1998, p. 23; Taubman 2017, p. 86.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 23; Taubman 2017, p. 89.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 56, 62; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 19; McCauley 1998, p. 29; Taubman 2017, pp. 115–116.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 63; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 19; McCauley 1998, p. 29; Taubman 2017, pp. 111–113.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 86.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 90–91.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 90.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 91.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 22; Taubman 2017, pp. 96–98.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 78.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 80.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 74; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32; McCauley 1998, p. 25; Taubman 2017, pp. 105–106.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 103, 105.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 47; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 31; McCauley 1998, p. 23; Taubman 2017, p. 98.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 23; Taubman 2017, p. 100.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 89.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 23; Taubman 2017, p. 99.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 100.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 49; McCauley 1998, p. 23.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 102.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 149.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 50; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 24; McCauley 1998, p. 24.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 107.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 61; McCauley 1998, p. 26.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 116.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 63; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32; McCauley 1998, p. 28; Taubman 2017, p. 119.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 64.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 30.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 123–124.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 64–65; McCauley 1998, p. 30; Taubman 2017, p. 124.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 28–29; Taubman 2017, p. 125.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 125–126.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 65; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32; McCauley 1998, p. 29; Taubman 2017, p. 120.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 121–122.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 121.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 73; Taubman 2017, p. 121.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 65.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 127.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 129.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 31–32; Taubman 2017, p. 130.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 33; Taubman 2017, pp. 131–132.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 123.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 128–129.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 157.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 35–36; Taubman 2017, pp. 138–139.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 35; Taubman 2017, pp. 145–146.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 108, 113; McCauley 1998, p. 35.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 78; Taubman 2017, p. 149.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 149–150.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 30; Taubman 2017, pp. 150–151.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 151–152.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 152.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 153.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 153–154.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 156.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 77.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 92; McCauley 1998, p. 36; Taubman 2017, p. 157.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 161.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 164–175.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 165, 166.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 165.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 40; Taubman 2017, p. 166.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 95–96; Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 38–39.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 7, 102–103, 106–107; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 40; Galeotti 1997, p. 32; Taubman 2017, pp. 175–177.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 107; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 40.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 177–78.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 34.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 173.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Medvedev 1986, p. 107.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 118, 121–122; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 43; McCauley 1998, p. 41; Taubman 2017, pp. 179–180.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 180.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 123.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 181, 191.
^ Galeotti 1997, p. 32; Taubman 2017, p. 181.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 123; Galeotti 1997, p. 32; Taubman 2017, p. 181.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 182.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 124; Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 46–47; McCauley 1998, p. 31; Taubman 2017, pp. 182–185.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 47; McCauley 1998, p. 31; Taubman 2017, p. 182.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50; Taubman 2017, pp. 190–191.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 138; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 56.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 138–139; Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 51–52; McCauley 1998, p. 43; Taubman 2017, p. 192.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 57; McCauley 1998, p. 43; Taubman 2017, p. 193.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 193.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 158–159; Taubman 2017, pp. 193–195.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 142; Taubman 2017, p. 196.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 44; Taubman 2017, p. 195.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 155.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 159; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 59; McCauley 1998, p. 44; Taubman 2017, p. 196.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 159; McCauley 1998, p. 44; Taubman 2017, p. 201.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 197.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 4; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 62; McCauley 1998, p. 45; Taubman 2017, p. 204.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 63–64; McCauley 1998, p. 45.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 205–206.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 16; McCauley 1998, p. 46; Taubman 2017, pp. 211–212.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 69.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 65.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 66.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 87; McCauley 1998, p. 59; Taubman 2017, p. 213.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 194–195; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 101; McCauley 1998, p. 60; Taubman 2017, p. 237.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 228.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 76.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 20; Taubman 2017, pp. 224–226.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 54; Taubman 2017, p. 223.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 52, 55.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 100; Taubman 2017, pp. 219–220.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 177; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 95; McCauley 1998, p. 52; Taubman 2017, p. 220.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 97; Taubman 2017, p. 221.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 177; McCauley 1998, p. 53; Taubman 2017, p. 222.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 94.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 54.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 52.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 50.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 55.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 81.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 82.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 51, 55; Taubman 2017, p. 235.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 50–51.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 236.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 56.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 236–237.
^ Bialer, Seweryn, and Joan Afferica. “The Genesis of Gorbachev’s World“, Foreign Affairs 64, no. 3 (1985): 605–644.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 56, 57.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 57.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 61–62.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 167; McCauley 1998, p. 58.
^ Chiesa, Giulietto (1991). Time of Change: An Insider’s View of Russia’s Transformation. I.B.Tauris. p. 30. ISBN 978-1-85043-305-7.
^ Hosking, Geoffrey Alan (1991). The Awakening of the Soviet Union. Harvard University Press. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-674-05551-3.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 166.
^ Tarschys 1993, p. 16; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 236.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 232, 234.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 187–188; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 86; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 236.
^ Tarschys 1993, p. 19; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 236.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 232.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 188; Tarschys 1993, p. 20.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 62; Taubman 2017, p. 233.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 233.
^ Tarschys 1993, p. 22; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 238.
^ Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, pp. 233, 238.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 75, 140, 142.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 142–143.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 93.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 172; Taubman 2017, pp. 250–251.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 143.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 148.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 251.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 146–147.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 322.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 324.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 71; Taubman 2017, pp. 323, 326–328.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 329.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 330.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 129; Taubman 2017, p. 240.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 240.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 241.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 134.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 137.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 242–243.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 266.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Taubman 2017, p. 271.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 272.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 272–273.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 263.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 275.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 278.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 109; Taubman 2017, p. 278.
^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 237–238; McCauley 1998, p. 142; Taubman 2017, pp. 278–279.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 285.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 286.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 289–291.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 114.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 484.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 80; Taubman 2017, p. 291.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 159–162; McCauley 1998, p. 81; Taubman 2017, p. 294.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 80–81; Taubman 2017, pp. 297–301.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 304.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 267.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 154–155.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 222.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 191–192; Taubman 2017, pp. 307, 309.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 308.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 310.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 311.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 312.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 239; Taubman 2017, p. 313.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 115; Taubman 2017, pp. 434–435, 449–450.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 116; Taubman 2017, p. 450.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 314.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 338–339.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 317.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 315.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 151; Taubman 2017, p. 341.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 131.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 217; Taubman 2017, p. 397.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 74; Taubman 2017, p. 340.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 290; Taubman 2017, p. 340.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 186–187.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 195.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 246; Taubman 2017, p. 319.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 281; McCauley 1998, p. 92; Taubman 2017, pp. 320–321.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 282; Taubman 2017, p. 321.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 305–306; McCauley 1998, pp. 93–94; Taubman 2017, p. 342.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 345–346.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 94; Taubman 2017, pp. 346–349.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 349–350.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 192–193, 324; McCauley 1998, pp. 94–95; Taubman 2017, p. 351.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 336; Steele 1996, pp. 144–145; Taubman 2017, p. 353.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 105; Taubman 2017, pp. 353–354.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 352.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 359.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 100; Taubman 2017, p. 371.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 104–105; Taubman 2017, pp. 428–429.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 104–105; Taubman 2017, pp. 429–430.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 107; Taubman 2017, p. 444.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 106–107; Taubman 2017, pp. 431–432.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 433.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 434.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b McCauley 1998, p. 108; Taubman 2017, p. 442.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 109; Taubman 2017, p. 444.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 445–448.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 456–457.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 387.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 386–387.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 231; McCauley 1998, pp. 83, 142; Taubman 2017, p. 387.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 217, 220; McCauley 1998, p. 84, 143; Taubman 2017, pp. 390–392.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 371; McCauley 1998, p. 143; Taubman 2017, pp. 475–476.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 387–388.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 43; Taubman 2017, pp. 388–389.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 476–478.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 144.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 392.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 364; Taubman 2017, pp. 478–479.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 479–480.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 208–209.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 215.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 393–394.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 394–396.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 234–237; Taubman 2017, pp. 396–397.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 284–285; McCauley 1998, p. 138; Taubman 2017, pp. 401–403.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 401.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 318; Taubman 2017, pp. 411, 413.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 414.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 415.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 320; Taubman 2017, pp. 416–417.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 419.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 356–357; McCauley 1998, p. 139; Taubman 2017, pp. 421–422.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 352; McCauley 1998, p. 139; Taubman 2017, pp. 422–426.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 467–470.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 140–141; Taubman 2017, pp. 494–496.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 496–497.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 498.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 142.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 74–75.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 268; McCauley 1998, p. 76; Taubman 2017, p. 367.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 302; Taubman 2017, p. 386.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 267–268, 299–300; McCauley 1998, p. 119; Taubman 2017, p. 368.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 368.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 301; Taubman 2017, p. 369.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 301; McCauley 1998, p. 119; Taubman 2017, pp. 369–370.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 370.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 413; McCauley 1998, p. 159; Taubman 2017, pp. 504–505.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 130; Taubman 2017, pp. 436–437.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 126–127; Taubman 2017, p. 435.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 128; Taubman 2017, p. 452.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 128.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 412; McCauley 1998, pp. 157–158; Taubman 2017, p. 503.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 212; McCauley 1998, p. 32.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 386.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 379.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 381, 382, 383.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 230.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 384–385.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 230; Taubman 2017, p. 385.
^ Otmar Lahodynsky: Paneuropäisches Picknick: Die Generalprobe für den Mauerfall (Pan-European picnic: the dress rehearsal for the fall of the Berlin Wall – German), in: Profil 9 August 2014.
^ “Der 19. August 1989 war ein Test für Gorbatschows” (German – 19 August 1989 was a test for Gorbachev), in: FAZ 19 August 2009.
^ Thomas Roser: DDR-Massenflucht: Ein Picknick hebt die Welt aus den Angeln (German – Mass exodus of the GDR: A picnic clears the world) in: Die Presse 16 August 2018.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 465.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 465–466.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 133; Taubman 2017, p. 481.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 35–36; Taubman 2017, pp. 484–485.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 462–463.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 488–494.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 427.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 505.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 505–506.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 506–507.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 160–161; Taubman 2017, p. 507.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 165; Taubman 2017, pp. 508–509.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 509.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 164–165; Taubman 2017, p. 509.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 165–166; Taubman 2017, p. 511.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 408; McCauley 1998, p. 161; Taubman 2017, pp. 510–522.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 170; Taubman 2017, p. 513.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 169; Taubman 2017, pp. 513–514.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 515.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 172.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 174–175; Taubman 2017, pp. 500–501, 515–516.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 543.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 552.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 422; Taubman 2017, p. 550.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 546.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 547.
^ “Mikhail Gorbachev: I am against all walls”. Russia Beyond. Retrieved 31 January 2022.
^ “Did The West Promise Moscow That NATO Would Not Expand? Well, It’s Complicated”. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Retrieved 31 January 2022.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 558.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 564.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 565.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 540–541.
^ “Oral History – Mikhail Gorbachev”. PBS. Retrieved 29 January 2022.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 213; Taubman 2017, pp. 540–541, 566–567.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 567–568.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 568.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 588–589.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 220; Taubman 2017, p. 572.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 572.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 214.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 568–569.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 218–219; Taubman 2017, p. 593.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 570.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 215; Taubman 2017, pp. 595–596.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 218–219; Taubman 2017, p. 595.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 214; Taubman 2017, p. 595.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 569.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 221; Taubman 2017, pp. 596–598.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 425; McCauley 1998, p. 178; Taubman 2017, pp. 519–520.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 183–185; Taubman 2017, pp. 521–524.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 525, 528.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 185–186; Taubman 2017, p. 529.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 530.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 529.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 530–531.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 532.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 533.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 188; Taubman 2017, p. 533.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 536.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 193–194; Taubman 2017, pp. 534–535.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 531.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 539.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 575.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 199–200; Taubman 2017, p. 575.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 575–576.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 576–577.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 208; Taubman 2017, pp. 577–578.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 209–210; Taubman 2017, p. 579.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 206–207; Taubman 2017, p. 580.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 580–582.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 233; Taubman 2017, pp. 602, 605.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 607–608.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 235; Taubman 2017, pp. 607–608.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 608.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 608–610.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 237; Taubman 2017, p. 610.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 237–238; Taubman 2017, p. 611.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 612.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 614–615.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 621.
^ Заявление М. С. Горбачева о сложение обязанностей генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС (24 августа 1991)
^ McCauley 1998, p. 244; Taubman 2017, p. 621.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 239; Taubman 2017, p. 621.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 244; Taubman 2017, p. 622.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 248–249; Taubman 2017, pp. 631–632.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 249; Taubman 2017, p. 633.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 624.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 252; Taubman 2017, p. 627.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 628.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 253; Taubman 2017, pp. 628–629.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 254–255; Taubman 2017, pp. 629–630.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 255; Taubman 2017, p. 630.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 634–635.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 256; Taubman 2017, p. 625.
^ “Заявление Президента СССР М. С. Горбачёва 9 декабря 1991” (PDF). gorby.ru. Archived (PDF) from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 16 January 2015.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 636.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 637.
^ Clines, Francis X. (22 December 1991). “11 Soviet States Form Commonwealth Without Clearly Defining Its Powers”. The New York Times. Retrieved 27 December 2019..
^ Taubman 2017, p. 638.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 257; Taubman 2017, p. 645.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 646.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 651.
^ “End of the Soviet Union: Text of Gorbachev’s Farewell Address”. The New York Times. 26 December 1991. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew; Brzezinski, Zbigniew K.; Sullivan, Paige (1997). Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States: Documents, Data, and Analysis. ISBN 9781563246371.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 258.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 653.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 258; Taubman 2017, pp. 651, 654.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 654.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 656.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 656–657.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 657.
^ “”Perestroika in den ÖBB”? – Michail Gorbatschow dreht für die ÖBB einen Werbefilm”. Der Standard (in Austrian German). Retrieved 12 March 2021.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 654–655.
^ Musgrave, Paul. “Mikhail Gorbachev’s Pizza Hut Thanksgiving Miracle”. Foreign Policy. Retrieved 29 November 2019.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 258–259; Taubman 2017, p. 664.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 675.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 652.
^ Roche, Douglas (March–May 2003). “World Summit on Nobel Peace laureates”. UN Chronicle. 40 (1): 76–77.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 655.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 658.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 659.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 652–653.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 663–664.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 664–665.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 658–659.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 665.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 666–667.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 668.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 674.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 660.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 660–661.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 661.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 662.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 663.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 676.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 677.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 679.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Taubman 2017, p. 678.
^ “Russia Bans Party Founded by Gorbachev”. MosNews. 23 April 2007. Archived from the original on 23 April 2007. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ “Gorbachev sets up Russia movement”. BBC News. 20 October 2007. Retrieved 7 May 2019.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 680.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Taubman 2017, p. 685.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 685–686.
^ Blomfield, Adrian; Smith, Mike (6 May 2008). “Gorbachev: US could start new Cold War”. The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 10 January 2022. Retrieved 11 March 2015.
^ “Reagan funeral guest list”. BBC News. 10 June 2004. Retrieved 30 January 2019.
^ Pitney, Nico. “Gorbachev Vows Revolution If New Orleans Levees Don’t Improve”. Huffington Post. Retrieved 14 September 2007.
^ Gray, Sadie (30 September 2008). “Gorbachev launches political party with Russian billionaire”. The Guardian. Retrieved 1 October 2008.
^ “Mikhail Gorbachev will found new political party”. mosnews.com. 13 May 2009. Archived from the original on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 13 June 2009.
^ Gorbachev, Mikhail (12 August 2008). “A Path to Peace in the Caucasus”. The Washington Post. Retrieved 12 August 2008.
^ Gorbachev, Mikhail (19 August 2008). “Russia Never Wanted a War”. The New York Times. Retrieved 9 December 2011.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Taubman 2017, p. 681.
^ Odynova, Alexandra (19 June 2009). “Former Soviet Leader Gorbachev Records Album”. Saint Petersburg Times. Retrieved 20 June 2009.
^ “Obama met Gorbachev in run-up to Medvedev talks”. Reuters. 23 March 2009. Retrieved 30 January 2019.
^ Kulish, Nicholas & Dempsey, Judy (9 November 2009). “Leaders in Berlin Retrace the Walk West”. The New York Times. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 682–683.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 684.
^ “Mikhail Gorbachev says Putin should not run for Russian presidency again”. Christian Science Monitor. 2 March 2011. Retrieved 9 December 2011.
^ “Gorbachev says Putin ‘castrated’ democracy in Russia”. BBC News. 18 August 2011. Retrieved 18 August 2011.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 681–682.
^ Haynes, Danielle (18 March 2014). “Mikhail Gorbachev hails Crimea annexation to Russia”. United Press International. Retrieved 8 November 2014.
^ “Former Soviet leader Gorbachev warns against “new Cold War” in Ukraine crisis”. Deutsche Welle. 16 October 2014. Retrieved 8 November 2014.
^ Sharkov, Damian (26 May 2016). “Mikhail Gorbachev Banned from Ukraine after Crimea Comments”. Newsweek. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ Nelson, Louis (20 April 2017). “Gorbachev throws shade at Putin: ‘Russia can succeed only through democracy’”. Politico. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ Buchanan, Rose Troup (9 November 2014). “Mikhail Gorbachev warns global powers have put the world ‘on the brink of a new Cold War’”. The Independent. Retrieved 9 May 2016.
^ Johnston, Chris (9 November 2014). “Mikhail Gorbachev: world on brink of new cold war over Ukraine”. The Guardian. Retrieved 9 May 2016.
^ Worley, Will (9 July 2016). “Mikhail Gorbachev says Nato is escalating Cold War with Russia ‘into a hot one’”. The Independent. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ “The Latest: Gorbachev has high hopes for Putin-Trump summit”. Associated Press. 28 June 2018. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ Ellyatt, Holly (22 October 2018). “Gorbachev says Trump’s nuclear treaty withdrawal ‘not the work of a great mind’”. CNBC. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ “Горбачев увидел угрозу судьбе США как государства”. Interfax (in Russian). 7 January 2021. Archived from the original on 10 January 2021. Retrieved 12 January 2021. По его мнению, произошедшие в Вашингтоне беспорядки “поставили под вопрос дальнейшую судьбу США как государства”. [In Gorbachev’s opinion, the riots that took place in Washington “called into question the future fate of the United States as a nation”.]
^ Adkins, William (20 January 2021). “Gorbachev: US-Russia relations of ‘great concern’ but salvageable”. Politico. Retrieved 12 February 2021.
^ “Gorbachev says U.S. became “arrogant” after Soviet Union collapsed”. CBS News. 24 December 2021. Retrieved 25 December 2021.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 11.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 13.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 12.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 25.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 116.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 245.
^ Bunce 1992, p. 201.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 116–117.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 117.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 250.
^ Gooding 1990, p. 197.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 288.
^ Steele 1996, p. 151.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Gooding 1990, p. 195.
^ Gooding 1990, p. 202.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Doder & Branson 1990, p. 22.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 9.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 262–263.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b McCauley 1998, p. 264.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 265.
^ Bunce 1992, p. 205.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Taubman 2017, p. 215.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 690.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 218.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 386.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 220.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 259.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 216.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 160.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50; Taubman 2017, p. 7.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 77.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32; Taubman 2017, p. 121.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50; Taubman 2017, p. 44.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 94.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 179.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 18.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 142.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Taubman 2017, p. 4.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 4–5.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 155.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 290.
^ Rodriguez, Alex (23 March 2008). “Gorbachev a closet Christian?”. Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on 11 May 2008. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 16.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 150.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 114–115.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 17.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 137.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 163.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 347.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 136–137.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 37; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 13.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 22; McCauley 1998, pp. 23, 273; Taubman 2017, pp. 5, 689.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 38; Taubman 2017, p. 8.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 1.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 51.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 270; Taubman 2017, p. 229.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 229.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Taubman 2017, p. 134.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 43.
^ Medvedev 1986, p. 165.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 287.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 268–269.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 161; Taubman 2017, pp. 134, 135.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 117.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 273.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 14.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 516.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 541.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 161.
^ “ПРАВИТЕЛИ”. levada.ru. 15 February 2017. Retrieved 2 March 2021.
^ Taubman 2017, pp. 1, 539.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 286; McCauley 1998, p. 138.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 391.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 267.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 396.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 410.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Taubman 2017, p. 688.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 687.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 278–279.
^ Bunce 1992, p. 205; McCauley 1998, p. 275.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 197.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 388.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 416; Steele 1996, p. 145.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 324.
^ Steele 1996, p. 145.
^ McCauley 1998, p. 276.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 268.
^ Taubman 2017, p. 691.
^ Galeotti 1997, p. 35.
^ McCauley 1998, pp. 257–258.
^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 366.
^ “The Nobel Peace Prize 1990”. Nobelprize.org. 15 October 1990. Retrieved 3 November 2010.
^ “Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation & Library”. Archived from the original on 10 June 2008. Retrieved 24 February 2007.
^ “1994– Mikhail Gorbachev”. Archived from the original on 13 October 2011.
^ “CIDADÃOS ESTRANGEIROS AGRACIADOS COM ORDENS PORTUGUESAS – Página Oficial das Ordens Honoríficas Portuguesas”. www.ordens.presidencia.pt (in Portuguese). Retrieved 7 August 2017.
^ “Archived copy”. Archived from the original on 30 March 2014. Retrieved 28 February 2014.
^ “Golden Plate Awardees of the American Academy of Achievement”. www.achievement.org. American Academy of Achievement.
^ “Previous Recipients of Keys to the City”. www.dublincity.ie. Dublin City Council. Retrieved 14 December 2017.
^ “Mikhail Gorbachev”. European Academy of Yuste Foundation. Retrieved 16 September 2017.
^ “Prokofiev Peter and the Wolf – Beintus Wolf Tracks”. pentatonemusic. Retrieved 18 December 2016.
^ “Reunification Politicians Accept Prize”. Deutsche Welle. Archived from the original on 5 November 2018. Retrieved 22 May 2006.
^ Arutyunyan, Ani (7 July 2021). “BWW Review: Gorbachev at The State Theatre Of Nations”. Retrieved 13 December 2021. The production runs from October, 2020. Next dates: 8 sept 2021

Sources and further reading[edit source]

Bhattacharya, Jay; Gathmann, Christina; Miller, Grant (2013). “The Gorbachev Anti-Alcohol Campaign and Russia’s Mortality Crisis”. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 5 (2): 232–260. doi:10.1257/app.5.2.232. JSTOR 43189436. PMC 3818525. PMID 24224067.
Bunce, Valerie (1992). “On Gorbachev”. The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review. 19 (1): 199–206. doi:10.1163/187633292X00108.
Doder, Dusko; Branson, Louise (1990). Gorbachev: Heretic in the Kremlin. London: Futura. ISBN 978-0708849408.
Galeotti, Mark (1997). Gorbachev and his Revolution. London: Palgrave. ISBN 978-0333638552.
Gooding, John (1990). “Gorbachev and Democracy”. Soviet Studies. 42 (2): 195–231. doi:10.1080/09668139008411864. JSTOR 152078.
Kotkin, Stephen. Armageddon Averted: The Soviet Collapse, 1970-2000 (2nd ed. 2008) excerpt

McCauley, Martin (1998). Gorbachev. Profiles in Power. London and New York: Longman. ISBN 978-0582215979.
McHugh, James T. “Last of the enlightened despots: A comparison of President Mikhail Gorbachev and Emperor Joseph II.” Social Science Journal 32.1 (1995): 69-85 online abstract .
Medvedev, Zhores (1986). Gorbachev. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. ISBN 978-0393023084.
Steele, Jonathan (1996). “Why Gorbachev Failed”. New Left Review. 216: 141–152.
Tarschys, Daniel (1993). “The Success of a Failure: Gorbachev’s Alcohol Policy, 1985–88”. Europe-Asia Studies. 45 (1): 7–25. doi:10.1080/09668139308412074. JSTOR 153247.
Taubman, William (2017). Gorbachev: His Life and Times. New York City: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1471147968.

External links[edit source]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Mikhail Gorbachev

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mikhail Gorbachev.

The Gorbachev Foundation
Green Cross International
Mikhail Gorbachev archival footage – Net-Film Newsreels and Documentary Films Archive
Gorbachev 80th Birthday Gala Celebration – Royal Albert Hall London, 30 March 2011
Appearances on C-SPAN
Column and op-ed archives at The Guardian
Mikhail Gorbachev collected news and commentary at The Guardian
“Mikhail Gorbachev collected news and commentary”. The New York Times.
Mikhail Gorbachev on Nobelprize.org including the Nobel Lecture on 5 June 1991

Interviews and articles[edit source]

“Commanding Heights: Mikhail Gorbachev” (PBS interview), April 2001
Ubben Lecture at DePauw University – October 2005
“Gorbachev on 1989” – interview by The Nation, September 2009
“Gorbachev’s Legacy Examined, 25 Years After His Rise to Power” – Russia Beyond, March 2010
“Chernobyl 25 years later: Many lessons learned” – article by Mikhail Gorbachev published in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March 2011

Party political offices
Preceded byLeonid Yefremov	First Secretary of the Stavropol CPSU Regional Committee 1970–1978	Succeeded byVsevolod Murakhovsky
Preceded byKonstantin Chernenko	General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 1985–1991	Succeeded byVladimir Ivashko (Acting)
Political offices
Preceded byAndrei Gromykoas Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet	Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet (1988–1989) Chairman of the Supreme Soviet (1989–1990) President of the Soviet Union (1990–1991) 1988–1991	Succeeded byOffice abolished
Awards and achievements
Preceded by14th Dalai Lama	Recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize 1990	Succeeded byAung San Suu Kyi
Award established	Recipient of the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award 1992	Succeeded byColin Powell

showArticles related to Mikhail Gorbachev

15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Barack Obama

Barack Hussein Obama II (/bəˈrɑːk huːˈseɪn oʊˈbɑːmə/ (listen) bə-RAHK hoo-SAYN oh-BAH-mə;^[1]^[2] born August 4, 1961) is an American politician who served as the 44th president of the United States from 2009 to 2017. A member of the Democratic Party, Obama was the first African-American president of the United States.^[3] He previously served as a U.S. senator from Illinois from 2005 to 2008 and as an Illinois state senator from 1997 to 2004.

Obama was born in Honolulu, Hawaii. After graduating from Columbia University in 1983, he worked as a community organizer in Chicago. In 1988, he enrolled in Harvard Law School, where he was the first black president of the Harvard Law Review. After graduating, he became a civil rights attorney and an academic, teaching constitutional law at the University of Chicago Law School from 1992 to 2004. Turning to elective politics, he represented the 13th district in the Illinois Senate from 1997 until 2004, when he ran for the U.S. Senate. Obama received national attention in 2004 with his March Senate primary win, his well-received July Democratic National Convention keynote address, and his landslide November election to the Senate. In 2008, a year after beginning his campaign, and after a close primary campaign against Hillary Clinton, he was nominated by the Democratic Party for president. Obama was elected over Republican nominee John McCain in the general election and was inaugurated alongside his running mate Joe Biden, on January 20, 2009. Nine months later, he was named the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, a decision that drew a mixture of praise and criticism.

Obama signed many landmark bills into law during his first two years in office. The main reforms include: the Affordable Care Act (ACA or “Obamacare”), although without a public health insurance option; the Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act; and the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Repeal Act of 2010. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act and Tax Relief, Unemployment Insurance Reauthorization, and Job Creation Act served as economic stimuli amidst the Great Recession. After a lengthy debate over the national debt limit, he signed the Budget Control and the American Taxpayer Relief Acts. In foreign policy, he increased U.S. troop levels in Afghanistan, reduced nuclear weapons with the United States–Russia New START treaty, and ended military involvement in the Iraq War. In 2011, Obama ordered the drone-strike killing of Anwar al-Awlaki, a US citizen and suspected al-Qaeda operative, leading to controversy. He ordered military involvement in Libya for the implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973, contributing to the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi. He also ordered the military operation that resulted in the death of Osama bin Laden.

After winning re-election by defeating Republican opponent Mitt Romney, Obama was sworn in for a second term on January 20, 2013. During this term, he promoted inclusion for LGBT Americans. His administration filed briefs that urged the Supreme Court to strike down same-sex marriage bans as unconstitutional (United States v. Windsor and Obergefell v. Hodges); same-sex marriage was legalized nationwide in 2015 after the Court ruled so in Obergefell. He advocated for gun control in response to the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, indicating support for a ban on assault weapons, and issued wide-ranging executive actions concerning global warming and immigration. In foreign policy, he ordered military interventions in Iraq and Syria in response to gains made by ISIL after the 2011 withdrawal from Iraq, promoted discussions that led to the 2015 Paris Agreement on global climate change, oversaw and ultimately apologized for the deadly Kunduz hospital airstrike, continued the process of ending U.S. combat operations in Afghanistan in 2016, initiated sanctions against Russia following the invasion in Ukraine and again after interference in the 2016 U.S. elections, brokered the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action nuclear deal with Iran, and normalized U.S. relations with Cuba. Obama nominated three justices to the Supreme Court: Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan were confirmed as justices, while Merrick Garland was denied hearings or a vote from the Republican-majority Senate. Obama left office on January 20, 2017, and continues to reside in Washington, D.C.^[4]^[5]

During Obama’s terms as president, the United States’ reputation abroad, as well as the American economy, significantly improved.^[6] Obama’s presidency has generally been regarded favorably, and evaluations of his presidency among historians, political scientists, and the general public frequently place him among the upper tier of American presidents. Since leaving office, Obama has remained active in Democratic politics, including campaigning for candidates in the 2018 midterm elections, appearing at the 2020 Democratic National Convention and campaigning for Biden during the 2020 presidential election. Outside of politics, Obama has published three bestselling books: Dreams from My Father (1995), The Audacity of Hope (2006) and A Promised Land (2020).^[7]

Early life and career[edit source]

Main article: Early life and career of Barack Obama Stanley Armour Dunham, Ann Dunham, Maya Soetoro and Barack Obama, (L to R) mid-1970s in Honolulu

Obama was born on August 4, 1961,^[8] at Kapiolani Medical Center for Women and Children in Honolulu, Hawaii.^[9]^[10]^[11] He is the only president born outside the contiguous 48 states.^[12] He was born to an American mother and a Kenyan father. His mother, Ann Dunham (1942–1995), was born in Wichita, Kansas; she was mostly of English descent.^[13] In July 2012, Ancestry.com found a strong likelihood that Dunham was descended from John Punch, an enslaved African man who lived in the Colony of Virginia during the seventeenth century.^[14]^[15] Obama’s father, Barack Obama Sr. (1934–1982),^[16]^[17] was a married^[18]^[19]^[20] Luo Kenyan from Nyang’oma Kogelo.^[18]^[21] Obama’s parents met in 1960 in a Russian language class at the University of Hawaii at Manoa, where his father was a foreign student on a scholarship.^[22]^[23] The couple married in Wailuku, Hawaii, on February 2, 1961, six months before Obama was born.^[24]^[25]

In late August 1961, a few weeks after he was born, Barack and his mother moved to the University of Washington in Seattle, where they lived for a year. During that time, Barack’s father completed his undergraduate degree in economics in Hawaii, graduating in June 1962. He left to attend graduate school on a scholarship at Harvard University, where he earned an M.A. in economics. Obama’s parents divorced in March 1964.^[26] Obama Sr. returned to Kenya in 1964, where he married for a third time and worked for the Kenyan government as the Senior Economic Analyst in the Ministry of Finance.^[27] He visited his son in Hawaii only once, at Christmas 1971,^[28] before he was killed in an automobile accident in 1982, when Obama was 21 years old.^[29] Recalling his early childhood, Obama said: “That my father looked nothing like the people around me—that he was black as pitch, my mother white as milk—barely registered in my mind.”^[23] He described his struggles as a young adult to reconcile social perceptions of his multiracial heritage.^[30]

In 1963, Dunham met Lolo Soetoro at the University of Hawaii; he was an Indonesian East–West Center graduate student in geography. The couple married on Molokai on March 15, 1965.^[31] After two one-year extensions of his J-1 visa, Lolo returned to Indonesia in 1966. His wife and stepson followed sixteen months later in 1967. The family initially lived in the Menteng Dalam neighborhood in the Tebet district of South Jakarta. From 1970, they lived in a wealthier neighborhood in the Menteng district of Central Jakarta.^[32]

Education[edit source]

Barack Obama’s school record in St. Francis of Assisi Catholic Elementary School. Obama was enrolled as “Barry Soetoro” (no. 1), and was wrongly recorded as an Indonesian citizen (no. 3) and a Muslim (no. 4).^[33]

At the age of six, Obama and his mother had moved to Indonesia to join his stepfather. From age six to ten, he attended local Indonesian-language schools: Sekolah Dasar Katolik Santo Fransiskus Asisi (St. Francis of Assisi Catholic Elementary School) for two years and Sekolah Dasar Negeri Menteng 01 (State Elementary School Menteng 01) for one and a half years, supplemented by English-language Calvert School homeschooling by his mother.^[34]^[35] As a result of his four years in Jakarta, he was able to speak Indonesian fluently as a child.^[36]^[37]^[38] During his time in Indonesia, Obama’s stepfather taught him to be resilient and gave him “a pretty hardheaded assessment of how the world works.”^[39]

In 1971, Obama returned to Honolulu to live with his maternal grandparents, Madelyn and Stanley Dunham. He attended Punahou School—a private college preparatory school—with the aid of a scholarship from fifth grade until he graduated from high school in 1979.^[40] In his youth, Obama went by the nickname “Barry”.^[41] Obama lived with his mother and half-sister, Maya Soetoro, in Hawaii for three years from 1972 to 1975 while his mother was a graduate student in anthropology at the University of Hawaii.^[42] Obama chose to stay in Hawaii when his mother and half-sister returned to Indonesia in 1975, so his mother could begin anthropology field work.^[43] His mother spent most of the next two decades in Indonesia, divorcing Lolo in 1980 and earning a PhD degree in 1992, before dying in 1995 in Hawaii following unsuccessful treatment for ovarian and uterine cancer.^[44]

Of his years in Honolulu, Obama wrote: “The opportunity that Hawaii offered — to experience a variety of cultures in a climate of mutual respect — became an integral part of my world view, and a basis for the values that I hold most dear.”^[45] Obama has also written and talked about using alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine during his teenage years to “push questions of who I was out of my mind.”^[46] Obama was also a member of the “choom gang”, a self-named group of friends who spent time together and occasionally smoked marijuana.^[47]^[48]

After graduating from high school in 1979, Obama moved to Los Angeles to attend Occidental College on a full scholarship. In February 1981, Obama made his first public speech, calling for Occidental to participate in the disinvestment from South Africa in response to that nation’s policy of apartheid.^[49] In mid-1981, Obama traveled to Indonesia to visit his mother and half-sister Maya, and visited the families of college friends in Pakistan and India for three weeks.^[49] Later in 1981, he transferred to Columbia University in New York City as a junior, where he majored in political science with a specialty in international relations^[50] and in English literature^[51] and lived off-campus on West 109th Street.^[52] He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1983 and a 3.7 GPA. After graduating, Obama worked for about a year at the Business International Corporation, where he was a financial researcher and writer,^[53]^[54] then as a project coordinator for the New York Public Interest Research Group on the City College of New York campus for three months in 1985.^[55]^[56]^[57]

Family and personal life[edit source]

Main article: Family of Barack Obama

In a 2006 interview, Obama highlighted the diversity of his extended family: “It’s like a little mini-United Nations,” he said. “I’ve got relatives who look like Bernie Mac, and I’ve got relatives who look like Margaret Thatcher.”^[58] Obama has a half-sister with whom he was raised (Maya Soetoro-Ng) and seven other half-siblings from his Kenyan father’s family—six of them living.^[59] Obama’s mother was survived by her Kansas-born mother, Madelyn Dunham,^[60] until her death on November 2, 2008,^[61] two days before his election to the presidency. Obama also has roots in Ireland; he met with his Irish cousins in Moneygall in May 2011.^[62] In Dreams from My Father, Obama ties his mother’s family history to possible Native American ancestors and distant relatives of Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War. He also shares distant ancestors in common with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, among others.^[63]^[64]^[65]

Obama lived with anthropologist Sheila Miyoshi Jager while he was a community organizer in Chicago in the 1980s.^[66] He proposed to her twice, but both Jager and her parents turned him down.^[66]^[67] The relationship was not made public until May 2017, several months after his presidency had ended.^[67]Obama poses in the Green Room of the White House with wife Michelle and daughters Sasha and Malia, 2009

In June 1989, Obama met Michelle Robinson when he was employed as a summer associate at the Chicago law firm of Sidley Austin.^[68] Robinson was assigned for three months as Obama’s adviser at the firm, and she joined him at several group social functions but declined his initial requests to date.^[69] They began dating later that summer, became engaged in 1991, and were married on October 3, 1992.^[70] After suffering a miscarriage, Michelle underwent in vitro fertilization to conceive their children.^[71] The couple’s first daughter, Malia Ann, was born in 1998,^[72] followed by a second daughter, Natasha (“Sasha”), in 2001.^[73] The Obama daughters attended the University of Chicago Laboratory Schools. When they moved to Washington, D.C., in January 2009, the girls started at the Sidwell Friends School.^[74] The Obamas had two Portuguese Water Dogs; the first, a male named Bo, was a gift from Senator Ted Kennedy.^[75] In 2013, Bo was joined by Sunny, a female.^[76] Bo died of cancer on May 8, 2021.^[77]Obama playing in a pickup game on the White House basketball court, 2009

Obama is a supporter of the Chicago White Sox, and he threw out the first pitch at the 2005 ALCS when he was still a senator.^[78] In 2009, he threw out the ceremonial first pitch at the All-Star Game while wearing a White Sox jacket.^[79] He is also primarily a Chicago Bears football fan in the NFL, but in his childhood and adolescence was a fan of the Pittsburgh Steelers, and rooted for them ahead of their victory in Super Bowl XLIII 12 days after he took office as president.^[80] In 2011, Obama invited the 1985 Chicago Bears to the White House; the team had not visited the White House after their Super Bowl win in 1986 due to the Space Shuttle Challenger disaster.^[81] He plays basketball, a sport he participated in as a member of his high school’s varsity team,^[82] and he is left-handed.^[83]

In 2005, the Obama family applied the proceeds of a book deal and moved from a Hyde Park, Chicago condominium to a $1.6 million house (equivalent to $2.1 million in 2020) in neighboring Kenwood, Chicago.^[84] The purchase of an adjacent lot—and sale of part of it to Obama by the wife of developer, campaign donor and friend Tony Rezko—attracted media attention because of Rezko’s subsequent indictment and conviction on political corruption charges that were unrelated to Obama.^[85]

In December 2007, Money Magazine estimated Obama’s net worth at $1.3 million (equivalent to $1.6 million in 2020).^[86] Their 2009 tax return showed a household income of $5.5 million—up from about $4.2 million in 2007 and $1.6 million in 2005—mostly from sales of his books.^[87]^[88] On his 2010 income of $1.7 million, he gave 14 percent to non-profit organizations, including $131,000 to Fisher House Foundation, a charity assisting wounded veterans’ families, allowing them to reside near where the veteran is receiving medical treatments.^[89]^[90] Per his 2012 financial disclosure, Obama may be worth as much as $10 million.^[91]

Religious views[edit source]

Obama is a Protestant Christian whose religious views developed in his adult life.^[92] He wrote in The Audacity of Hope that he “was not raised in a religious household.” He described his mother, raised by non-religious parents, as being detached from religion, yet “in many ways the most spiritually awakened person … I have ever known”, and “a lonely witness for secular humanism.” He described his father as a “confirmed atheist” by the time his parents met, and his stepfather as “a man who saw religion as not particularly useful.” Obama explained how, through working with black churches as a community organizer while in his twenties, he came to understand “the power of the African-American religious tradition to spur social change.”^[93]The Obamas worship at African Methodist Episcopal Church in Washington, D.C., January 2013

In January 2008, Obama told Christianity Today: “I am a Christian, and I am a devout Christian. I believe in the redemptive death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. I believe that faith gives me a path to be cleansed of sin and have eternal life.”^[94] On September 27, 2010, Obama released a statement commenting on his religious views, saying:

I’m a Christian by choice. My family didn’t—frankly, they weren’t folks who went to church every week. And my mother was one of the most spiritual people I knew, but she didn’t raise me in the church. So I came to my Christian faith later in life, and it was because the precepts of Jesus Christ spoke to me in terms of the kind of life that I would want to lead—being my brothers’ and sisters’ keeper, treating others as they would treat me.^[95]^[96]

Obama met Trinity United Church of Christ pastor Jeremiah Wright in October 1987 and became a member of Trinity in 1992.^[97] During Obama’s first presidential campaign in May 2008, he resigned from Trinity after some of Wright’s statements were criticized.^[98] Since moving to Washington, D.C., in 2009, the Obama family has attended several Protestant churches, including Shiloh Baptist Church and St. John’s Episcopal Church, as well as Evergreen Chapel at Camp David, but the members of the family do not attend church on a regular basis.^[99]^[100]^[101]

In 2016, he said that he gets inspiration from a few items that remind him “of all the different people I’ve met along the way”, adding: “I carry these around all the time. I’m not that superstitious, so it’s not like I think I necessarily have to have them on me at all times.” The items, “a whole bowl full”, include rosary beads given to him by Pope Francis, a figurine of the Hindu deity Hanuman, a Coptic cross from Ethiopia, a small Buddha statue given by a monk, and a metal poker chip that used to be the lucky charm of a motorcyclist in Iowa.^[102]^[103]

Law career[edit source]

Community organizer and Harvard Law School[edit source]

Two years after graduating from Columbia, Obama moved from New York to Chicago when he was hired as director of the Developing Communities Project, a church-based community organization originally comprising eight Catholic parishes in Roseland, West Pullman, and Riverdale on Chicago’s South Side. He worked there as a community organizer from June 1985 to May 1988.^[56]^[104] He helped set up a job training program, a college preparatory tutoring program, and a tenants’ rights organization in Altgeld Gardens.^[105] Obama also worked as a consultant and instructor for the Gamaliel Foundation, a community organizing institute.^[106] In mid-1988, he traveled for the first time in Europe for three weeks and then for five weeks in Kenya, where he met many of his paternal relatives for the first time.^[107]^[108]

External video
Derrick Bell threatens to leave Harvard, April 24, 1990, 11:34, Boston TV Digital Archive^[109] Student Barack Obama introduces Professor Derrick Bell starting at 6:25.

Despite being offered a full scholarship to Northwestern University School of Law, Obama enrolled at Harvard Law School in the fall of 1988, living in nearby Somerville, Massachusetts.^[110] He was selected as an editor of the Harvard Law Review at the end of his first year,^[111] president of the journal in his second year,^[105]^[112] and research assistant to the constitutional scholar Laurence Tribe while at Harvard for two years.^[113] During his summers, he returned to Chicago, where he worked as a summer associate at the law firms of Sidley Austin in 1989 and Hopkins & Sutter in 1990.^[114] After graduating with a JD degree magna cum laude^[115] from Harvard in 1991, he returned to Chicago.^[111] Obama’s election as the first black president of the Harvard Law Review gained national media attention^[105]^[112] and led to a publishing contract and advance for a book about race relations,^[116] which evolved into a personal memoir. The manuscript was published in mid-1995 as Dreams from My Father.^[116]

University of Chicago Law School and civil rights attorney[edit source]

In 1991, Obama accepted a two-year position as Visiting Law and Government Fellow at the University of Chicago Law School to work on his first book.^[116]^[117] He then taught constitutional law at the University of Chicago Law School for twelve years, first as a lecturer from 1992 to 1996, and then as a senior lecturer from 1996 to 2004.^[118]

From April to October 1992, Obama directed Illinois’s Project Vote, a voter registration campaign with ten staffers and seven hundred volunteer registrars; it achieved its goal of registering 150,000 of 400,000 unregistered African Americans in the state, leading Crain’s Chicago Business to name Obama to its 1993 list of “40 under Forty” powers to be.^[119]

He joined Davis, Miner, Barnhill & Galland, a 13-attorney law firm specializing in civil rights litigation and neighborhood economic development, where he was an associate for three years from 1993 to 1996, then of counsel from 1996 to 2004.^{[failed verification]} In 1994, he was listed as one of the lawyers in Buycks-Roberson v. Citibank Fed. Sav. Bank, 94 C 4094 (N.D. Ill.).^[120] This class action lawsuit was filed in 1994 with Selma Buycks-Roberson as lead plaintiff and alleged that Citibank Federal Savings Bank had engaged in practices forbidden under the Equal Credit Opportunity Act and the Fair Housing Act.^[121] The case was settled out of court.^[122] Final judgment was issued on May 13, 1998, with Citibank Federal Savings Bank agreeing to pay attorney fees.^[123]

From 1994 to 2002, Obama served on the boards of directors of the Woods Fund of Chicago—which in 1985 had been the first foundation to fund the Developing Communities Project—and of the Joyce Foundation.^[56] He served on the board of directors of the Chicago Annenberg Challenge from 1995 to 2002, as founding president and chairman of the board of directors from 1995 to 1999.^[56] Obama’s law license became inactive in 2007.^[124]^[125]

Legislative career[edit source]

Illinois Senate (1997–2004)[edit source]

Main article: Illinois Senate career of Barack Obama State Senator Obama and others celebrate the naming of a street in Chicago after ShoreBank co-founder Milton Davis in 1998

Obama was elected to the Illinois Senate in 1996, succeeding Democratic State Senator Alice Palmer from Illinois’s 13th District, which, at that time, spanned Chicago South Side neighborhoods from Hyde Park–Kenwood south to South Shore and west to Chicago Lawn.^[126] Once elected, Obama gained bipartisan support for legislation that reformed ethics and health care laws.^[127]^[128] He sponsored a law that increased tax credits for low-income workers, negotiated welfare reform, and promoted increased subsidies for childcare.^[129] In 2001, as co-chairman of the bipartisan Joint Committee on Administrative Rules, Obama supported Republican Governor Ryan’s payday loan regulations and predatory mortgage lending regulations aimed at averting home foreclosures.^[130]^[131]

He was reelected to the Illinois Senate in 1998, defeating Republican Yesse Yehudah in the general election, and was re-elected again in 2002.^[132]^[133] In 2000, he lost a Democratic primary race for Illinois’s 1st congressional district in the United States House of Representatives to four-term incumbent Bobby Rush by a margin of two to one.^[134]

In January 2003, Obama became chairman of the Illinois Senate’s Health and Human Services Committee when Democrats, after a decade in the minority, regained a majority.^[135] He sponsored and led unanimous, bipartisan passage of legislation to monitor racial profiling by requiring police to record the race of drivers they detained, and legislation making Illinois the first state to mandate videotaping of homicide interrogations.^[129]^[136]^[137]^[138] During his 2004 general election campaign for the U.S. Senate, police representatives credited Obama for his active engagement with police organizations in enacting death penalty reforms.^[139] Obama resigned from the Illinois Senate in November 2004 following his election to the U.S. Senate.^[140]

2004 U.S. Senate campaign[edit source]

Main article: 2004 United States Senate election in Illinois Results of the 2004 U.S. Senate race in Illinois; Obama won the counties in blue.

In May 2002, Obama commissioned a poll to assess his prospects in a 2004 U.S. Senate race. He created a campaign committee, began raising funds, and lined up political media consultant David Axelrod by August 2002. Obama formally announced his candidacy in January 2003.^[141]

Obama was an early opponent of the George W. Bush administration’s 2003 invasion of Iraq.^[142] On October 2, 2002, the day President Bush and Congress agreed on the joint resolution authorizing the Iraq War,^[143] Obama addressed the first high-profile Chicago anti-Iraq War rally,^[144] and spoke out against the war.^[145] He addressed another anti-war rally in March 2003 and told the crowd “it’s not too late” to stop the war.^[146]

Decisions by Republican incumbent Peter Fitzgerald and his Democratic predecessor Carol Moseley Braun to not participate in the election resulted in wide-open Democratic and Republican primary contests involving 15 candidates.^[147] In the March 2004 primary election, Obama won in an unexpected landslide—which overnight made him a rising star within the national Democratic Party, started speculation about a presidential future, and led to the reissue of his memoir, Dreams from My Father.^[148] In July 2004, Obama delivered the keynote address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention,^[149] seen by nine million viewers. His speech was well received and elevated his status within the Democratic Party.^[150]

Obama’s expected opponent in the general election, Republican primary winner Jack Ryan, withdrew from the race in June 2004.^[151] Six weeks later, Alan Keyes accepted the Republican nomination to replace Ryan.^[152] In the November 2004 general election, Obama won with 70 percent of the vote, the largest margin of victory for a Senate candidate in Illinois history.^[153] He took 92 of the state’s 102 counties, including several where Democrats traditionally do not do well.

U.S. Senate (2005–2008)[edit source]

See also: United States Senate career of Barack Obama and List of bills sponsored by Barack Obama in the United States Senate Official portrait of Obama as a member of the United States Senate

Obama was sworn in as a senator on January 3, 2005,^[154] becoming the only Senate member of the Congressional Black Caucus.^[155] He introduced two initiatives that bore his name: Lugar–Obama, which expanded the Nunn–Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction concept to conventional weapons;^[156] and the Federal Funding Accountability and Transparency Act of 2006, which authorized the establishment of USAspending.gov, a web search engine on federal spending.^[157] On June 3, 2008, Senator Obama—along with Senators Tom Carper, Tom Coburn, and John McCain—introduced follow-up legislation: Strengthening Transparency and Accountability in Federal Spending Act of 2008.^[158] He also cosponsored the Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act.^[159]

In December 2006, President Bush signed into law the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act, marking the first federal legislation to be enacted with Obama as its primary sponsor.^[160]^[161] In January 2007, Obama and Senator Feingold introduced a corporate jet provision to the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act, which was signed into law in September 2007.^[162]^[163]Obama and U.S. Senator Richard Lugar (R-IN) visit a Russian facility for dismantling mobile missiles (August 2005)^[164]

Later in 2007, Obama sponsored an amendment to the Defense Authorization Act to add safeguards for personality-disorder military discharges.^[165] This amendment passed the full Senate in the spring of 2008.^[166] He sponsored the Iran Sanctions Enabling Act supporting divestment of state pension funds from Iran’s oil and gas industry, which was never enacted but later incorporated in the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010;^[167] and co-sponsored legislation to reduce risks of nuclear terrorism.^[168] Obama also sponsored a Senate amendment to the State Children’s Health Insurance Program, providing one year of job protection for family members caring for soldiers with combat-related injuries.^[169]

Obama held assignments on the Senate Committees for Foreign Relations, Environment and Public Works and Veterans’ Affairs through December 2006.^[170] In January 2007, he left the Environment and Public Works committee and took additional assignments with Health, Education, Labor and Pensions and Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs.^[171] He also became Chairman of the Senate’s subcommittee on European Affairs.^[172] As a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Obama made official trips to Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. He met with Mahmoud Abbas before Abbas became President of the Palestinian National Authority, and gave a speech at the University of Nairobi in which he condemned corruption within the Kenyan government.^[173]

Obama resigned his Senate seat on November 16, 2008, to focus on his transition period for the presidency.^[174]

Presidential campaigns[edit source]

2008[edit source]

Main articles: 2008 United States presidential election, Barack Obama 2008 presidential primary campaign, and Barack Obama 2008 presidential campaign Obama on stage with wife and daughters just before announcing presidential candidacy in Springfield, Illinois, February 10, 2007 2008 electoral vote results. Obama won 365–173.

On February 10, 2007, Obama announced his candidacy for President of the United States in front of the Old State Capitol building in Springfield, Illinois.^[175]^[176] The choice of the announcement site was viewed as symbolic because it was also where Abraham Lincoln delivered his historic “House Divided” speech in 1858.^[175]^[177] Obama emphasized issues of rapidly ending the Iraq War, increasing energy independence, and reforming the health care system,^[178] in a campaign that projected themes of hope and change.^[179]

Numerous candidates entered the Democratic Party presidential primaries. The field narrowed to a duel between Obama and Senator Hillary Clinton after early contests, with the race remaining close throughout the primary process but with Obama gaining a steady lead in pledged delegates due to better long-range planning, superior fundraising, dominant organizing in caucus states, and better exploitation of delegate allocation rules.^[180] On June 7, 2008, Clinton ended her campaign and endorsed Obama.^[181]

On August 23, 2008, Obama announced his selection of Delaware Senator Joe Biden as his vice presidential running mate.^[182] Obama selected Biden from a field speculated to include former Indiana Governor and Senator Evan Bayh and Virginia Governor Tim Kaine.^[182] At the Democratic National Convention in Denver, Colorado, Hillary Clinton called for her supporters to endorse Obama, and she and Bill Clinton gave convention speeches in his support.^[183]^[184] Obama delivered his acceptance speech at Invesco Field at Mile High stadium to a crowd of about eighty-four thousand; the speech was viewed by over three million people worldwide.^[185]^[186]^[187]

During both the primary process and the general election, Obama’s campaign set numerous fundraising records, particularly in the quantity of small donations.^[188] On June 19, 2008, Obama became the first major-party presidential candidate to turn down public financing in the general election since the system was created in 1976.^[189]

John McCain was nominated as the Republican candidate, and he selected Sarah Palin as his running mate. Obama and McCain engaged in three presidential debates in September and October 2008.^[190] On November 4, Obama won the presidency with 365 electoral votes to 173 received by McCain.^[191] Obama won 52.9 percent of the popular vote to McCain’s 45.7 percent.^[192] He became the first African-American to be elected president.^[3] Obama delivered his victory speech before hundreds of thousands of supporters in Chicago’s Grant Park.^[193] He is one of the three United States senators moved directly from the U.S. Senate to the White House, the others are Warren G. Harding and John F. Kennedy.^[194]

2012[edit source]

Main articles: 2012 United States presidential election and Barack Obama 2012 presidential campaign 2012 electoral vote results. Obama won 332–206.

On April 4, 2011, Obama filed election papers with the Federal Election Commission and then announced his reelection campaign for 2012 in a video titled “It Begins with Us” that he posted on his website.^[195]^[196]^[197] As the incumbent president, he ran virtually unopposed in the Democratic Party presidential primaries,^[198] and on April 3, 2012, Obama secured the 2778 convention delegates needed to win the Democratic nomination.^[199]

At the Democratic National Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina, Obama and Joe Biden were formally nominated by former President Bill Clinton as the Democratic Party candidates for president and vice president in the general election. Their main opponents were Republicans Mitt Romney, the former governor of Massachusetts, and Representative Paul Ryan of Wisconsin.^[200]

On November 6, 2012, Obama won 332 electoral votes, exceeding the 270 required for him to be reelected as president.^[201]^[202]^[203] With 51.1 percent of the popular vote,^[204] Obama became the first Democratic president since Franklin D. Roosevelt to win the majority of the popular vote twice.^[205]^[206] Obama addressed supporters and volunteers at Chicago’s McCormick Place after his reelection and said: “Tonight you voted for action, not politics as usual. You elected us to focus on your jobs, not ours. And in the coming weeks and months, I am looking forward to reaching out and working with leaders of both parties.”^[207]^[208]

Presidency (2009–2017)[edit source]

Main article: Presidency of Barack ObamaFor a chronological guide to this subject, see Timeline of the Barack Obama presidency.

First 100 days[edit source]

Main article: First 100 days of Barack Obama’s presidency Obama takes the oath of office administered by Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. at the Capitol, January 20, 2009

The inauguration of Barack Obama as the 44th president took place on January 20, 2009. In his first few days in office, Obama issued executive orders and presidential memoranda directing the U.S. military to develop plans to withdraw troops from Iraq.^[209] He ordered the closing of the Guantanamo Bay detention camp,^[210] but Congress prevented the closure by refusing to appropriate the required funds^[211]^[212]^[213] and preventing moving any Guantanamo detainee.^[214] Obama reduced the secrecy given to presidential records.^[215] He also revoked President George W. Bush‘s restoration of President Ronald Reagan‘s Mexico City policy which prohibited federal aid to international family planning organizations that perform or provide counseling about abortion.^[216]

Domestic policy[edit source]

The first bill signed into law by Obama was the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009, relaxing the statute of limitations for equal-pay lawsuits.^[217] Five days later, he signed the reauthorization of the State Children’s Health Insurance Program to cover an additional four million uninsured children.^[218] In March 2009, Obama reversed a Bush-era policy that had limited funding of embryonic stem cell research and pledged to develop “strict guidelines” on the research.^[219]Obama delivers a speech at joint session of Congress with Vice President Joe Biden and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on February 24, 2009.

Obama appointed two women to serve on the Supreme Court in the first two years of his presidency. He nominated Sonia Sotomayor on May 26, 2009, to replace retiring Associate Justice David Souter; she was confirmed on August 6, 2009,^[220] becoming the first Supreme Court Justice of Hispanic descent.^[221] Obama nominated Elena Kagan on May 10, 2010, to replace retiring Associate Justice John Paul Stevens. She was confirmed on August 5, 2010, bringing the number of women sitting simultaneously on the Court to three for the first time in American history.^[222]

On March 11, 2009, Obama created the White House Council on Women and Girls, which formed part of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, having been established by Executive Order 13506 with a broad mandate to advise him on issues relating to the welfare of American women and girls.^[223] The council was chaired by Senior Advisor to the President Valerie Jarrett.^[224] Obama also established the White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault through a government memorandum on January 22, 2014, with a broad mandate to advise him on issues relating to sexual assault on college and university campuses throughout the United States.^[224]^[225]^[226] The co-chairs of the Task Force were Vice President Joe Biden and Jarrett.^[225] The Task Force was a development out of the White House Council on Women and Girls and Office of the Vice President of the United States, and prior to that the 1994 Violence Against Women Act first drafted by Biden.^[227]

In a major space policy speech in April 2010, Obama announced a planned change in direction at NASA, the U.S. space agency. He ended plans for a return of human spaceflight to the moon and development of the Ares I rocket, Ares V rocket and Constellation program, in favor of funding Earth science projects, a new rocket type, research and development for an eventual crewed mission to Mars, and ongoing missions to the International Space Station.^[228]Obama visits an Aurora shooting victim at University of Colorado Hospital, 2012.

On January 16, 2013, one month after the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, Obama signed 23 executive orders and outlined a series of sweeping proposals regarding gun control.^[229] He urged Congress to reintroduce an expired ban on military-style assault weapons, such as those used in several recent mass shootings, impose limits on ammunition magazines to 10 rounds, introduce background checks on all gun sales, pass a ban on possession and sale of armor-piercing bullets, introduce harsher penalties for gun-traffickers, especially unlicensed dealers who buy arms for criminals and approving the appointment of the head of the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for the first time since 2006.^[230] On January 5, 2016, Obama announced new executive actions extending background check requirements to more gun sellers.^[231] In a 2016 editorial in The New York Times, Obama compared the struggle for what he termed “common-sense gun reform” to women’s suffrage and other civil rights movements in American history.^[232]

In 2011, Obama signed a four-year renewal of the Patriot Act.^[233] Following the 2013 global surveillance disclosures by whistleblower Edward Snowden, Obama condemned the leak as unpatriotic,^[234] but called for increased restrictions on the NSA to address violations of privacy.^[235]^[236]

LGBT rights and same-sex marriage[edit source]

On October 8, 2009, Obama signed the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, a measure that expanded the 1969 United States federal hate-crime law to include crimes motivated by a victim’s actual or perceived gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability.^[237] On October 30, 2009, Obama lifted the ban on travel to the United States by those infected with HIV. The lifting of the ban was celebrated by Immigration Equality.^[238] On December 22, 2010, Obama signed the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Repeal Act of 2010, which fulfilled a promise made in the 2008 presidential campaign^[239]^[240] to end the don’t ask, don’t tell policy of 1993 that had prevented gay and lesbian people from serving openly in the United States Armed Forces.^[241] In 2016, the Pentagon ended the policy that barred transgender people from serving openly in the military.^[242]The White House was illuminated in rainbow colors on the evening of the Supreme Court same-sex marriage ruling, June 26, 2015.

As a candidate for the Illinois state senate in 1996, Obama stated he favored legalizing same-sex marriage.^[243] During his Senate run in 2004, he said he supported civil unions and domestic partnerships for same-sex partners but opposed same-sex marriages.^[244] In 2008, he reaffirmed this position by stating “I believe marriage is between a man and a woman. I am not in favor of gay marriage.”^[245] On May 9, 2012, shortly after the official launch of his campaign for re-election as president, Obama said his views had evolved, and he publicly affirmed his personal support for the legalization of same-sex marriage, becoming the first sitting U.S. president to do so.^[246]^[247] During his second inaugural address on January 21, 2013,^[208] Obama became the first U.S. president in office to call for full equality for gay Americans, and the first time that a president mentioned gay rights or the word “gay” in an inaugural address.^[248]^[249] In 2013, the Obama administration filed briefs that urged the Supreme Court to rule in favor of same-sex couples in the cases of Hollingsworth v. Perry (regarding same-sex marriage)^[250] and United States v. Windsor (regarding the Defense of Marriage Act).^[251]

Economic policy[edit source]

Main article: Economic policy of the Barack Obama administration

Obama presents his first weekly address as president of the United States on January 24, 2009, discussing the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009

On February 17, 2009, Obama signed the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, a $787 billion economic stimulus package aimed at helping the economy recover from the deepening worldwide recession.^[252] The act includes increased federal spending for health care, infrastructure, education, various tax breaks and incentives, and direct assistance to individuals.^[253] In March 2009, Obama’s Treasury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, took further steps to manage the financial crisis, including introducing the Public–Private Investment Program for Legacy Assets, which contains provisions for buying up to $2 trillion in depreciated real estate assets.^[254]Deficit and debt increases, 2001–2016

Obama intervened in the troubled automotive industry^[255] in March 2009, renewing loans for General Motors (GM) and Chrysler to continue operations while reorganizing. Over the following months the White House set terms for both firms’ bankruptcies, including the sale of Chrysler to Italian automaker Fiat^[256] and a reorganization of GM giving the U.S. government a temporary 60 percent equity stake in the company.^[257] In June 2009, dissatisfied with the pace of economic stimulus, Obama called on his cabinet to accelerate the investment.^[258] He signed into law the Car Allowance Rebate System, known colloquially as “Cash for Clunkers”, which temporarily boosted the economy.^[259]^[260]^[261]

The Bush and Obama administrations authorized spending and loan guarantees from the Federal Reserve and the Department of the Treasury. These guarantees totaled about $11.5 trillion, but only $3 trillion had been spent by the end of November 2009.^[262] On August 2, 2011, after a lengthy congressional debate over whether to raise the nation’s debt limit, Obama signed the bipartisan Budget Control Act of 2011. The legislation enforced limits on discretionary spending until 2021, established a procedure to increase the debt limit, created a Congressional Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction to propose further deficit reduction with a stated goal of achieving at least $1.5 trillion in budgetary savings over 10 years, and established automatic procedures for reducing spending by as much as $1.2 trillion if legislation originating with the new joint select committee did not achieve such savings.^[263] By passing the legislation, Congress was able to prevent a U.S. government default on its obligations.^[264]

The unemployment rate rose in 2009, reaching a peak in October at 10.0 percent and averaging 10.0 percent in the fourth quarter. Following a decrease to 9.7 percent in the first quarter of 2010, the unemployment rate fell to 9.6 percent in the second quarter, where it remained for the rest of the year.^[265] Between February and December 2010, employment rose by 0.8 percent, which was less than the average of 1.9 percent experienced during comparable periods in the past four employment recoveries.^[266] By November 2012, the unemployment rate fell to 7.7 percent,^[267] decreasing to 6.7 percent in the last month of 2013.^[268] During 2014, the unemployment rate continued to decline, falling to 6.3 percent in the first quarter.^[269] GDP growth returned in the third quarter of 2009, expanding at a rate of 1.6 percent, followed by a 5.0 percent increase in the fourth quarter.^[270] Growth continued in 2010, posting an increase of 3.7 percent in the first quarter, with lesser gains throughout the rest of the year.^[270] In July 2010, the Federal Reserve noted that economic activity continued to increase, but its pace had slowed, and chairman Ben Bernanke said the economic outlook was “unusually uncertain”.^[271] Overall, the economy expanded at a rate of 2.9 percent in 2010.^[272]US employment statistics (unemployment rate and monthly changes in net employment) during Obama’s tenure as U.S. president^[273]^[274]

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and a broad range of economists credit Obama’s stimulus plan for economic growth.^[275]^[276] The CBO released a report stating that the stimulus bill increased employment by 1–2.1 million,^[276]^[277]^[278]^[279] while conceding that “it is impossible to determine how many of the reported jobs would have existed in the absence of the stimulus package.”^[275] Although an April 2010, survey of members of the National Association for Business Economics showed an increase in job creation (over a similar January survey) for the first time in two years, 73 percent of 68 respondents believed the stimulus bill has had no impact on employment.^[280] The economy of the United States has grown faster than the other original NATO members by a wider margin under President Obama than it has anytime since the end of World War II.^[281] The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development credits the much faster growth in the United States to the stimulus plan of the U.S. and the austerity measures in the European Union.^[282]

Within a month of the 2010 midterm elections, Obama announced a compromise deal with the Congressional Republican leadership that included a temporary, two-year extension of the 2001 and 2003 income tax rates, a one-year payroll tax reduction, continuation of unemployment benefits, and a new rate and exemption amount for estate taxes.^[283] The compromise overcame opposition from some in both parties, and the resulting $858 billion Tax Relief, Unemployment Insurance Reauthorization, and Job Creation Act of 2010 passed with bipartisan majorities in both houses of Congress before Obama signed it on December 17, 2010.^[284]

In December 2013, Obama declared that growing income inequality is a “defining challenge of our time” and called on Congress to bolster the safety net and raise wages. This came on the heels of the nationwide strikes of fast-food workers and Pope Francis‘ criticism of inequality and trickle-down economics.^[285] Obama urged Congress to ratify a 12-nation free trade pact called the Trans-Pacific Partnership.^[286]

Environmental policy[edit source]

See also: Climate change policy of the United States and Energy policy of the Barack Obama administration Obama at a 2010 briefing on the BP oil spill at the Coast Guard Station Venice in Venice, Louisiana

On April 20, 2010, an explosion destroyed an offshore drilling rig at the Macondo Prospect in the Gulf of Mexico, causing a major sustained oil leak. Obama visited the Gulf, announced a federal investigation, and formed a bipartisan commission to recommend new safety standards, after a review by Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar and concurrent Congressional hearings. He then announced a six-month moratorium on new deepwater drilling permits and leases, pending regulatory review.^[287] As multiple efforts by BP failed, some in the media and public expressed confusion and criticism over various aspects of the incident, and stated a desire for more involvement by Obama and the federal government.^[288] Prior to the oil spill, on March 31, 2010, Obama ended a ban on oil and gas drilling along the majority of the East Coast of the United States and along the coast of northern Alaska in an effort to win support for an energy and climate bill and to reduce foreign imports of oil and gas.^[289]

In July 2013, Obama expressed reservations and said he “would reject the Keystone XL pipeline if it increased carbon pollution [or] greenhouse emissions.”^[290]^[291] On February 24, 2015, Obama vetoed a bill that would have authorized the pipeline.^[292] It was the third veto of Obama’s presidency and his first major veto.^[293]

In December 2016, Obama permanently banned new offshore oil and gas drilling in most United States-owned waters in the Atlantic and Arctic Oceans using the 1953 Outer Continental Shelf Act.^[294]^[295]^[296]

Obama emphasized the conservation of federal lands during his term in office. He used his power under the Antiquities Act to create 25 new national monuments during his presidency and expand four others, protecting a total of 553,000,000 acres (224,000,000 ha) of federal lands and waters, more than any other U.S. president.^[297]^[298]^[299]^[300]

Health care reform[edit source]

Main article: Healthcare reform in the United States Obama signs the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act at the White House, March 23, 2010.

Obama called for Congress to pass legislation reforming health care in the United States, a key campaign promise and a top legislative goal.^[301] He proposed an expansion of health insurance coverage to cover the uninsured, cap premium increases, and allow people to retain their coverage when they leave or change jobs. His proposal was to spend $900 billion over ten years and include a government insurance plan, also known as the public option, to compete with the corporate insurance sector as a main component to lowering costs and improving quality of health care. It would also make it illegal for insurers to drop sick people or deny them coverage for pre-existing conditions, and require every American to carry health coverage. The plan also includes medical spending cuts and taxes on insurance companies that offer expensive plans.^[302]^[303]Maximum Out-of-Pocket Premium as Percentage of Family Income and federal poverty level, under Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, starting in 2014 (Source: CRS)^[304]

On July 14, 2009, House Democratic leaders introduced a 1,017-page plan for overhauling the U.S. health care system, which Obama wanted Congress to approve by the end of 2009.^[301] After public debate during the Congressional summer recess of 2009, Obama delivered a speech to a joint session of Congress on September 9 where he addressed concerns over the proposals.^[305] In March 2009, Obama lifted a ban on using federal funds for stem cell research.^[306]

On November 7, 2009, a health care bill featuring the public option was passed in the House.^[307]^[308] On December 24, 2009, the Senate passed its own bill—without a public option—on a party-line vote of 60–39.^[309] On March 21, 2010, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) passed by the Senate in December was passed in the House by a vote of 219 to 212.^[310] Obama signed the bill into law on March 23, 2010.^[311]

The ACA includes health-related provisions, most of which took effect in 2014, including expanding Medicaid eligibility for people making up to 133 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL) starting in 2014,^[312] subsidizing insurance premiums for people making up to 400 percent of the FPL ($88,000 for family of four in 2010) so their maximum “out-of-pocket” payment for annual premiums will be from 2 percent to 9.5 percent of income,^[313]^[314] providing incentives for businesses to provide health care benefits, prohibiting denial of coverage and denial of claims based on pre-existing conditions, establishing health insurance exchanges, prohibiting annual coverage caps, and support for medical research. According to White House and CBO figures, the maximum share of income that enrollees would have to pay would vary depending on their income relative to the federal poverty level.^[313]^[315]Percentage of Individuals in the United States without Health Insurance, 1963–2015 (Source: JAMA)^[316]

The costs of these provisions are offset by taxes, fees, and cost-saving measures, such as new Medicare taxes for those in high-income brackets, taxes on indoor tanning, cuts to the Medicare Advantage program in favor of traditional Medicare, and fees on medical devices and pharmaceutical companies;^[317] there is also a tax penalty for those who do not obtain health insurance, unless they are exempt due to low income or other reasons.^[318] In March 2010, the CBO estimated that the net effect of both laws will be a reduction in the federal deficit by $143 billion over the first decade.^[319]

The law faced several legal challenges, primarily based on the argument that an individual mandate requiring Americans to buy health insurance was unconstitutional. On June 28, 2012, the Supreme Court ruled by a 5–4 vote in National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius that the mandate was constitutional under the U.S. Congress’s taxing authority.^[320] In Burwell v. Hobby Lobby the Court ruled that “closely-held” for-profit corporations could be exempt on religious grounds under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act from regulations adopted under the ACA that would have required them to pay for insurance that covered certain contraceptives. In June 2015, the Court ruled 6–3 in King v. Burwell that subsidies to help individuals and families purchase health insurance were authorized for those doing so on both the federal exchange and state exchanges, not only those purchasing plans “established by the State”, as the statute reads.^[321]

Foreign policy[edit source]

Main article: Foreign policy of the Barack Obama administration June 4, 2009 − after his speech A New Beginning at Cairo University, U.S. President Obama participates in a roundtable interview in 2009 with among others Jamal Khashoggi, Bambang Harymurti and Nahum Barnea.

In February and March 2009, Vice President Joe Biden and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton made separate overseas trips to announce a “new era” in U.S. foreign relations with Russia and Europe, using the terms “break” and “reset” to signal major changes from the policies of the preceding administration.^[322] Obama attempted to reach out to Arab leaders by granting his first interview to an Arab satellite TV network, Al Arabiya.^[323] On March 19, Obama continued his outreach to the Muslim world, releasing a New Year’s video message to the people and government of Iran.^[324]^[325] On June 4, 2009, Obama delivered a speech at Cairo University in Egypt calling for “A New Beginning” in relations between the Islamic world and the United States and promoting Middle East peace.^[326] On June 26, 2009, Obama condemned the Iranian government’s actions towards protesters following Iran’s 2009 presidential election.^[327]

In 2011, Obama ordered a drone strike in Yemen which targeted and killed Anwar al-Awlaki. Awlaki was an American imam suspected of being an Al-Qaeda organizer and supporter. Awlaki became the first U.S. citizen to be targeted and killed by a U.S. drone strike without the rights of due process being afforded. The killing lead to significant controversy and may have increased Awlaki’s influence. His teenage son and young daughter, also Americans, were later killed in separate US military actions, although they were not targeted specifically.^[328]^[329]Obama meets with Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi at the White House, October 2016.

In March 2015, Obama declared that he had authorized U.S. forces to provide logistical and intelligence support to the Saudis in their military intervention in Yemen, establishing a “Joint Planning Cell” with Saudi Arabia.^[330]^[331] In 2016, the Obama administration proposed a series of arms deals with Saudi Arabia worth $115 billion.^[332] Obama halted the sale of guided munition technology to Saudi Arabia after Saudi warplanes targeted a funeral in Yemen’s capital Sanaa, killing more than 140 people.^[333]

War in Iraq[edit source]

Main articles: Iraq War and American-led intervention in Iraq (2014–present)

On February 27, 2009, Obama announced that combat operations in Iraq would end within 18 months.^[334] The Obama administration scheduled the withdrawal of combat troops to be completed by August 2010, decreasing troop’s levels from 142,000 while leaving a transitional force of about 50,000 in Iraq until the end of 2011. On August 19, 2010, the last U.S. combat brigade exited Iraq. Remaining troops transitioned from combat operations to counter-terrorism and the training, equipping, and advising of Iraqi security forces.^[335]^[336] On August 31, 2010, Obama announced that the United States combat mission in Iraq was over.^[337] On October 21, 2011, President Obama announced that all U.S. troops would leave Iraq in time to be “home for the holidays.”^[338]Meeting with UK Prime Minister David Cameron during the 2010 G20 Toronto summit

In June 2014, following the capture of Mosul by ISIS, Obama sent 275 troops to provide support and security for U.S. personnel and the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. ISIS continued to gain ground and to commit widespread massacres and ethnic cleansing.^[339]^[340] In August 2014, during the Sinjar massacre, Obama ordered a campaign of U.S. airstrikes against ISIS.^[341] By the end of 2014, 3,100 American ground troops were committed to the conflict^[342] and 16,000 sorties were flown over the battlefield, primarily by U.S. Air Force and Navy pilots.^[343] In early 2015, with the addition of the “Panther Brigade” of the 82nd Airborne Division the number of U.S. ground troops in Iraq increased to 4,400,^[344] and by July American-led coalition air forces counted 44,000 sorties over the battlefield.^[345]

War in Afghanistan[edit source]

Main article: War in Afghanistan (2001–2021)Obama after a trilateral meeting with Afghan President Hamid Karzai (left) and Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari (right), White House Cabinet Room, May 2009

Early in his presidency, Obama moved to bolster U.S. troop strength in Afghanistan.^[346] He announced an increase in U.S. troop levels to 17,000 military personnel in February 2009 to “stabilize a deteriorating situation in Afghanistan”, an area he said had not received the “strategic attention, direction and resources it urgently requires”.^[347] He replaced the military commander in Afghanistan, General David D. McKiernan, with former Special Forces commander Lt. Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal in May 2009, indicating that McChrystal’s Special Forces experience would facilitate the use of counterinsurgency tactics in the war.^[348] On December 1, 2009, Obama announced the deployment of an additional 30,000 military personnel to Afghanistan and proposed to begin troop withdrawals 18 months from that date;^[349] this took place in July 2011. David Petraeus replaced McChrystal in June 2010, after McChrystal’s staff criticized White House personnel in a magazine article.^[350] In February 2013, Obama said the U.S. military would reduce the troop level in Afghanistan from 68,000 to 34,000 U.S. troops by February 2014.^[351] In October 2015, the White House announced a plan to keep U.S. Forces in Afghanistan indefinitely in light of the deteriorating security situation.^[352]

Israel[edit source]

Obama meeting with Israeli President Shimon Peres in the Oval Office, May 2009

During the initial years of the Obama administration, the U.S. increased military cooperation with Israel, including increased military aid, re-establishment of the U.S.-Israeli Joint Political Military Group and the Defense Policy Advisory Group, and an increase in visits among high-level military officials of both countries.^[353] The Obama administration asked Congress to allocate money toward funding the Iron Dome program in response to the waves of Palestinian rocket attacks on Israel.^[354] In March 2010, Obama took a public stance against plans by the government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to continue building Jewish housing projects in predominantly Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem.^[355]^[356] In 2011, the United States vetoed a Security Council resolution condemning Israeli settlements, with the United States being the only nation to do so.^[357] Obama supports the two-state solution to the Arab–Israeli conflict based on the 1967 borders with land swaps.^[358]

In 2013, Jeffrey Goldberg reported that, in Obama’s view, “with each new settlement announcement, Netanyahu is moving his country down a path toward near-total isolation.”^[359] In 2014, Obama likened the Zionist movement to the civil rights movement in the United States. He said both movements seek to bring justice and equal rights to historically persecuted peoples, explaining: “To me, being pro-Israel and pro-Jewish is part and parcel with the values that I’ve been fighting for since I was politically conscious and started getting involved in politics.”^[360] Obama expressed support for Israel’s right to defend itself during the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict.^[361] In 2015, Obama was harshly criticized by Israel for advocating and signing the Iran Nuclear Deal; Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who had advocated the U.S. congress to oppose it, said the deal was “dangerous” and “bad”.^[362]

On December 23, 2016, under the Obama Administration, the United States abstained from United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, which condemned Israeli settlement building in the occupied Palestinian territories as a violation of international law, effectively allowing it to pass.^[363] Netanyahu strongly criticized the Obama administration’s actions,^[364]^[365] and the Israeli government withdrew its annual dues from the organization, which totaled $6 million, on January 6, 2017.^[366] On January 5, 2017, the United States House of Representatives voted 342–80 to condemn the UN Resolution.^[367]^[368]

Libya[edit source]

Main article: 2011 military intervention in Libya President Obama meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss Syria and ISIS, September 29, 2015.

In February 2011, protests in Libya began against long-time dictator Muammar Gaddafi as part of the Arab Spring. They soon turned violent. In March, as forces loyal to Gaddafi advanced on rebels across Libya, calls for a no-fly zone came from around the world, including Europe, the Arab League, and a resolution^[369] passed unanimously by the U.S. Senate.^[370] In response to the unanimous passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 on March 17, Gaddafi—who had previously vowed to “show no mercy” to the rebels of Benghazi^[371]—announced an immediate cessation of military activities.^[372]

The next day, on Obama’s orders, the U.S. military took part in air strikes to destroy the Libyan government’s air defense capabilities to protect civilians and enforce a no-fly-zone,^[373] including the use of Tomahawk missiles, B-2 Spirits, and fighter jets.^[374]^[375]^[376] Six days later, on March 25, by unanimous vote of all its 28 members, NATO took over leadership of the effort, dubbed Operation Unified Protector.^[377] Some Representatives^[378] questioned whether Obama had the constitutional authority to order military action in addition to questioning its cost, structure and aftermath.^[379]^[380] Obama later expressed regret for playing a leading role in the destabilization of Libya, calling the certain situation there “a mess.”^[381] He has stated that the lack of preparation surrounding the days following the government’s overthrow was the “worst mistake” of his presidency.^[382]

Syrian Civil War[edit source]

On August 18, 2011, several months after the start of the Syrian Civil War, Obama issued a written statement that said: “The time has come for President Assad to step aside.”^[383]^[384] This stance was reaffirmed in November 2015.^[385] In 2012, Obama authorized multiple programs run by the CIA and the Pentagon to train anti-Assad rebels.^[386] The Pentagon-run program was later found to have failed and was formally abandoned in October 2015.^[387]^[388]

In the wake of a chemical weapons attack in Syria, formally blamed by the Obama administration on the Assad government, Obama chose not to enforce the “red line” he had pledged^[389] and, rather than authorize the promised military action against Assad, went along with the Russia-brokered deal that led to Assad giving up chemical weapons; however attacks with chlorine gas continued.^[390]^[391] In 2014, Obama authorized an air campaign aimed primarily at ISIL.^[392]

Death of Osama bin Laden[edit source]

Main article: Killing of Osama bin Laden

President Obama’s address (9:28)
Also available:Audio only; Full text Obama and members of the national security team receive an update on Operation Neptune’s Spear in the White House Situation Room, May 1, 2011. See also: Situation Room

Starting with information received from Central Intelligence Agency operatives in July 2010, the CIA developed intelligence over the next several months that determined what they believed to be the hideout of Osama bin Laden. He was living in seclusion in a large compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan, a suburban area 35 miles (56 km) from Islamabad.^[393] CIA head Leon Panetta reported this intelligence to President Obama in March 2011.^[393] Meeting with his national security advisers over the course of the next six weeks, Obama rejected a plan to bomb the compound, and authorized a “surgical raid” to be conducted by United States Navy SEALs.^[393] The operation took place on May 1, 2011, and resulted in the shooting death of bin Laden and the seizure of papers, computer drives and disks from the compound.^[394]^[395] DNA testing was one of five methods used to positively identify bin Laden’s corpse,^[396] which was buried at sea several hours later.^[397] Within minutes of the President’s announcement from Washington, DC, late in the evening on May 1, there were spontaneous celebrations around the country as crowds gathered outside the White House, and at New York City’s Ground Zero and Times Square.^[394]^[398] Reaction to the announcement was positive across party lines, including from former presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush.^[399]

Iran nuclear talks[edit source]

Main article: Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Obama talks with Benjamin Netanyahu, March 2013.

On October 1, 2009, the Obama administration went ahead with a Bush administration program, increasing nuclear weapons production. The “Complex Modernization” initiative expanded two existing nuclear sites to produce new bomb parts. The administration built new plutonium pits at the Los Alamos lab in New Mexico and expanded enriched uranium processing at the Y-12 facility in Oak Ridge, Tennessee.^[400] In November 2013, the Obama administration opened negotiations with Iran to prevent it from acquiring nuclear weapons, which included an interim agreement. Negotiations took two years with numerous delays, with a deal being announced on July 14, 2015. The deal titled the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” saw sanctions removed in exchange for measures that would prevent Iran from producing nuclear weapons. While Obama hailed the agreement as being a step towards a more hopeful world, the deal drew strong criticism from Republican and conservative quarters, and from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.^[401]^[402]^[403] In addition, the transfer of $1.7 billion in cash to Iran shortly after the deal was announced was criticized by the republican party. The Obama administration said that the payment in cash was because of the “effectiveness of U.S. and international sanctions.”^[404] In order to advance the deal, the Obama administration shielded Hezbollah from the Drug Enforcement Administration‘s Project Cassandra investigation regarding drug smuggling and from the Central Intelligence Agency.^[405]^[406] On a side note, the very same year, in December 2015, Obama started a $348 billion worth program to back the biggest U.S. buildup of nuclear arms since Ronald Reagan left the White House.^[407]

Relations with Cuba[edit source]

Main article: Cuban thaw President Obama meeting with Cuban President Raúl Castro in Panama, April 2015

Since the spring of 2013, secret meetings were conducted between the United States and Cuba in the neutral locations of Canada and Vatican City.^[408] The Vatican first became involved in 2013 when Pope Francis advised the U.S. and Cuba to exchange prisoners as a gesture of goodwill.^[409] On December 10, 2013, Cuban President Raúl Castro, in a significant public moment, greeted and shook hands with Obama at the Nelson Mandela memorial service in Johannesburg.^[410]

In December 2014, after the secret meetings, it was announced that Obama, with Pope Francis as an intermediary, had negotiated a restoration of relations with Cuba, after nearly sixty years of détente.^[411] Popularly dubbed the Cuban Thaw, The New Republic deemed the Cuban Thaw to be “Obama’s finest foreign policy achievement.”^[412] On July 1, 2015, President Obama announced that formal diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States would resume, and embassies would be opened in Washington and Havana.^[413] The countries’ respective “interests sections” in one another’s capitals were upgraded to embassies on July 20 and August 13, 2015, respectively.^[414] Obama visited Havana, Cuba for two days in March 2016, becoming the first sitting U.S. president to arrive since Calvin Coolidge in 1928.^[415]

Africa[edit source]

Obama spoke in front of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on July 29, 2015, the first sitting U.S. president to do so. He gave a speech encouraging the world to increase economic ties via investments and trade with the continent, and lauded the progress made in education, infrastructure, and economy. He also criticized the lack of democracy and leaders who refuse to step aside, discrimination against minorities (LGBT people, religious groups and ethnicities), and corruption. He suggested an intensified democratization and free trade, to significantly improve the quality of life for Africans.^[416]^[417] During his July 2015 trip, Obama also was the first U.S. president ever to visit Kenya, which is the homeland of his father.^[418]

Hiroshima speech[edit source]

On May 27, 2016, Obama became the first sitting American president to visit Hiroshima, Japan, 71 years after the U.S. atomic bombing of Hiroshima towards the end of World War II. Accompanied by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, Obama paid tribute to the victims of the bombing at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum.^[419] Although he was pressured to by atomic bomb survivor groups, he did not apologize for the decision to drop the bomb.^[420]

Russia[edit source]

See also: Russia–United States relations § From Obama’s first term to election of Trump (2009–16)Obama meets Russian President Vladimir Putin in September 2015.

In March 2010, an agreement was reached with the administration of Russian President Dmitry Medvedev to replace the 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with a new pact reducing the number of long-range nuclear weapons in the arsenals of both countries by about a third.^[421] Obama and Medvedev signed the New START treaty in April 2010, and the U.S. Senate ratified it in December 2010.^[422] In December 2011, Obama instructed agencies to consider LGBT rights when issuing financial aid to foreign countries.^[423] In August 2013, he criticized Russia’s law that discriminates against gays,^[424] but he stopped short of advocating a boycott of the upcoming 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia.^[425]

After Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, military intervention in Syria in 2015, and the interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election,^[426] Obama’s Russia policy was widely seen as a failure.^[427] George Robertson, a former UK defense secretary and NATO secretary-general, said Obama had “allowed Putin to jump back on the world stage and test the resolve of the West”, adding that the legacy of this disaster would last.^[428]

Cultural and political image[edit source]

Main article: Public image of Barack ObamaSee also: International reactions to the 2008 United States presidential election and International reactions to the 2012 United States presidential election

Obama’s family history, upbringing, and Ivy League education differ markedly from those of African-American politicians who launched their careers in the 1960s through participation in the civil rights movement.^[429] Expressing puzzlement over questions about whether he is “black enough”, Obama told an August 2007 meeting of the National Association of Black Journalists that “we’re still locked in this notion that if you appeal to white folks then there must be something wrong.”^[430] Obama acknowledged his youthful image in an October 2007 campaign speech, saying: “I wouldn’t be here if, time and again, the torch had not been passed to a new generation.”^[431]

Obama is frequently referred to as an exceptional orator.^[432] During his pre-inauguration transition period and continuing into his presidency, Obama delivered a series of weekly Internet video addresses.^[433] In his speeches as president, Obama did not make more overt references to race relations than his predecessors,^[434]^[435] but according to one study, he implemented stronger policy action on behalf of African-Americans than any president since the Nixon era.^[436]Presidential approval ratings

According to the Gallup Organization, Obama began his presidency with a 68 percent approval rating^[437] before gradually declining for the rest of the year, and eventually bottoming out at 41 percent in August 2010,^[438] a trend similar to Ronald Reagan‘s and Bill Clinton‘s first years in office.^[439] He experienced a small poll bounce shortly after the death of Osama bin Laden on May 2, 2011. This bounce lasted until around June 2011, when his approval numbers dropped back to where they were previously.^[440]^[441] His approval ratings rebounded around the same time as his reelection in 2012, with polls showing an average job approval of 52 percent shortly after his second inauguration.^[442] Despite approval ratings dropping to 39 percent in late-2013 due to the ACA roll-out, they climbed to 50 percent in January 2015 according to Gallup.^[443]

Polls showed strong support for Obama in other countries both before and during his presidency.^[444]^[445] In a February 2009 poll conducted in Western Europe and the U.S. by Harris Interactive for France 24 and the International Herald Tribune, Obama was rated as the most respected world leader, as well as the most powerful.^[446] In a similar poll conducted by Harris in May 2009, Obama was rated as the most popular world leader, as well as the one figure most people would pin their hopes on for pulling the world out of the economic downturn.^[447]^[448]G8 leaders watching the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final

Obama won Best Spoken Word Album Grammy Awards for abridged audiobook versions of Dreams from My Father in February 2006 and for The Audacity of Hope in February 2008.^[449] His concession speech after the New Hampshire primary was set to music by independent artists as the music video “Yes We Can“, which was viewed ten million times on YouTube in its first month^[450] and received a Daytime Emmy Award.^[451] In December 2008 and in 2012, Time magazine named Obama as its Person of the Year.^[452] The 2008 awarding was for his historic candidacy and election, which Time described as “the steady march of seemingly impossible accomplishments.”^[453] On May 25, 2011, Obama became the first president of the United States to address both houses of the UK Parliament in Westminster Hall, London. This was only the fifth occurrence since the start of the 20th century of a head of state’s being extended this invitation, following Charles de Gaulle in 1960, Nelson Mandela in 1996, Queen Elizabeth II in 2002 and Pope Benedict XVI in 2010.^[454]^[455]

On October 9, 2009, the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced that Obama had won the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize “for his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples.”^[456] Obama accepted this award in Oslo, Norway on December 10, 2009, with “deep gratitude and great humility.”^[457] The award drew a mixture of praise and criticism from world leaders and media figures.^[458]^[459]^[460]^[461] Obama’s peace prize was called a “stunning surprise” by The New York Times.^[462] Some neoconservatives praised his speech for what they viewed as pro-American content.^[463]^[464] He became the fourth U.S. president to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and the third to become a Nobel laureate while in office.^[465] Obama’s Nobel Prize was viewed skeptically in subsequent years, especially after the director of the Nobel Institute, Geir Lundestad, said that Obama’s Peace Prize did not have the desired effect of encouraging the President.^[466]

Post-presidency (2017–present)[edit source]

Obama with his then-new successor Donald Trump and his later successor Joe Biden, at the former’s inauguration on January 20, 2017

Obama’s presidency ended on January 20, 2017, upon the inauguration of his successor, Donald Trump.^[467]^[468] The family currently rents a house in Kalorama, Washington, D.C.^[469] On March 2, 2017, the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum awarded the Profile in Courage Award to Obama “for his enduring commitment to democratic ideals and elevating the standard of political courage.”^[470] His first public appearance since leaving the office was a seminar at the University of Chicago on April 24, where he appealed for a new generation to participate in politics.^[471]Obama playing golf with the President of Argentina Mauricio Macri, October 2017

When Trump announced his withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement on June 1, Obama released a statement disagreeing with the choice.^[472] After Senate Republicans revealed the Better Care Reconciliation Act of 2017, their discussion draft of a health care bill to replace the Affordable Care Act, Obama released a Facebook post on June 22 calling the bill “a massive transfer of wealth from middle-class and poor families to the richest people in America.”^[473] On September 19, while delivering the keynote address at Goalkeepers, Obama admitted his frustration with Republicans backing “a bill that will raise costs, reduce coverage, and roll back protections for older Americans and people with pre-existing conditions.”^[474] After Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced the termination of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program on September 5, Obama released a Facebook post criticizing the decision.^[475] Two days later, Obama partnered with former presidents Jimmy Carter, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush to work with One America Appeal to help the victims of Hurricane Harvey and Hurricane Irma in the Gulf Coast and Texas communities.^[476]

Obama hosted the inaugural summit of the Obama Foundation in Chicago from October 31 to November 1, 2017.^[477] He intends for the foundation to be the central focus of his post-presidency and part of his ambitions for his subsequent activities following his presidency to be more consequential than his time in office.^[478]

In May 2018, Obama criticized President Trump’s decision to withdraw from the nuclear deal with Iran under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action saying “the deal was working and it was in U.S. interests.”^[479] Barack and Michelle Obama signed a deal on May 22, 2018, to produce docu-series, documentaries and features for Netflix under the Obamas’ newly formed production company, Higher Ground Productions.^[480]^[481] Higher Ground’s first film, American Factory, won the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature in 2020.^[482]Obama and his wife Michelle at the inauguration of Joe Biden

In 2019, Barack and Michelle Obama bought a home on Martha’s Vineyard from Wyc Grousbeck.^[483]^[484] On October 29, 2019, Obama criticized “wokeness” and call-out culture at the Obama Foundation’s annual summit.^[485]^[486]

On April 14, 2020, Obama endorsed his former vice president Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee, for president in the 2020 election, stating that he has “all the qualities we need in a president right now.”^[487]^[488] In May 2020, Obama criticized President Trump for his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, calling his response to the crisis “an absolute chaotic disaster”, and stating that the consequences of the Trump presidency have been “our worst impulses unleashed, our proud reputation around the world badly diminished, and our democratic institutions threatened like never before.”^[489] Trump retaliated by accusing Obama of having committed “the biggest political crime in American history”, although he refused to say what he was talking about, telling reporters: “You know what the crime is, the crime is very obvious to everybody.”^[490] Obama wrote a presidential memoir, in a $65 million deal with Penguin Random House.^[491] The book, A Promised Land, was released on November 17, 2020.^[492]^[493]^[494] In February 2021, Obama and musician Bruce Springsteen started a podcast called Renegades: Born in the USA where the two talk about “their backgrounds, music and their ‘enduring love of America.’”^[495]^[496] More recently, Regina Hicks had signed a deal with Netflix, in a venture with the his and Michelle‘s Higher Ground to develop comedy projects.^[497]

Legacy[edit source]

Job growth during the presidency of Obama compared to other presidents, as measured as a cumulative percentage change from month after inauguration to end of his term

Obama’s most significant legacy is generally considered to be the Affordable Care Act (ACA), provisions of which went into effect from 2010 to 2020. Many attempts by Senate Republicans to repeal the ACA, including a “skinny repeal”, have thus far failed,^[498] however in 2017 the penalty for violating the individual mandate was repealed effective 2019.^[499] Together with the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act amendment, it represents the U.S. healthcare system‘s most significant regulatory overhaul and expansion of coverage since the passage of Medicare and Medicaid in 1965.^[500]^[501]^[502]^[503]

Many commentators credit Obama with averting a threatened depression and pulling the economy back from the Great Recession.^[498] According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Obama administration created 11.3 million jobs from the month after his first inauguration to the end of his term.^[504] In 2010, Obama signed into effect the Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. Passed as a response to the financial crisis of 2007–08, it brought the most significant changes to financial regulation in the United States since the regulatory reform that followed the Great Depression under Democratic President Franklin D. Roosevelt.^[505]

In 2009, Obama signed into law the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2010, which contained in it the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, the first addition to existing federal hate crime law in the United States since Democratic President Bill Clinton signed into law the Church Arson Prevention Act of 1996. The Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act expanded existing federal hate crime laws in the United States to apply to crimes motivated by a victim’s actual or perceived gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, or disability, and dropped the prerequisite that the victim be engaged in a federally protected activity.^{[citation needed]}

As president, Obama advanced LGBT rights.^[506] In 2010, he signed the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Repeal Act, which brought an end to “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy in the U.S. armed forces that banned open service from LGB people; the law went into effect the following year.^[507] In 2016, his administration brought an end to the ban on transgender people serving openly in the U.S. armed forces.^[508]^[242] A Gallup poll, taken in the final days of Obama’s term, showed that 68 percent of Americans believed the U.S. had made progress on LGBT rights during Obama’s eight years in office.^[509]

Obama substantially escalated the use of drone strikes against suspected militants and terrorists associated with al-Qaeda and the Taliban.^[510]^[511] In 2016, the last year of his presidency, the U.S. dropped 26,171 bombs on seven different countries.^[512]^[513] Obama left about 8,400 U.S. troops in Afghanistan, 5,262 in Iraq, 503 in Syria, 133 in Pakistan, 106 in Somalia, seven in Yemen, and two in Libya at the end of his presidency.^[514]^[515]

According to Pew Research Center and United States Bureau of Justice Statistics, from December 31, 2009, to December 31, 2015, inmates sentenced in U.S. federal custody declined by five percent. This is the largest decline in sentenced inmates in U.S. federal custody since Democratic President Jimmy Carter. By contrast, the federal prison population increased significantly under presidents Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush.^[516]

According to Julian Zelizer‘s The Presidency of Barack Obama, under Obama’s presidency, the “Democrats lost more than one thousand seats in state legislatures, governors’ mansions, and Congress during his time in office.” adding that Obama “turned out to be a very effective policymaker but not a tremendously successful party builder.”^[517]

During Obama’s presidency, a record 3.2 million people were deported from the United States.^[518] His record deportations earned Obama the nickname “Deporter in Chief”.^[519] In February 2020, Biden called the deportation of hundreds of thousands of people without criminal records under the Obama administration a “big mistake”.^[520]

Obama left office in January 2017 with a 60 percent approval rating.^[521]^[522] A 2018 survey of historians by the American Political Science Association ranked Obama the 8th-greatest American president.^[5] Obama gained 10 spots from the same survey in 2015 from the Brookings Institution that ranked him the 18th-greatest American president.^[523]

Presidential library[edit source]

Main article: Barack Obama Presidential Center

The Barack Obama Presidential Center is Obama’s planned presidential library. It will be hosted by the University of Chicago and located in Jackson Park on the South Side of Chicago.^[524]

Bibliography[edit source]

Main article: Bibliography of Barack Obama

Books[edit source]

Obama, Barack (July 18, 1995). Dreams from My Father (1st ed.). New York: Times Books. ISBN 0-8129-2343-X.
——————— (October 17, 2006). The Audacity of Hope (1st ed.). New York: Crown Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-307-23769-9.
——————— (November 16, 2010). Of Thee I Sing (1st ed.). New York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-375-83527-8.
——————— (November 17, 2020). A Promised Land (1st ed.). New York: Crown Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-5247-6316-9.

Audiobooks[edit source]

2006: The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream (read by the author), Random House Audio, ISBN 978-0-7393-6641-7
2020: A Promised Land (read by the author)

Articles[edit source]

Obama, Barack (1988). “Why organize? Problems in the inner city”. Illinois Issues. XIV (8 & 9): 40–42. ISSN 0738-9663.
——————— (1990). “Tort Law. Prenatal Injuries. Supreme Court of Illinois Refuses to Recognize Cause of Action Brought by Fetus Against Its Mother for Unintentional Infliction of Prenatal Injuries. Stallman v. Youngquist, 125 Ill. 2d 267, 531 N. E.2d 355 (1988)”. Harvard Law Review. 103 (3): 823–828. doi:10.2307/1341352. JSTOR 1341352. Uncredited case comment.^[525]
——————— (2005). “Bound to the Word”. American Libraries. 36 (7): 48–52. JSTOR 25649652.
———————; Clinton, Hillary (May 25, 2006). “Making Patient Safety the Centerpiece of Medical Liability Reform”. The New England Journal of Medicine. 354 (21): 2205–2208. doi:10.1056/NEJMp068100. PMID 16723612.
——————— (2007). “Renewing American Leadership”. Foreign Affairs. 86 (4): 2–16. JSTOR 20032411.
——————— (2008). “A More Perfect Union”. The Black Scholar. 38 (1): 17–23. doi:10.1080/00064246.2008.11413431. JSTOR 41069296. S2CID 219318643.
——————— (2009). “What Science Can Do”. Issues in Science and Technology. 25 (4): 23–30. JSTOR 43314908.
——————— (2009). “A New Beginning”. Zeitschrift für Staats- und Europawissenschaften (ZSE). 7 (2): 173–186. doi:10.5771/1610-7780-2009-2-173. JSTOR 26165626.
——————— (January 8, 2016). “Our Shared Responsibility”. The New York Times. p. 23 (Section A).
——————— (August 2, 2016). “United States Health Care Reform: Progress to Date and Next Steps”. Journal of the American Medical Association. 130 (5): 811–866. doi:10.1001/jama.2016.9797. PMC 5069435. PMID 27400401.
——————— (January 5, 2017). “The President’s Role in Advancing Criminal Justice Reform” (PDF). Harvard Law Review. 130 (3): 811–866. JSTOR 44865604.
——————— (January 13, 2017). “The Irreversible Momentum of Clean Energy”. Science. 355 (6321): 126–129. Bibcode:2017Sci…355..126O. doi:10.1126/science.aam6284. PMID 28069665. S2CID 30991274.
——————— (May 2017). “Repealing the ACA Without a Replacement—the Risks to American Health Care”. Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey. 72 (5): 263–264. doi:10.1097/OGX.0000000000000447. S2CID 80088566.

References[edit source]

^ “Barack Hussein Obama Takes The Oath Of Office” on YouTube. January 20, 2009.
^ “How to say: Barack Obama”. BBC News Magazine Monitor. BBC. January 23, 2007. Archived from the original on October 16, 2008. Retrieved February 14, 2022.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “Obama wins historic US election”. BBC News. November 5, 2008. Archived from the original on December 18, 2008. Retrieved November 5, 2008.
- Nagourney, Adam (November 4, 2008). “Obama Elected President as Racial Barrier Falls”. The New York Times. Archived from the original on December 9, 2008. Retrieved November 5, 2008.
- “Obama: ‘This is your victory’”. CNN. November 5, 2008. Archived from the original on November 4, 2008. Retrieved November 5, 2008.
^ Jones, Jeffrey M. (February 15, 2018). “Obama’s First Retrospective Job Approval Rating Is 63%”. Gallup. Retrieved February 8, 2021.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Rottinghaus, Brandon; Vaughn, Justin S. (February 19, 2018). “Opinion | How Does Trump Stack Up Against the Best—and Worst—Presidents?”. The New York Times. Retrieved February 8, 2021.
^ Wan, William; Clement, Scott (November 18, 2016). “Most of the world doesn’t actually see America the way Trump said it did”. The Washington Post. Retrieved February 8, 2021.
^ “Former President Barack Obama’s third book starts shipping today”. NBC News. Retrieved September 22, 2021.
^ “President Barack Obama”. The White House. 2008. Archived from the original on October 26, 2009. Retrieved December 12, 2008.
^ “Certificate of Live Birth: Barack Hussein Obama II, August 4, 1961, 7:24 pm, Honolulu” (PDF). whitehouse.gov. April 27, 2011. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 3, 2017. Retrieved March 11, 2017 – via National Archives.
^ Maraniss, David (August 24, 2008). “Though Obama had to leave to find himself, it is Hawaii that made his rise possible”. The Washington Post. p. A22. Retrieved October 28, 2008.
^ Nakaso, Dan (December 22, 2008). “Twin sisters, Obama on parallel paths for years”. The Honolulu Advertiser. p. B1. Retrieved January 22, 2011.
^ Barreto, Amílcar Antonio; Richard L. O’Bryant (November 12, 2013). “Introduction”. American Identity in the Age of Obama. Taylor & Francis. pp. 18–19. ISBN 978-1-317-93715-9. Retrieved May 8, 2017.
^ Obama (1995, 2004), p. 12.
^ “Ancestry.com Discovers Ph Suggests” Archived April 2, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, The New York Times. July 30, 2012.
^ Hennessey, Kathleen. “Obama related to legendary Virginia slave, genealogists say”, Los Angeles Times. July 30, 2012.
^ Maraniss (2012), p. 65: He had been born inside the euphorbia hedges of the K’obama homestead on June 18, 1934.
^ Liberties (2012), p. 202: The age of the father is questionable since most of the documents Barack Hussein Obama filled out during his United States student visa was June 18, 1934; however, Obama II’s book Dreams of My Father states his birth date was June 18, 1936. Check out Immigration and Naturalization Service records, and those documents also indicate the birth date to be June 18, 1934, thereby making Obama Sr. twenty-seven at the birth of Obama II instead of the annotated twenty-five on the birth certificate.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Jacobs, Sally (July 6, 2011). “President Obama’s Father: A ‘Bold And Reckless Life’”. NPR. Retrieved January 16, 2020.
^ Swaine, Jon (April 29, 2011). “Barack Obama’s father ‘forced out of US in 1960s’”. Telegraph. Archived from the original on January 10, 2022. Retrieved January 16, 2020.
^ Swarns, Rachel L. “Words of Obama’s Father Still Waiting to Be Read by His Son”. The New York Times. Retrieved January 16, 2020.
^ David R Arnott. “From Obama’s old school to his ancestral village, world reacts to US presidential election”. NBC News. Retrieved January 16, 2020.
^ Jones, Tim (March 27, 2007). “Barack Obama: Mother not just a girl from Kansas; Stanley Ann Dunham shaped a future senator”. Chicago Tribune. p. 1 (Tempo). Archived from the original on February 7, 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Obama (1995, 2004), pp. 9–10.
- Scott (2011), pp. 80–86.
- Jacobs (2011), pp. 115–118.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 154–160.
^ Ripley, Amanda (April 9, 2008). “The story of Barack Obama’s mother”. Time. Retrieved April 9, 2007.
^ Scott (2011), p. 86.
- Jacobs (2011), pp. 125–127.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 160–163.
^ Scott (2011), pp. 87–93.
- Jacobs (2011), pp. 115–118, 125–127, 133–161.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 170–183, 188–189.
^ Obama “Dreams from My Father a Story of Race and Inheritance”
^ Scott (2011), pp. 142–144.
- Jacobs (2011), pp. 161–177, 227–230.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 190–194, 201–209, 227–230.
^ Ochieng, Philip (November 1, 2004). “From home squared to the US Senate: how Barack Obama was lost and found”. The EastAfrican. Nairobi. Archived from the original on September 27, 2007.
- Merida, Kevin (December 14, 2007). “The ghost of a father”. The Washington Post. p. A12. Retrieved June 25, 2008.
- Jacobs (2011), pp. 251–255.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 411–417.
^ Serrano, Richard A. (March 11, 2007). “Obama’s peers didn’t see his angst”. Los Angeles Times. p. A20. Archived from the original on November 8, 2008. Retrieved March 13, 2007.
- Obama (1995, 2004), Chapters 4 and 5.
^ Scott (2011), pp. 97–103.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 195–201, 225–230.
^ Maraniss (2012), pp. 195–201, 209–223, 230–244.
^ Suhartono, Anton (March 19, 2010). “Sekolah di SD Asisi, Obama Berstatus Agama Islam”. Okezone (in Indonesian). Retrieved January 21, 2021.
^ Maraniss (2012), pp. 216, 221, 230, 234–244.
^ “Barack Obama: Calvert Homeschooler?—Calvert Education Blog”. calverteducation.com. January 25, 2014. Retrieved November 25, 2015.
^ “Wawancara Eksklusif RCTI dengan Barack Obama (Part 2)”. YouTube. March 2010. Retrieved February 12, 2018.
^ Zimmer, Benjamin (2009). “Obama’s Indonesian Redux”. Language Log. Archived from the original on March 3, 2009. Retrieved March 12, 2009.
- “Obama: Saya Kangen Nasi Goreng, Bakso, dan Rambutan”. Kompas (in Indonesian). November 26, 2008. Archived from the original on December 3, 2008.
^ Zimmer, Benjamin (January 23, 2009). “Obama’s Indonesian pleasantries: the video”. Language Log. University of Pennsylvania. Retrieved October 7, 2012.
^ Meacham, Jon (August 22, 2008). “What Barack Obama Learned from His Father”. Newsweek. Archived from the original on January 7, 2017. Retrieved January 9, 2017.
^ Serafin, Peter (March 21, 2004). “Punahou grad stirs up Illinois politics”. Honolulu Star-Bulletin. Retrieved March 20, 2008.
- Scott, Janny (March 14, 2008). “A free-spirited wanderer who set Obama’s path”. The New York Times. p. A1. Retrieved November 18, 2011.
- Obama (1995, 2004), Chapters 3 and 4.
- Scott (2012), pp. 131–134.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 264–269.
^ Wolffe, Richard (March 22, 2008). “When Barry Became Barack”. Newsweek. Retrieved March 21, 2016.
^ Scott (2011), pp. 139–157.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 279–281.
^ Scott (2011), pp. 157–194.
- Maraniss (2012), pp. 279–281, 324–326.
^ Scott (2011), pp. 214, 294, 317–346.
^ Reyes, B.J. (February 8, 2007). “Punahou left lasting impression on Obama”. Honolulu Star-Bulletin. Retrieved February 10, 2007. As a teenager, Obama went to parties and sometimes sought out gatherings on military bases or at the University of Hawaii that were attended mostly by blacks.
^ Elliott, Philip (November 21, 2007). “Obama gets blunt with N.H. students”. The Boston Globe. Associated Press. p. 8A. Archived from the original on April 7, 2012. Retrieved May 18, 2012.
^ Karl, Jonathan (May 25, 2012). “Obama and his pot-smoking “choom gang””. ABC News. Retrieved May 25, 2012.
- Obama, Barack (2004) [1995]. Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance. pp. 93–94. ISBN 978-0-307-39412-5. Retrieved June 3, 2016.
- Maraniss, David (2012). Barack Obama: The Story. pages with “choom gang”. ISBN 978-1-4391-6753-3. Retrieved June 3, 2016.
- for analysis of the political impact of the quote and Obama’s more recent admission that he smoked marijuana as a teenager (“When I was a kid, I inhaled”), see:
- Seelye, Katharine Q. (October 24, 2006). “Obama offers more variations from the norm”. The New York Times. p. A21. Retrieved October 29, 2006.
- Romano, Lois (January 3, 2007). “Effect of Obama’s candor remains to be seen”. The Washington Post. p. A1. Retrieved January 14, 2007.
^ “FRONTLINE The Choice 2012”. PBS. October 9, 2012. Retrieved October 29, 2012.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Gordon, Larry (January 29, 2007). “Occidental recalls ‘Barry’ Obama”. Los Angeles Times. p. B1. Archived from the original on May 24, 2010. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Possley, Maurice (March 30, 2007). “Activism blossomed in college”. Chicago Tribune. p. 20. Archived from the original on October 9, 2010. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Kovaleski, Serge F. (February 9, 2008). “Old friends say drugs played bit part in Obama’s young life”. The New York Times. p. A1. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Rohter, Larry (April 10, 2008). “Obama says real-life experience trumps rivals’ foreign policy credits”. The New York Times. p. A18. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Goldman, Adam; Robert Tanner (May 15, 2008). “Old friends recall Obama’s years in LA, NYC”. USA Today. Associated Press. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Helman, Scott (August 25, 2008). “Small college awakened future senator to service (subscription archive)”. The Boston Globe. p. 1A. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Jackson, Brooks (June 5, 2009). “More ‘birther’ nonsense: Obama’s 1981 Pakistan trip”. FactCheck.org. Retrieved May 12, 2010.
- Remnick, David (2010). The Bridge: The Life and Rise of Barack Obama. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 98–112. ISBN 978-1-4000-4360-6.
- Obama (1995, 2004), pp. 92–112.
- Mendell (2007), pp. 55–62.
^ Boss-Bicak, Shira (January 2005). “Barack Obama ’83”. Columbia College Today. ISSN 0572-7820. Archived from the original on September 5, 2008. Retrieved October 1, 2006.
^ “Remarks by the President in Town Hall”. whitehouse.gov. June 26, 2014. Retrieved October 15, 2016 – via National Archives.
^ “The Approval Matrix”. New York. August 27, 2012.
^ Horsley, Scott (July 9, 2008). “Obama’s Early Brush With Financial Markets”. NPR. Retrieved July 17, 2017.
^ Obama, Barack (1998). “Curriculum vitae”. The University of Chicago Law School. Archived from the original on May 9, 2001. Retrieved October 1, 2006.
- Issenberg, Sasha (August 6, 2008). “Obama shows hints of his year in global finance; Tied markets to social aid”. The Boston Globe. p. 1A. Archived from the original on November 7, 2009. Retrieved August 6, 2008.
^ Scott, Janny (July 30, 2007). “Obama’s account of New York often differs from what others say”. The New York Times. p. B1. Retrieved July 31, 2007.
- Obama (1995, 2004), pp. 133–140.
- Mendell (2007), pp. 62–63.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d Chassie, Karen, ed. (2007). Who’s Who in America, 2008. New Providence, NJ: Marquis Who’s Who. p. 3468. ISBN 978-0-8379-7011-0.
^ Fink, Jason (November 9, 2008). “Obama stood out, even during brief 1985 NYPIRG job”. Newsday.
^ “Keeping Hope Alive: Barack Obama Puts Family First”. The Oprah Winfrey Show. October 18, 2006. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ Fornek, Scott (September 9, 2007). “Half Siblings: ‘A Complicated Family’”. Chicago Sun-Times. Archived from the original on January 18, 2010. Retrieved June 24, 2008. See also: “Interactive Family Tree”. Chicago Sun-Times. September 9, 2007. Archived from the original on July 3, 2008. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ Fornek, Scott (September 9, 2007). “Madelyn Payne Dunham: ‘A Trailblazer’”. Chicago Sun-Times. Archived from the original on March 4, 2009. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ “Obama’s grandmother dies after battle with cancer”. CNN. November 3, 2008. Archived from the original on November 3, 2008. Retrieved November 4, 2008.
^ Smolenyak, Megan (May 9, 2011). “Tracing Barack Obama’s Roots to Moneygall”. The Huffington Post.
^ Obama (1995, 2004), p. 13. For reports on Obama’s maternal genealogy, including slave owners, Irish connections, and common ancestors with George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and Harry S. Truman, see: Nitkin, David; Harry Merritt (March 2, 2007). “A New Twist to an Intriguing Family History”. The Baltimore Sun. Archived from the original on September 30, 2007. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ Jordan, Mary (May 13, 2007). “Tiny Irish Village Is Latest Place to Claim Obama as Its Own”. The Washington Post. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ “Obama’s Family Tree Has a Few Surprises”. CBS 2 (Chicago). Associated Press. September 8, 2007. Archived from the original on June 2, 2008. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Hosie, Rachel (May 3, 2017). “BEFORE MICHELLE: THE STORY OF BARACK OBAMA’S PROPOSAL TO SHEILA MIYOSHI JAGER”. The Independent. Retrieved May 11, 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Tobias, Andrew J. (May 3, 2017). “Oberlin College professor received unsuccessful marriage proposal from Barack Obama in 1980s, new biography reveals”. The Plain Dealer. Retrieved May 11, 2017.
^ Obama (2006), pp. 327–332. See also: Brown, Sarah (December 7, 2005). “Obama ’85 masters balancing act”. The Daily Princetonian. Archived from the original on February 20, 2009. Retrieved February 9, 2009.
^ Obama (2006), p. 329.
^ Fornek, Scott (October 3, 2007). “Michelle Obama: ‘He Swept Me Off My Feet’”. Chicago Sun-Times. Archived from the original on December 8, 2009. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
^ Riley-Smith, Ben (November 9, 2018). “Michelle Obama had miscarriage, used IVF to conceive girls”. The Telegraph. Archived from the original on January 10, 2022. Retrieved November 15, 2018.
^ Martin, Jonathan (July 4, 2008). “Born on the 4th of July”. Politico. Archived from the original on July 10, 2008. Retrieved July 10, 2008.
^ Obama (1995, 2004), p. 440, and Obama (2006), pp. 339–340. See also: “Election 2008 Information Center: Barack Obama”. Gannett News Service. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
^ “Obamas choose private Sidwell Friends School”. International Herald Tribune. November 22, 2008. Archived from the original on January 29, 2009. Retrieved July 2, 2015.
^ Cooper, Helene (April 13, 2009). “One Obama Search Ends With a Puppy Named Bo”. The New York Times. Retrieved December 22, 2010.
^ Feldmann, Linda (August 20, 2013). “New little girl arrives at White House. Meet Sunny Obama. (+video)”. Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved August 20, 2013.
^ Wang, Amy (May 8, 2021). “Obamas announce death of dog Bo, ‘a true friend and loyal companion’”. The Washington Post. Retrieved May 8, 2021.
^ Silva, Mark (August 25, 2008). “Barack Obama: White Sox ‘serious’ ball”. Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on August 29, 2008.
^ “Barack Obama Explains White Sox Jacket, Talks Nats in All-Star Booth Visit”. MLB Fanhouse. July 14, 2009. Archived from the original on July 4, 2012. Retrieved December 6, 2009.
^ Branigin, William (January 30, 2009). “Steelers Win Obama’s Approval”. The Washington Post. But other than the Bears, the Steelers are probably the team that’s closest to my heart.
^ Mayer, Larry (October 7, 2011). “1985 Bears honored by President Obama”. Chicago Bears. Archived from the original on May 7, 2013. Retrieved November 4, 2012.
^ Kantor, Jodi (June 1, 2007). “One Place Where Obama Goes Elbow to Elbow”. The New York Times. Archived from the original on April 1, 2009. Retrieved April 28, 2008. See also: “The Love of the Game” (video). Real Sports with Bryant Gumbel. HBO. April 15, 2008. Retrieved October 12, 2011.
^ Stolberg, Sheryl Gay; Kirkpatrick, David D.; Shane, Scott (January 22, 2009). “On First Day, Obama Quickly Sets a New Tone”. The New York Times. p. 1. Retrieved September 7, 2012.
^ Zeleny, Jeff (December 24, 2005). “The first time around: Sen. Obama’s freshman year”. Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on May 13, 2011. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
^ Slevin, Peter (December 17, 2006). “Obama says he regrets land deal with fundraiser”. The Washington Post. Retrieved June 10, 2008.
- Robinson, Mike (June 4, 2008). “Rezko found guilty in corruption case”. NBC News. Associated Press. Retrieved June 24, 2008.
^ Harris, Marlys (December 7, 2007). “Obama’s Money”. CNNMoney. Archived from the original on April 24, 2008. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
See also:Goldfarb, Zachary A (March 24, 2007). “Measuring Wealth of the ’08 Candidates”. The Washington Post. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
^ Zeleny, Jeff (April 17, 2008). “Book Sales Lifted Obamas’ Income in 2007 to a Total of $4.2 Million”. The New York Times. Archived from the original on April 16, 2009. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
^ Shear, Michael D.; Hilzenrath, David S. (April 16, 2010). “Obamas report $5.5 million in income on 2009 tax return”. The Washington Post. Retrieved December 22, 2010.
^ Solman, Paul (April 18, 2011). “How Much Did President Obama Make in 2010?”. PBS NewsHour. Archived from the original on May 2, 2011. Retrieved January 27, 2012.
^ Solman, Paul (April 27, 2011). “The Obamas Gave $131,000 to Fisher House Foundation in 2010; What Is It?”. PBS NewsHour. Archived from the original on January 29, 2014. Retrieved January 27, 2012.
^ Wolf, Richard (May 16, 2012). “Obama worth as much as $10 million”. USA Today. Retrieved June 16, 2012.
^ * “American President: Barack Obama”. Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia. 2009. Archived from the original on January 23, 2009. Retrieved January 23, 2009. Religion: Christian
- “The Truth about Barack’s Faith” (PDF). Obama for America. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 5, 2011. Retrieved July 1, 2012.
- Miller, Lisa (July 18, 2008). “Finding his faith”. Newsweek. Archived from the original on February 6, 2010. Retrieved February 4, 2010. He is now a Christian, having been baptized in the early 1990s at Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago.
- Barakat, Matthew (November 17, 2008). “Obama’s church choice likely to be scrutinized; D.C. churches have started extending invitations to Obama and his family”. NBC News. Associated Press. Retrieved January 20, 2009. The United Church of Christ, the denomination from which Obama resigned when he left Wright’s church, issued a written invitation to join a UCC denomination in Washington and resume his connections to the church.
- “Barack Obama, long time UCC member, inaugurated forty-fourth U.S. President”. United Church of Christ. January 20, 2009. Archived from the original on January 25, 2009. Retrieved January 21, 2009. Barack Obama, who spent more than 20 years as a UCC member, is the forty-fourth President of the United States.
- Sullivan, Amy (June 29, 2009). “The Obama’s find a church home—away from home”. Time. Archived from the original on April 4, 2010. Retrieved February 5, 2010. instead of joining a congregation in Washington, D.C., he will follow in George W. Bush’s footsteps and make his primary place of worship Evergreen Chapel, the nondenominational church at Camp David.
- Kornblut, Anne E. (February 4, 2010). “Obama’s spirituality is largely private, but it’s influential, advisers say”. The Washington Post. p. A6. Retrieved February 5, 2010. Obama prays privately … And when he takes his family to Camp David on the weekends, a Navy chaplain ministers to them, with the daughters attending a form of Sunday school there.
^ Obama (2006), pp. 202–208. Portions excerpted in: Obama, Barack (October 16, 2006). “My Spiritual Journey”. Time. Archived from the original on April 30, 2008. Retrieved April 28, 2008.
- Obama, Barack (June 28, 2006). “‘Call to Renewal’ Keynote Address”. Barack Obama: U.S. Senator for Illinois. Archived from the original on January 4, 2009. Retrieved June 16, 2008.
^ Pulliam, Sarah; Olsen, Ted (January 23, 2008). “Q&A: Barack Obama”. Christianity Today. Retrieved January 4, 2013.
^ Babington, Charles; Superville, Darlene (September 28, 2010). “Obama ‘Christian By Choice’: President Responds To Questioner”. The Huffington Post. Associated Press. Archived from the original on May 11, 2011.
^ “President Obama: ‘I am a Christian By Choice … The Precepts of Jesus Spoke to Me’”. ABC News. September 29, 2010. Archived from the original on July 13, 2012. Retrieved December 27, 2016.
^ Garrett, Major; Obama, Barack (March 14, 2008). “Obama talks to Major Garrett on ‘Hannity & Colmes’”. RealClearPolitics. Retrieved November 10, 2012. Major Garrett, Fox News correspondent: So the first question, how long have you been a member in good standing of that church? Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL), presidential candidate: You know, I’ve been a member since 1991 or ’92. And—but I have known Trinity even before then when I was a community organizer on the South Side, helping steel workers find jobs … Garrett: As a member in good standing, were you a regular attendee of Sunday services? Obama: You know, I won’t say that I was a perfect attendee. I was regular in spurts, because there was times when, for example, our child had just been born, our first child. And so we didn’t go as regularly then.
- “Obama strongly denounces former pastor”. NBC News. Associated Press. April 29, 2008. Retrieved November 10, 2012. I have been a member of Trinity United Church of Christ since 1992, and have known Reverend Wright for 20 years. The person I saw yesterday was not the person [whom] I met 20 years ago.
- Miller, Lisa (July 11, 2008). “Finding his faith”. Newsweek. Archived from the original on July 20, 2013. Retrieved November 10, 2012. He is now a Christian, having been baptized in the early 1990s at Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago.
- Remnick, David (2010). The Bridge: The Life and Rise of Barack Obama. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 177. ISBN 978-1-4000-4360-6. In late October 1987, his third year as an organizer, Obama went with Kellman to a conference on the black church and social justice at the Harvard Divinity School.
- Maraniss (2012), p. 557: It would take time for Obama to join and become fully engaged in Wright’s church, a place where he would be baptized and married; that would not happen until later, during his second time around in Chicago, but the process started then, in October 1987 … Jerry Kellman: “He wasn’t a member of the church during those first three years, but he was drawn to Jeremiah.”
- Peter, Baker (2017). Obama: The Call of History. New York: The New York Times Company/Callaway. ISBN 978-0-935112-90-0. OCLC 1002264033.
^ “Obama’s church choice likely to be scrutinized”. NBC News. Associated Press. November 17, 2008. Retrieved January 20, 2009.
^ Parker, Ashley (December 28, 2013). “As the Obamas Celebrate Christmas, Rituals of Faith Become Less Visible”. The New York Times. Retrieved January 15, 2017.
^ Gilgoff, Dan (June 30, 2009). “TIME Report, White House Reaction Raise More Questions About Obama’s Church Hunt”. U.S. News & World Report. Retrieved January 15, 2017.
^ “First Lady: We Use Sundays For Naps If We’re Not Going To Church”. CBS DC. Associated Press. April 22, 2014. Retrieved January 15, 2017.
^ “Revealed: Obama always carries Hanuman statuette in pocket”. The Hindu. January 16, 2016. Retrieved April 8, 2021.
^ “Obama Reveals Lucky Charms During Interview”. Associated Press. January 16, 2016. Retrieved April 8, 2021.
^ Lizza, Ryan (March 19, 2007). “The agitator: Barack Obama’s unlikely political education”. The New Republic. Vol. 236, no. 12. pp. 22–26, 28–29. ISSN 0028-6583. Retrieved August 21, 2007.
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- Obama (1995, 2004), pp. 140–295.
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^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Matchan, Linda (February 15, 1990). “A Law Review breakthrough”. The Boston Globe. p. 29. Retrieved June 15, 2008.
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^ Obama, Barack (August–September 1988). “Why organize? Problems and promise in the inner city”. Illinois Issues. Vol. 14, no. 8–9. pp. 40–42. ISSN 0738-9663. reprinted in:
Knoepfle, Peg, ed. (1990). After Alinsky: community organizing in Illinois. Springfield, IL: Sangamon State University. pp. 35–40. ISBN 978-0-9620873-3-2. He has also been a consultant and instructor for the Gamaliel Foundation, an organizing institute working throughout the Midwest.
^ Obama, Auma (2012). And then life happens: a memoir. New York: St. Martin’s Press. pp. 189–208, 212–216. ISBN 978-1-250-01005-6.
^ Obama (1995, 2004), pp. 299–437.
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^ “Ten O’Clock News; Derrick Bell threatens to leave Harvard”. WGBH, American Archive of Public Broadcasting. Boston and Washington, D.C.: WGBH and the Library of Congress. April 24, 1990. Retrieved September 23, 2016.
^ Joey Del Ponte; Somerville Scout Staff. “Something in the Water”. Somerville Scout. No. January/February 2014. p. 26. Barack Obama lived in the big, ivy-covered brick building at 365 Broadway … From 1988 to 1991, the future president resided in a basement apartment while attending Harvard Law School.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Michael Levenson; Jonathan Saltzman (January 28, 2007). “At Harvard Law, a unifying voice”. Boston Globe. p. 1A. Retrieved June 15, 2008.
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- Mendell (2007), pp. 80–92.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Butterfield, Fox (February 6, 1990). “First black elected to head Harvard’s Law Review”. The New York Times. p. A20. Retrieved June 15, 2008.
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^ Video on YouTube
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^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c Scott, Janny (May 18, 2008). “The story of Obama, written by Obama”. The New York Times. p. A1. Retrieved June 15, 2008.
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^ “Statement regarding Barack Obama”. University of Chicago Law School. March 27, 2008. Archived from the original on June 8, 2008. Retrieved June 5, 2008.
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Works cited[edit source]

Jacobs, Sally H. (2011). The Other Barack: The Bold and Reckless Life of President Obama’s Father. New York: PublicAffairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-793-5.
Maraniss, David (2012). Barack Obama: The Story. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-6040-4.
Mendell, David (2007). Obama: From Promise to Power. New York: Amistad/HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-085820-9.
Obama, Barack (2004) [1st pub. 1995]. Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance. New York: Three Rivers Press. ISBN 978-1-4000-8277-3.
Obama, Barack (2006). The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream. New York: Crown Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-307-23769-9.
Scott, Janny (2011). A Singular Woman: The Untold Story of Barack Obama’s Mother. New York: Riverhead Books. ISBN 978-1-59448-797-2.

External links[edit source]

By Barack Obama
Library resources about Barack Obama
Online books Resources in your library Resources in other libraries
Online books Resources in your library Resources in other libraries

Official[edit source]

Official website of The Obama Foundation
Official website of the Barack Obama Presidential Library
Official website of Organizing for Action
White House biography

Other[edit source]

Column archive at The Huffington Post
Barack Obama at Curlie
United States Congress. “Barack Obama (id: O000167)”. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
Appearances on C-SPAN
“Barack Obama collected news and commentary”. The New York Times.
Barack Obama articles in the archive of the Chicago Tribune
Works by Barack Obama at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Barack Obama at Internet Archive
Works by Barack Obama at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
Barack Obama on Nobelprize.org
Barack Obama at Politifact

hide v t e Barack Obama
44th President of the United States (2009–2017)U.S. Senator from Illinois (2005–2008)Illinois Senator from the 13th district (1997–2004)
Life and politicsEarly life and career Illinois Senate career 2004 Democratic National Convention U.S. Senate career Political positions Administration foreign policy Cannabis Economic Energy Loggerhead sea turtles Mass surveillance Social Space Nobel Peace Prize West Wing Week Presidency Transition 2009 inauguration 2013 inauguration First 100 daysTimeline 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 January 2017 Foreign policy Middle East War in Afghanistan Iraq withdrawal Death of Osama bin Laden Benghazi attack Return to Iraq War in Syria Iran nuclear deal Pivot to Asia Cuban thaw Obama Doctrine Europe Health Care reform Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act New START Pardons Presidential trips international 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016–17 Judicial appointments Supreme Court controversies Cabinet Presidential Library and Center Executive Orders Presidential Proclamations Books Dreams from My Father (1995)The Audacity of Hope (2006)Of Thee I Sing (2010)A Promised Land (2020)Speeches“The Audacity of Hope” (2004)”Yes We Can” (2008)”A More Perfect Union” (2008)”Change Has Come to America” (2008)”A New Birth of Freedom” (2009)Joint session of Congress (2009)”A New Beginning” (2009)Joint session of Congress (health care reform) (2009)State of the Union Address 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Tucson memorial speech (2011)Joint session of Congress (jobs) (2011)”You didn’t build that” (2012)Selma 50th anniversary (2015)Farewell address (2017)ElectionsIllinoisState Senate 1996 1998 2002U.S. House of Representatives 2000U.S. Senate2004Presidential2008 campaign endorsements GOP/conservative support staff members primaries primary campaign running mate selection convention debates election international reactions 2012 campaign endorsements primaries convention debates election international reactions Family Michelle Obama (wife)Ann Dunham (mother)Barack Obama Sr. (father)Lolo Soetoro (stepfather)Maya Soetoro-Ng (maternal half-sister)Stanley Armour Dunham (maternal grandfather)Madelyn Dunham (maternal grandmother)Auma Obama (paternal half-sister)Malik Obama (paternal half-brother)Marian Shields Robinson (mother-in-law)Craig Robinson (brother-in-law)Bo (family dog)Sunny (family dog)
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15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Xi Jinping

(Brasília – DF, 13/11/2019) Presidente da República Popular da China, Xi Pinping..Foto: Alan Santos/PR

Xi Jinping^{[note 2]} (English: /ˈʃiː dʒɪnˈpɪŋ/ SHEE jin-PING; Chinese: 习近平; pinyin: Xí Jìnpíng; [ɕǐ tɕîn pʰǐŋ]; born 15 June 1953) is a Chinese politician who has been serving as General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) since 2012, and President of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since 2013. Xi has been the paramount leader of China, the most prominent political leader in China, since 2012. He is ranked among the most powerful people in the world.

The son of Chinese Communist veteran Xi Zhongxun, he was exiled to rural Yanchuan County as a teenager following his father’s purge during the Cultural Revolution, and lived in a yaodong in the village of Liangjiahe, where he joined the CCP and worked as the party secretary. After studying chemical engineering at Tsinghua University as a “Worker-Peasant-Soldier student“, Xi rose through the ranks politically in China’s coastal provinces. Xi was Governor of Fujian from 1999 to 2002, before becoming Governor and Party Secretary of neighbouring Zhejiang from 2002 to 2007. Following the dismissal of the Party Secretary of Shanghai, Chen Liangyu, Xi was transferred to replace him for a brief period in 2007. He subsequently joined the Politburo Standing Committee of the CCP and served as first secretary of the Central Secretariat in October 2007. In 2008, he was designated as Hu Jintao‘s presumed successor as paramount leader; to that end, Xi was appointed Vice President of the People’s Republic of China and Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission. He officially received the title of “leadership core” from the CCP in 2016. Xi has also been a member of the 17th, 18th, 19th CCP Politburo Standing Committee since 2007. In 2018, he abolished presidential term limits.

Xi is the first CCP General Secretary born after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. Since assuming power, Xi has introduced far-ranging measures to enforce party discipline and to impose internal unity. His anti-corruption campaign has led to the downfall of prominent incumbent and retired CCP officials, including a former member of the Politburo Standing Committee. He has also enacted or promoted a more assertive foreign policy, particularly with regard to China–Japan relations, China’s claims in the South China Sea, and its advocacy for free trade and globalization. He has sought to expand China’s African and Eurasian influence through the Belt and Road Initiative.

Xi has often been described as a dictator or an authoritarian leader by political and academic observers,^[9] citing an increase of censorship and mass surveillance, a deterioration in human rights including the internment of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang, the cult of personality developing around him,^[10] and the removal of term limits for the leadership under his tenure.^[a] Xi’s political thoughts have been incorporated into the party and national constitutions.^[25]^[26]^[27] As the central figure of the fifth generation of leadership of the People’s Republic, Xi has significantly centralised institutional power by taking on a wide range of leadership positions, including chairing the newly formed National Security Commission, as well as new steering committees on economic and social reforms, military restructuring and modernization, and the Internet.^[28]

On 11 November 2021, the CCP declared Xi’s ideology the “essence of Chinese culture”.^[29] This is the third fundamental resolution of the Chinese Communist Party since its inception. The first resolution was adopted in 1945 to increase and ratify the power of Mao Zedong, and the second was adopted under Deng Xiaoping. The decision to issue one under Xi symbolically raises him to the same level of prestige as Mao and Deng.^[29]

Early life and education[edit source]

Xi Jinping was born in Beijing on 15 June 1953, the second son of Xi Zhongxun and his wife Qi Xin. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 by Mao Zedong, Xi’s father held a series of posts, including Party propaganda chief, vice-premier, and Vice Chairperson of the National People’s Congress.^[30] Xi had two older sisters, Qiaoqiao, born in 1949 and An’an (安安; Ān’ān), born in 1952.^[31]^[32] Xi’s father was from Fuping County, Shaanxi, and Xi could further trace his patrilineal descent from Xiying in Dengzhou, Henan.^[33]

Xi went to the Beijing No. 25 School,^[34] and then Beijing Bayi School,^[35]^[36] in the 1960s. He became friends with Liu He, who attended Beijing No. 101 School in the same district, who later became China’s vice-premier and a close advisor to Xi after he became China’s paramount leader.^[37]^[38] In 1963, when he was age 10, his father was purged from the CCP and sent to work in a factory in Luoyang, Henan.^[39] In May 1966, the Cultural Revolution cut short Xi’s secondary education when all secondary classes were halted for students to criticise and fight their teachers. Student militants ransacked the Xi family home and one of Xi’s sisters, Xi Heping, committed suicide from the pressure.^[40] Later, his mother was forced to publicly denounce his father, as he was paraded before a crowd as an enemy of the revolution. His father was later thrown into prison in 1968 when Xi was aged 15. Without the protection of his father, Xi was sent to work in Liangjiahe Village, Wen’anyi, Yanchuan County, Yan’an, Shaanxi, in 1969 in Mao Zedong’s Down to the Countryside Movement.^[41] He worked as the party secretary of Liangjiahe, where he lived in a cave house.^[42] After a few months, unable to stand rural life, he ran away to Beijing. He was arrested during a crackdown on deserters from the countryside and sent to a work camp to dig ditches, but later returned to the village, spending a total of seven years there.^[43]^[44]

The misfortunes and suffering of his family in his early years hardened Xi’s view of politics. During an interview in 2000, he said, “People who have little contact with power, who are far from it, always see these things as mysterious and novel. But what I see is not just the superficial things: the power, the flowers, the glory, the applause. I see the bullpens and how people can blow hot and cold. I understand politics on a deeper level.” The bullpens was a reference to Red Guards‘ detention houses during the Cultural Revolution.^[45]

After being rejected seven times, Xi joined the Communist Youth League of China in 1971 by befriending a local official.^[46] He reunited with his father in 1972, because of a family reunion ordered by Premier Zhou Enlai.^[40] From 1973, he applied to join the Chinese Communist Party ten times and was finally accepted on his tenth attempt in 1974.^[47]^[48]

From 1975 to 1979, Xi studied chemical engineering at Beijing’s Tsinghua University as a “Worker-Peasant-Soldier student“. The engineering majors there spent about 15 percent of their time studying Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong thought and 5 percent of their time doing farm work and “learning from the People’s Liberation Army”.^[49]

Rise to power[edit source]

From 1979 to 1982, Xi served as secretary for his father’s former subordinate Geng Biao, the then vice premier and secretary-general of the Central Military Commission. This gained Xi some military background.^[46] In 1985, as part of a Chinese delegation to study U.S. agriculture, he stayed in the home of an American family in the town of Muscatine, Iowa. This trip, and his two-week stay with a U.S. family, is said to have had a lasting impression upon him and his views on the United States.^[50]

In 1982, he was sent to Zhengding County in Hebei as deputy party secretary of Zhengding County. He was promoted in 1983 to secretary, becoming the top official of the county.^[51] Xi subsequently served in four provinces during his regional political career: Hebei (1982–1985), Fujian (1985–2002), Zhejiang (2002–2007), and Shanghai (2007).^[52] Xi held posts in the Fuzhou Municipal Party Committee and became the president of the Party School in Fuzhou in 1990. In 1997, he was named an alternate member of the 15th Central Committee of the CCP. However, of the 151 alternate members of the Central Committee elected at the 15th Party Congress, Xi received the lowest number of votes in favour, placing him last in the rankings of members, ostensibly due to his status as a princeling.^{[note 3]}^[53]

From 1998 to 2002, Xi studied Marxist theory and ideological education in Tsinghua University,^[54] graduating from there with a doctorate in law and ideology in 2002.^[55] In 1999, he was promoted to the office of Vice Governor of Fujian, then he became governor a year later. In Fujian, Xi made efforts to attract investment from Taiwan and to strengthen the private sector of the provincial economy.^[56] In February 2000, he and then-provincial Party Secretary Chen Mingyi were called before the top members of Central Politburo Standing Committee of the CCP – General Secretary Jiang Zemin, Premier Zhu Rongji, Vice-President Hu Jintao and Discipline Inspection Secretary Wei Jianxing – to explain aspects of the Yuanhua scandal.^[57]

In 2002, Xi left Fujian and took up leading political positions in neighbouring Zhejiang. He eventually took over as provincial Party Committee Secretary after several months as acting governor, occupying a top provincial office for the first time in his career. In 2002, he was elected a full member of the 16th Central Committee, marking his ascension to the national stage. While in Zhejiang, Xi presided over reported growth rates averaging 14% per year.^[58] His career in Zhejiang was marked by a tough and straightforward stance against corrupt officials. This earned him a name in the national media and drew the attention of China’s top leaders.^[59]

Following the dismissal of Shanghai Party secretary Chen Liangyu in September 2006 due to a social security fund scandal, Xi was transferred to Shanghai in March 2007, where he was the party secretary there for seven months.^[60]^[61] In Shanghai, Xi avoided controversy and was known for strictly observing party discipline. For example, Shanghai administrators attempted to earn favour with him by arranging a special train to shuttle him between Shanghai and Hangzhou for him to complete handing off his work to his successor as Zhejiang party secretary Zhao Hongzhu. However, Xi reportedly refused to take the train, citing a loosely enforced party regulation that stipulated that special trains can only be reserved for “national leaders”.^[62] While in Shanghai, he worked on preserving unity of the local party organisation. He pledged there would be no ‘purges’ during his administration, despite the fact many local officials were thought to have been implicated in the Chen Liangyu corruption scandal.^[63] On most issues Xi largely echoed the line of the central leadership.^[64]

Politburo Standing Committee member[edit source]

Xi Jinping greeting U.S. President George W. Bush in August 2008.Xi Jinping with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev on 28 September 2010.

Xi was appointed to the nine-man Politburo Standing Committee of the CCP at the 17th Party Congress in October 2007. He was ranked above Li Keqiang, an indication that he was going to succeed Hu Jintao as China’s next leader. In addition, Xi also held the first secretary of the Communist Party’s Central Secretariat. This assessment was further supported at the 11th National People’s Congress in March 2008, when Xi was elected as vice-president of the People’s Republic of China.^[65]^{[better source needed]} Following his elevation, Xi has held a broad range of portfolios. He was put in charge of the comprehensive preparations for the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing, as well as being the central government’s leading figure in Hong Kong and Macau affairs. In addition, he also became the new president of the Central Party School of the CCP, the cadre-training and ideological education wing of the Communist Party. In the wake of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, Xi visited disaster areas in Shaanxi and Gansu. He made his first foreign trip as vice president to North Korea, Mongolia, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Yemen from 17 to 25 June 2008.^[66] After the Olympics, Xi was assigned the post of committee chair for the preparations of the 60th Anniversary Celebrations of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. He was also reportedly at the helm of a top-level Communist Party committee dubbed the 6521 Project, which was charged with ensuring social stability during a series of politically sensitive anniversaries in 2009.^[67]

Xi’s position as the apparent successor to become the paramount leader was threatened with the rapid rise of Bo Xilai, the party secretary of Chongqing at the time. Bo was expected to join the Politburo Standing Committee at the 18th Party Congress, with the possibility of creating a counterweight to Xi, or even replacing him.^[68] Bo’s policies in Chongqing inspired imitations throughout China and received praise from Xi himself during Xi’s visit to Chongqing in 2010. Records of praises from Xi were later erased after he became paramount leader. Xi’s position as successor was secured with Bo’s downfall after the Wang Lijun incident.^[69]

Xi is considered one of the most successful members of the Crown Prince Party, a quasi-clique of politicians who are descendants of early Chinese Communist revolutionaries. Former prime minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, when asked about Xi, said he felt he was “a thoughtful man who has gone through many trials and tribulations”.^[70] Lee also commented: “I would put him in the Nelson Mandela class of persons. A person with enormous emotional stability who does not allow his personal misfortunes or sufferings affect his judgment. In other words, he is impressive”.^[71] Former U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson described Xi as “the kind of guy who knows how to get things over the goal line”.^[72] Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd said that Xi “has sufficient reformist, party and military background to be very much his own man”.^[73]

Trips as Vice President[edit source]

In February 2009, in his capacity as vice-president, Xi Jinping embarked on a tour of Latin America, visiting Mexico,^[74] Jamaica,^[75] Colombia,^[76] Venezuela,^[77] and Brazil^[78] to promote Chinese ties in the region and boost the country’s reputation in the wake of the global financial crisis. He also visited Valletta, Malta, before returning to China.^[79]

Mexico commentary incident[edit source]

On 11 February 2009, while visiting Mexico, Xi spoke in front of a group of overseas Chinese and explained China’s contributions during the international financial crisis, saying that it was “the greatest contribution towards the whole of human race, made by China, to prevent its 1.3 billion people from hunger”.^{[note 4]} He went on to remark: “There are some bored foreigners, with full stomachs, who have nothing better to do than point fingers at us. First, China doesn’t export revolution; second, China doesn’t export hunger and poverty; third, China doesn’t come and cause you headaches. What more is there to be said?”^{[note 5]}^[80] The story was reported on some local television stations. The news led to a flood of discussions on Chinese Internet forums and it was reported that the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs was caught off-guard by Xi’s remarks, as the actual video was shot by some accompanying Hong Kong reporters and broadcast on Hong Kong TV, which then turned up on various Internet video websites.^[81]

In the European Union, Xi visited Belgium, Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania from 7 to 21 October 2009.^[82] He visited Japan, South Korea, Cambodia, and Myanmar on his Asian trip from 14 to 22 December 2009.^[83] He later visited the United States, Ireland and Turkey in February 2012. This visit included meeting with then U.S. President Barack Obama at the White House^[84] and then Vice President Joe Biden; and stops in California and Iowa, where he met with the family that previously hosted him during his 1985 tour as a Hebei provincial official.^[85]

Disappearance[edit source]

A few months before his ascendancy to the party leadership, Xi disappeared from official media coverage for several weeks beginning on 1 September 2012. On 4 September, he cancelled a meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and later also cancelled meetings with Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and a top Russian official. It was said that Xi effectively “went on strike” in preparation for the power transition in order to install political allies in key roles.^[46] The Washington Post reported from a single source that Xi may have been injured in an altercation during a meeting of the “red second generation” that turned violent.^[86]

Leadership[edit source]

Main article: Xi Jinping Administration

Accession to top posts[edit source]

On 15 November 2012, Xi was elected to the posts of general secretary of the Communist Party and chairman of the CCP Central Military Commission by the 18th Central Committee of the CCP. This made him, informally, the paramount leader and the first to be born after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The following day Xi led the new line-up of the Politburo Standing Committee onto the stage in their first public appearance.^[87] The new Standing Committee reduced its number of seats from nine to seven, with only Xi himself and Li Keqiang retaining their seats from the previous Standing Committee; the remaining members were new.^[88]^[89]^[90] In a marked departure from the common practice of Chinese leaders, Xi’s first speech as general secretary was plainly worded and did not include any political slogans or mention of his predecessors.^[91] Xi mentioned the aspirations of the average person, remarking, “Our people … expect better education, more stable jobs, better income, more reliable social security, medical care of a higher standard, more comfortable living conditions, and a more beautiful environment.” Xi also vowed to tackle corruption at the highest levels, alluding that it would threaten the Party’s survival; he was reticent about far-reaching economic reforms.^[92]

In December 2012, Xi visited Guangdong in his first trip outside Beijing since taking the Party leadership. The overarching theme of the trip was to call for further economic reform and a strengthened military. Xi visited the statue of Deng Xiaoping and his trip was described as following in the footsteps of Deng’s own southern trip in 1992, which provided the impetus for further economic reforms in China after conservative party leaders stalled many of Deng’s reforms in the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. On his trip, Xi consistently alluded to his signature slogan the “Chinese Dream“. “This dream can be said to be the dream of a strong nation. And for the military, it is a dream of a strong military”, Xi told sailors.^[93] Xi’s trip was significant in that he departed from the established convention of Chinese leaders’ travel routines in multiple ways. Rather than dining out, Xi and his entourage ate regular hotel buffet. He travelled in a large van with his colleagues rather than a fleet of limousines, and did not restrict traffic on the parts of the highway he travelled.^[94]

Xi was elected President of the People’s Republic of China on 14 March 2013, in a confirmation vote by the 12th National People’s Congress in Beijing. He received 2,952 for, one vote against, and three abstentions.^[87] He replaced Hu Jintao, who retired after serving two terms.^[95] In his new capacity as president, on 16 March 2013 Xi expressed support for non-interference in China–Sri Lanka relations amid a United Nations Security Council vote to condemn that country over government abuses during the Sri Lankan Civil War.^[96] On 17 March, Xi and his new ministers arranged a meeting with the chief executive of Hong Kong, CY Leung, confirming his support for Leung.^[97] Within hours of his election, Xi discussed cyber security and North Korea with U.S. President Barack Obama over the phone. Obama announced the visits of treasury and state secretaries Jacob Lew and John F. Kerry to China the following week.^[98]

Anti-corruption campaign[edit source]

Main article: Anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping

Xi vowed to crack down on corruption almost immediately after he ascended to power at the 18th Party Congress. In his inaugural speech as general secretary, Xi mentioned that fighting corruption was one of the toughest challenges for the party.^[99] A few months into his term, Xi outlined the “eight-point guide”, listing rules intended to curb corruption and waste during official party business; it aimed at stricter discipline on the conduct of party officials. Xi also vowed to root out “tigers and flies”, that is, high-ranking officials and ordinary party functionaries.^[100]

During the first three years of Xi’s term, he initiated cases against former Central Military Commission vice-chairmen Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong, former Politburo Standing Committee member and security chief Zhou Yongkang and former Hu Jintao chief aide Ling Jihua.^[101] Along with new disciplinary chief Wang Qishan, Xi’s administration spearheaded the formation of “centrally-dispatched inspection teams” (中央巡视组). These were essentially cross-jurisdictional squads of officials whose main task was to gain more in-depth understanding of the operations of provincial and local party organizations, and in the process, also enforce party discipline mandated by Beijing. Many of the work teams also had the effect of identifying and initiating investigations of high-ranking officials. Over one hundred provincial-ministerial level officials were implicated during a massive nationwide anti-corruption campaign. These included former and current regional officials (Su Rong, Bai Enpei, Wan Qingliang), leading figures of state-owned enterprises and central government organs (Song Lin, Liu Tienan), and highly ranked generals in the military (Gu Junshan). In June 2014, the Shanxi provincial political establishment was decimated, with four officials dismissed within a week from the provincial party organization’s top ranks. Within the first two years of the campaign alone, over 200,000 low-ranking officials received warnings, fines, and demotions.^[102]

The campaign has led to the downfall of prominent incumbent and retired Communist Party officials, including members of the Politburo Standing Committee.^[103] Xi’s anti-corruption campaign is seen by critics as a political purge on a scale not seen since Chairman Mao, with the aim of removing potential opponents and consolidating power.^[104] Xi’s establishment of a new anti-corruption agency, the National Supervision Commission, that is ranked higher than the supreme court, has been described by Amnesty International‘s East Asia director as a “systemic threat to human rights” that “places tens of millions of people at the mercy of a secretive and virtually unaccountable system that is above the law.”^[105]^[106]

Censorship[edit source]

Internet censorship[edit source]

Winnie the Pooh caricature and censorship[edit source]

Meme comparing Winnie the Pooh and Tigger to Xi Jinping and Barack Obama, respectively.

Comparisons between Xi and the Disney character Winnie the Pooh are censored on Chinese internet following the spread of an internet meme in which photographs of Xi were compared to the bear.^[128] The first heavily censored viral meme can be traced back to the official visit to the United States in 2013 during which Xi was photographed by a Reuters photographer walking with then-US President Barack Obama in Sunnylands, California. A blog post where the photograph was juxtaposed with the cartoon depiction went viral,^[129]^[130]^[131] but Chinese censors rapidly deleted it.^[132] When Shinzo Abe met Xi the following year, a photograph of the meeting, again juxtaposed to a cartoon, went viral.^[129]^[130] When Xi Jinping inspected troops through his limousine’s sunroof, a popular meme was created with Winnie the Pooh in a toy car. The widely circulated image became the most censored picture of the year.^[129]

In 2018, the Winnie the Pooh film Christopher Robin was denied a Chinese release,^[131]^[133] following an incident where Chinese authorities censored a nine-year-old for comments about Xi’s weight.^[134] After the 2020–2021 China–India skirmishes, Indians used depictions of Winnie the Pooh to mock Xi Jinping. The Twitter hashtag #WinniethePooh was used for tweets critical of China’s actions.^[135]

Consolidation of power[edit source]

Portrait of Xi in Beijing, September 2015

Political observers have called Xi the most powerful Chinese leader since Chairman Mao Zedong, especially since the ending of presidential two-term limits in 2018.^[136]^[137]^[138]^[139] Xi has notably departed from the collective leadership practices of his post-Mao predecessors. He has centralised his power and created working groups with himself at the head to subvert government bureaucracy, making himself become the unmistakable central figure of the new administration.^[140] Beginning in 2013, the party under Xi has created a series of new “Central Leading Groups”; supra-ministerial steering committees, designed to bypass existing institutions when making decisions, and ostensibly make policy-making a more efficient process. The most notable new body is the Central Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms. It has broad jurisdiction over economic restructuring and social reforms, and is said to have displaced some of the power previously held by the State Council and its premier.^[141] Xi also became the leader of the Central Leading Group for Internet Security and Informatization, in charge of cyber-security and Internet policy. The Third Plenum held in 2013 also saw the creation of the National Security Commission of the CCP, another body chaired by Xi, which commentators have said would help Xi consolidate over national security affairs.^[142]^[143] In the opinion of at least one political scientist, Xi “has surrounded himself with cadres he met while stationed on the coast, Fujian and Shanghai and in Zhejiang.”^[144] Control of Beijing is seen as crucial to Chinese leaders; Xi has selected Cai Qi, one of the cadres mentioned above, to manage the capital.^[145]

Cult of personality[edit source]

Holographic portraits of Mao Zedong and Xi Jinping in a shop in ChinaMain article: Xi Jinping’s cult of personality

Xi has had a cult of personality constructed around himself since entering office^[26]^[27] with books, cartoons, pop songs and dance routines honouring his rule.^[146] Following Xi’s ascension to the leadership core of the CCP, he has been referred to as Xi Dada (Uncle or Papa Xi).^[146]^[147] The village of Liangjiahe, where Xi was sent to work, has become a “modern-day shrine” decorated with Communist propaganda and murals extolling the formative years of his life.^[148]

The party’s Politburo named Xi Jinping lingxiu (领袖), a reverent term for “leader” and a title previously only given to Chiang Kai-shek, Mao Zedong and his immediate successor Hua Guofeng.^[149]^[150]^[151] He is also sometimes called the “Great Helmsman” (大舵手), and in July 2018 Li Zhanshu, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, referred to Xi as the “eternal core” of the party.^[152] On 25 December 2019, the politburo officially named Xi as “People’s Leader” (人民领袖; rénmín lǐngxiù), a title only Mao had held previously.^[153]

Removal of term limits[edit source]

In March 2018, the party-controlled National People’s Congress passed a set of constitutional amendments including removal of term limits for the president and vice president, the creation of a National Supervisory Commission, as well as enhancing the central role of the Communist Party.^[154]^[155] On 17 March 2018, the Chinese legislature reappointed Xi as president, now without term limits; Wang Qishan was appointed vice president.^[156]^[157] The following day, Li Keqiang was reappointed premier and longtime allies of Xi, Xu Qiliang and Zhang Youxia, were voted in as vice-chairmen of the state military commission.^[158] Foreign minister Wang Yi was promoted to state councillor and General Wei Fenghe was named defence minister.^[159]

According to the Financial Times, Xi expressed his views of constitutional amendment at meetings with Chinese officials and foreign dignitaries. Xi explained the decision in terms of needing to align two more powerful posts—General Secretary of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC)—which have no term limits. However, Xi did not say whether he intended to serve as party general secretary, CMC chairman and state president, for three or more terms.^[160]

Economic policy[edit source]

Xi has increased state control over China’s economy, voicing support for China’s state-owned enterprises (SOEs),^[161] while also supporting the country’s private sector.^[162] He has increased the role of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission at the expense of the State Council.^[163] His administration made it easier for banks to issue mortgages, increased foreign participation in the bond market, and increased country’s currency renminbi’s global role, helping it to join IMF’s basket of special drawing right.^[164] In the 40th anniversary of the launching of Chinese economic reforms in 2018, he has promised to continue reforms but has warned that nobody “can dictate to the Chinese people”.^[165] Since the outbreak of the China-United States trade war in 2018, Xi has also revived calls for “self-reliance”, especially on the matters of technology.^[166]

In a speech in 2020, Jack Ma said that Chinese banks had a “pawnshop mentality” and called out government regulation. Xi was said to have been furious over it and made the decision to halt Ant Group‘s IPO, leading to a crackdown on Chinese big tech.^[167]^[168] In December 2020, Xi called efforts to increase anti-monopoly rules against online platforms one of the most important goals of 2021.^[169] In March 2021, Xi called for the acceleration of the big tech crackdown.^[170]^[171]

Reforms[edit source]

Agenda announcement[edit source]

In November 2013, at the conclusion of the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee, the Communist Party delivered a far-reaching reform agenda that alluded to changes in both economic and social policy. Xi signaled at the plenum that he was consolidating control of the massive internal security organization that was formerly the domain of Zhou Yongkang.^[172] A new National Security Commission was formed with Xi at its helm. The Central Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms—another ad hoc policy coordination body led by Xi—was also formed to oversee the implementation of the reform agenda.^[173]^{[better source needed]} Termed “comprehensive deepening reforms” (全面深化改革; quánmiàn shēnhuà gǎigé), they were said to be the most significant since Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 “Southern Tour”. In the economic realm, the plenum announced that “market forces” would begin to play a “decisive” role in allocating resources.^[172] This meant that the state would gradually reduce its involvement in the distribution of capital, and restructure state-owned enterprises to allow further competition, potentially by attracting foreign and private sector players in industries that were previously highly regulated. This policy aimed to address the bloated state sector that had unduly profited from an earlier round of re-structuring by purchasing assets at below-market prices, assets that were no longer being used productively. The plenum also resolved to abolish the laogai system of “re-education through labour“, which was largely seen as a blot on China’s human rights record. The system has faced significant criticism for years from domestic critics and foreign observers.^[172] The one-child policy was also abolished, resulting in a shift to a two-child policy from 1 January 2016.^[174]

Legal reforms[edit source]

The party under Xi announced a raft of legal reforms at the Fourth Plenum held in the fall 2014, and he called for “Chinese socialistic rule of law” immediately afterwards. The party aimed to reform the legal system, which had been perceived as ineffective at delivering justice and affected by corruption, local government interference and lack of constitutional oversight. The plenum, while emphasizing the absolute leadership of the party, also called for a greater role of the constitution in the affairs of state and a strengthening of the role of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee in interpreting the constitution.^[175] It also called for more transparency in legal proceedings, more involvement of ordinary citizens in the legislative process, and an overall “professionalization” of the legal workforce. The party also planned to institute cross-jurisdictional circuit legal tribunals as well as giving provinces consolidated administrative oversight over lower level legal resources, which is intended to reduce local government involvement in legal proceedings.^[176]

Xi has overseen significant reforms of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), CCP’s highest internal control institution.^[177] He and CCDI Secretary Wang Qishan further institutionalised CCDI’s independence from the day-to-day operations of the CCP, improving its ability to function as a bona fide control body.^[177]

Military reforms[edit source]

Since taking power in 2012, Xi has started a massive overhaul of the People’s Liberation Army.^[178] Xi has been active in his participation in military affairs, taking a direct hands-on approach to military reform. In addition to being the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and the leader of the Central Leading Group for Military Reform founded in 2014 to oversee comprehensive military reforms, Xi has delivered numerous high-profile pronouncements vowing to clean up malfeasance and complacency in the military, aiming to build a more effective fighting force. In addition, Xi held the “New Gutian Conference” in 2014, gathering China’s top military officers, re-emphasizing the principle of “the party has absolute control over the army” first established by Mao at the 1929 Gutian Conference.^[179]

Xi has warned against the depoliticization of the PLA from the Communist Party, warning that it would lead to a collapse similar to that of the Soviet Union.^[180]^[181] He said that “in the USSR, where the military was depoliticized, separated from the party and nationalized, the party was disarmed. When the Soviet Union came to crisis point, a big party was gone just like that. Proportionally, the Soviet Communist Party had more members than we do, but nobody was man enough to stand up and resist.”^[181]

Xi announced a reduction of 300,000 troops from the PLA in 2015, bringing its size to 2 million troops. Xi described this as a gesture of peace, while analysts have said that the cut was done to reduce costs as well as part of PLA’s modernization.^[182] On 2016, he reduced the number of theater commands of the PLA from seven to five.^[183] He has also abolished the four autonomous general departments of the PLA, replacing them with 15 agencies directly reporting to the Central Military Commission.^[178] Two new branches of the PLA were created under his reforms, the Strategic Support Force^[184] and the Joint Logistics Support Force.^[185]

On 21 April 2016, Xi was named commander-in-chief of the country’s new Joint Operations Command Center of the People’s Liberation Army by Xinhua News Agency and the broadcaster China Central Television.^[186]^[187] Some analysts interpreted this move as an attempt to display strength and strong leadership and as being more “political than military”.^[188] According to Ni Lexiong, a military affairs expert, Xi “not only controls the military but also does it in an absolute manner, and that in wartime, he is ready to command personally”.^[189] According to a University of California, San Diego expert on Chinese military, Xi “has been able to take political control of the military to an extent that exceeds what Mao and Deng have done”.^[190]

2020–2021 reform spree[edit source]

Main article: 2020-2021 Xi Jinping Administration reform spree

In late 2020,^[191] the Chinese Communist Party and various Chinese regulatory bodies,^[192] under Xi, began a regulatory spree, strengthening regulations, issuing fines,^[193] and introducing or modifying laws. Though mostly targeted at disrupting the growth of monopolistic technology companies, the government also introduced other reforms with implications for large swathes of the economy and life in China. Actions taken include the implementation of restrictions on for-profit tutoring and education companies,^[194] the refinement of existing rules for limits on minors playing online video games, and the introduction of new antitrust rules.^[195] The stated goals of these reforms has been, among others, “common prosperity”.^[196]

Foreign policy[edit source]

Main article: Foreign policy of Xi Jinping Xi giving a speech at the U.S. Department of State in 2012, with then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and then Vice-President Joe Biden in the background. Seated in the front row is former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

A Chinese nationalist,^[197] Xi has reportedly taken a hard-line on security issues as well as foreign affairs, projecting a more nationalistic and assertive China on the world stage.^[197] His political program calls for a China more united and confident of its own value system and political structure.^[198]

Under Xi, China has also taken a more critical stance on North Korea, while improving relationships with South Korea.^[199] China–Japan relations have soured under Xi’s administration; the most thorny issue between the two countries remains the dispute over the Senkaku islands, which China calls Diaoyu. In response to Japan’s continued robust stance on the issue, China declared an Air Defense Identification Zone in November 2013.^[200]

Xi has called China–United States relations in the contemporary world a “new type of great-power relations”, a phrase the Obama administration had been reluctant to embrace.^[201] Under his administration the Strategic and Economic Dialogue that began under Hu Jintao has continued. On China–U.S. relations, Xi said, “If [China and the United States] are in confrontation, it would surely spell disaster for both countries”.^[202] The U.S. has been critical of Chinese actions in the South China Sea.^[201] In 2014, Chinese hackers compromised the computer system of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management,^[203] resulting in the theft of approximately 22 million personnel records handled by the office.^[204]

Xi has cultivated stronger relations with Russia, particularly in the wake of the Ukraine crisis of 2014. He seems to have developed a strong personal relationship with President Vladimir Putin. Both are viewed as strong leaders with a nationalist orientation who are not afraid to assert themselves against Western interests.^[205] Xi attended the opening ceremonies of the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi. Under Xi, China signed a $400 billion gas deal with Russia; China has also become Russia’s largest trading partner.^[205]BRICS leaders Vladimir Putin, Narendra Modi, Dilma Rousseff, Xi Jinping and Jacob Zuma at the G20 summit in Brisbane, Australia, 15 November 2014

Xi has also indirectly spoken out critically on the U.S. “strategic pivot” to Asia.^[206] Addressing a regional conference in Shanghai on 21 May 2014, he called on Asian countries to unite and forge a way together, rather than get involved with third party powers, seen as a reference to the United States. “Matters in Asia ultimately must be taken care of by Asians. Asia’s problems ultimately must be resolved by Asians and Asia’s security ultimately must be protected by Asians”, he told the conference.^[207] In November 2014, in a major policy address, Xi called for a decrease in the use of force, preferring dialogue and consultation to solve the current issues plaguing the relationship between China and its South East Asian neighbors.^[208]Xi with the first lady during the Moscow Victory Day Parade on 9 May 2015

In April 2015, new satellite imagery revealed that China was rapidly constructing an airfield on Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea.^[209] In May 2015, U.S. Secretary of Defense Ash Carter warned the government of Xi Jinping to halt its rapid island-building in disputed territory in the South China Sea.^[210] In spite of what seemed to be a tumultuous start to Xi Jinping’s leadership vis-à-vis the United-States, on 13 May 2017 Xi said at the Belt and Road Forum in Beijing: “We should foster a new type of international relations featuring ‘win-win cooperation’, and we should forge a partnership of dialogue with no confrontation, and a partnership of friendship rather than alliance. All countries should respect each other’s sovereignty, dignity and territorial integrity; respect each other’s development path and its social systems, and respect each other’s core interests and major concerns… What we hope to create is a big family of harmonious coexistence.”^[211]Xi with Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, 23 January 2016

Starting in 2017, China’s relationship with South Korea soured over the THAAD purchase of the latter^[212] while China’s relations with North Korea increased because of meetings between Xi and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un.^[213] At the G20 meeting in Japan, Xi called for a “timely easing” of sanctions imposed on North Korea.^[214]

Relations with the U.S. soured after Donald Trump became president in 2016.^[215] Since 2018, U.S. and China have been engaged in an escalating trade war.^[216]

On 4 June 2019, Xi told the Russian news agency TASS that he was “worried” about the current tensions between the U.S. and Iran.^[217] He later told his Iranian counterpart Hassan Rouhani during an SCO meeting that China would promote ties with Iran regardless of developments from the Gulf of Oman incident.^[218]U.S. President Donald Trump arrives in China, 8 November 2017

In the 2019, the Pew Research Center made a survey on attitude to Xi Jinping among six-country medians based on Australia, India, Indonesia, Japan, Philippines and South Korea. The survey indicated that a median 29% have confidence in Xi Jinping to do the right thing regarding world affairs, meanwhile a median of 45% have no confidence. These number are almost same with those of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (23% confidence, 53% no confidence).^[219]

Foreign trips as paramount leader[edit source]

Main article: List of international trips made by Xi Jinping

Xi made his first foreign trip as China’s paramount leader to Russia on 22 March 2013, about a week after he assumed the presidency. He met with President Vladimir Putin and the two leaders discussed trade and energy issues. He then went on to Tanzania, South Africa (where he attended the BRICS summit in Durban), and the Republic of the Congo.^[220] Xi visited the United States at Sunnylands Estate in California in a ‘shirtsleeves summit’ with U.S. President Barack Obama in June 2013, although this was not considered a formal state visit.^[221] In October 2013 Xi attended the APEC Summit in Bali, Indonesia.

In March 2014 Xi made a trip to Western Europe visiting the Netherlands, where he attended the Nuclear Security Summit in The Hague, followed by visits to France, Germany and Belgium.^[222]^{[better source needed]} He made a state visit to South Korea on 4 July 2014 and met with South Korean President Park Geun-hye.^[223] Between 14 and 23 July, Xi attended the BRICS leaders’ summit in Brazil and visited Argentina, Venezuela, and Cuba.^[224]Xi in an official visit to Warsaw, where he and Poland’s President Andrzej Duda signed a declaration on strategic partnership

Xi went on an official state visit to India and met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in September 2014; he visited New Delhi and also went to Modi’s hometown in the state of Gujarat.^[225] He went on a state visit to Australia and met with Prime Minister Tony Abbott in November 2014,^[226] followed by a visit to the island nation of Fiji.^[227] Xi visited Pakistan in April 2015, signing a series of infrastructure deals worth $45 billion related to the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor. During his visit, Pakistan’s highest civilian award, the Nishan-e-Pakistan, was conferred upon him.^[228] He then headed to Jakarta and Bandung, Indonesia, to attend the Afro-Asian Leaders Summit and the 60th Anniversary events of the Bandung Conference.^[229] Xi visited Russia and was the guest-of-honour of Russian President Vladimir Putin at the 2015 Moscow Victory Day Parade to mark the 70th Anniversary of the victory of the allies in Europe. At the parade, Xi and his wife Peng Liyuan sat next to Putin. On the same trip Xi also visited Kazakhstan and met with that country’s president Nursultan Nazarbayev, and also met Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus.^[230]Xi, who was on a four-day state visit to the UK, addressed both Houses of Parliament at Westminster, 21 October 2015

In September 2015, Xi made his first state visit to the United States.^[231]^[232]^[233] In October 2015, he made a state visit to the United Kingdom, the first by a Chinese leader in a decade.^[234] This followed a visit to China in March 2015 by the Duke of Cambridge. During the state visit, Xi met Queen Elizabeth II, British Prime Minister David Cameron and other dignitaries. Increased customs, trade and research collaborations between China and the UK were discussed, but more informal events also took place including a visit to Manchester City‘s football academy.^[235]

In March 2016, Xi visited the Czech Republic on his way to United States. In Prague, he met with the Czech president, prime minister and other representatives to promote relations and economic cooperation between the Czech Republic and the People’s Republic of China.^[236] His visit was met by a considerable number of protests by Czechs.^[237]World leaders assemble for ‘family photo’ at G20 summit in Hamburg

In January 2017, Xi became the first Chinese paramount leader to plan to attend the World Economic Forum in Davos.^[238] On 17 January, Xi addressed the forum in a high-profile keynote, addressing globalization, the global trade agenda, and China’s rising place in the world’s economy and international governance; he made a series of pledges about China’s defense of “economic globalization” and climate change accords.^[238]^[239]^[240] Premier Li Keqiang attended the forum in 2015 and Vice-President Li Yuanchao did so in 2016. During the three-day state visit to the country in 2017 Xi also visited the World Health Organization, the United Nations and the International Olympic Committee.^[240]

On 20 June 2019, Xi Jinping visited Pyongyang, becoming the first Chinese leader to visit North Korea since his predecessor Hu Jintao’s visit in 2004.^[241] On 27 June, he attended the G20 summit in Osaka, becoming the first Chinese leader to visit Japan since 2010.^[242]

Belt and Road Initiative[edit source]

Main article: Belt and Road Initiative Countries that signed cooperation documents related to the Belt and Road Initiative

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was unveiled by Xi in September and October 2013 during visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia,^[243] and was thereafter promoted by Premier Li Keqiang during state visits to Asia and Europe. Xi made the announcement for the initiative while in Astana, Kazakhstan, and called it a “golden opportunity”.^[244]^{[better source needed]} BRI has been called Xi’s “signature project”, involving numerous infrastructure development and investment projects throughout Asia, Europe, Africa, and the Americas.^[245] BRI was added to the CCP Constitution at the closing session of the 19th Party Congress on 24 October 2017,^[246] further elevating its importance.^[247]

Human rights[edit source]

Main article: Human rights in China

According to the Human Rights Watch, Xi has “started a broad and sustained offensive on human rights” since he became leader in 2012.^[248] The HRW also said that repression in China is “at its worst level since the Tiananmen Square massacre.”^[249] Since taking power, Xi has cracked down on grassroots activism, with hundreds being detained.^[250] He presided over the 709 crackdown on 9 July 2015, which saw more than 200 lawyers, legal assistants and human rights activists being detained.^[251] His term has seen the arrest and imprisonment of activists such as Xu Zhiyong, as well as numerous others who identified with the New Citizens’ Movement. Prominent legal activist Pu Zhiqiang of the Weiquan movement was also arrested and detained.^[252]

In 2017, the local government of the Jiangxi province told Christians to replace their pictures of Jesus with Xi Jinping as part of a general campaign on unofficial churches in the country.^[253]^[254]^[255] According to local social media, officials “transformed them from believing in religion to believing in the party”.^[253] According to activists, “Xi is waging the most severe systematic suppression of Christianity in the country since religious freedom was written into the Chinese constitution in 1982″, and according to pastors and a group that monitors religion in China, has involved “destroying crosses, burning bibles, shutting churches and ordering followers to sign papers renouncing their faith”.^[256]

Following several terrorist attacks in Xinjiang in 2013 and 2014, Xi launched the “people’s war on terror” in 2014, which involved mass detention, and surveillance of ethnic Uyghurs there.^[257]^[258] Xi made an inspection tour in Xinjiang between 27 and 30 April in 2014.^[259] As of 2019, China is holding one million ethnic Uyghurs in internment camps in Xinjiang.^[260] Various human rights groups and former inmates have described the camps as “concentration camps”, where Uyghurs and other minorities have been forcibly assimilated into China’s majority ethnic Han society.^[261] Internal Chinese government documents leaked to the press in November 2019 showed that Xi personally ordered a security crackdown in Xinjiang, saying that the party must show “absolutely no mercy” and that officials use all the “weapons of the people’s democratic dictatorship” to suppress those “infected with the virus of extremism”.^[258]^[262] The documents also showed that Xi repeatedly discussed about Islamic extremism in his speeches, likening it to a “virus” or a “drug” that could be only addressed by “a period of painful, interventionary treatment.”^[258] However, he also warned against the discrimination against Uyghurs and rejected proposals to eradicate Islam in China completely, calling that kind of viewpoint “biased, even wrong”.^[258]

On 8 July 2019, 22 countries signed a statement to the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights in which they called for an end to mass detentions in China and expressed concerns over widespread surveillance and repression in Xinjiang.^[263]^[264]^[265]

In response, 50 countries signed a joint letter to the UNHRC commending China’s “remarkable achievements in the field of human rights” under Xi Jinping, claiming “Now safety and security has returned to Xinjiang and the fundamental human rights of people of all ethnic groups there are safeguarded.” They also criticized the practice of “politicizing human rights issues”.^[266]^[267]^[263]

In October 2019, 23 countries issued a joint statement to the UN urging China to “uphold its national and international obligations and commitments to respect human rights”.^[268]^[269]

In response, 54 countries issued a joint statement supporting China’s Xinjiang policies. The statement “spoke positively of the results of counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures in Xinjiang and noted that these measures have effectively safeguarded the basic human rights of people of all ethnic groups.”^[269]

In October 2020, Axios reported that more countries at the UN joined the condemnation of China over Xinjiang abuses. The total number of countries that denounced China increased to 39, while the total number of countries that defended China decreased to 45. Notably, 16 countries that defended China in 2019 did not do so in 2020.^[270]

In 2016 and 2021, Reporters Without Borders, an international non-profit and non-governmental organization with the stated aim of safeguarding the right to freedom of information, included Xi among the list of press freedom predators.^[271]^[272]^[273]

COVID-19 pandemic[edit source]

German newspaper Der Spiegel reported that in January 2020 Xi Jinping pressured Tedros Adhanom, director-general of the World Health Organization, to hold off on issuing a global warning about the outbreak of COVID-19. The report published over the weekend said Xi urged the WHO chief to “delay a global warning” about the pandemic and hold back information on human-to-human transmission of the virus. The WHO denied the allegations.^[274]

On 22 September 2020, Chinese billionaire Ren Zhiqiang was sentenced to 18 years in jail on corruption charges. The former real-estate tycoon had disappeared in March after writing an article online criticizing Xi Jinping’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.^[275] In addition, he had been expelled from the Communist Party on 23 July, which paved the way for the prosecution.^[276]

Environmental policy[edit source]

In September 2020 Xi Jinping announced that China will “strengthen its 2030 climate target (NDC), peak emissions before 2030 and aim to achieve carbon neutrality before 2060″.^[277] If accomplished, this would lower the expected rise in global temperature by 0.2–0.3 °C – “the biggest single reduction ever estimated by the Climate Action Tracker”.^[278] Xi Jinping mentioned the link between the COVID-19 pandemic and nature destruction as one of the reasons for the decision, saying that “Humankind can no longer afford to ignore the repeated warnings of nature.”^[279] On 27 September, Chinese scientists presented a detailed plan how to achieve the target.^[280] In September 2021 Xi Jinping announced that China will not build “coal-fired power projects abroad”. The decision can be “pivotal” in reducing emissions. The Belt and Road Initiative did not include financing such projects already in the first half of 2021.^[281]

Xi Jinping did not attend COP26 personally. However, a Chinese delegation led by climate change envoy Xie Zhenhua did attend.^[282]^[283] During the conference, the United States and China agreed on a framework to reduce GHG emission by co-operating on different measures.^[284]^[285] The agreement was achieved after months of negotiations, including between Joe Biden and Xi Jinping. It strengthened the ambition of the conference.^[286]

Political positions[edit source]

Further information: Ideology of the Chinese Communist Party

Elizabeth C. Economy argued in 2018:What makes Xi’s revolution distinctive is the strategy he has pursued: the dramatic centralization of authority under his personal leadership; the intensified penetration of society by the state; the creation of a virtual wall of regulations and restrictions that more tightly control the flow of ideas, culture and capital into and out of the country; and the significant projection of Chinese power. It represents a reassertion of the state in Chinese political and economic life at home, and a more ambitious and expansive role for China abroad.^[287]

Chinese Dream[edit source]

Main article: Chinese Dream According to the Qiushi, the Chinese Dream is about Chinese prosperity, collective effort, socialism, and national glory.

Xi and Communist Party ideologues coined the phrase “Chinese Dream” to describe his overarching plans for China as its leader. Xi first used the phrase during a high-profile visit to the National Museum of China on 29 November 2012, where he and his Standing Committee colleagues were attending a “national revival” exhibition. Since then, the phrase has become the signature political slogan of the Xi era.^[288]^[289] Since 2013, the phrase has emerged as the distinctive quasi-official ideology of the party leadership under Xi, much as the “Scientific Outlook on Development” was for Hu Jintao and the “Three Represents” was for Jiang Zemin. The origin of the term “Chinese Dream” is unclear. While the phrase has been used before by journalists and scholars,^[290] some publications have posited the term likely drew its inspiration from the concept of the American Dream.^[291] The Economist noted the abstract and seemingly accessible nature of the concept with no specific overarching policy stipulations may be a deliberate departure from the jargon-heavy ideologies of his predecessors.^[292] While the Chinese Dream was originally interpreted as an extension of the American Dream, which emphasises individual self-improvement and opportunity,^[292] the slogan’s use in official settings since 2013 has taken on a noticeably more nationalistic character, with official pronouncements of the “Dream” being consistently linked with the phrase “great revival of the Chinese nation”.^{[note 6]}

Cultural revival[edit source]

As communist ideology plays a less central role in the lives of the masses in the People’s Republic of China, top political leaders of the Chinese Communist Party such as Xi continue the rehabilitation of ancient Chinese philosophical figures like Han Fei into the mainstream of Chinese thought alongside Confucianism, both of which Xi sees as relevant. At a meeting with other officials in 2013, he quoted Confucius, saying “he who rules by virtue is like the Pole Star, it maintains its place, and the multitude of stars pay homage.” While visiting Shandong, the birthplace of Confucius, in November, he told scholars that the Western world was “suffering a crisis of confidence” and that the CCP has been “the loyal inheritor and promoter of China’s outstanding traditional culture.”^[293]

Xi’s leadership has been characterised by a resurgence of the ancient political philosophy Legalism.^[294]^[295]^[296] The trend under Xi represents a fundamental shift from foreign imports such as Communism and limited Westernisation to a greater reliance on political thoughts and practices rooted in China’s own traditions.^[294] Han Fei gained new prominence with favourable citations; one sentence of Han Fei’s that Xi quoted appeared thousands of times in official Chinese media at the local, provincial, and national levels.^[296]

Xi has also overseen a revival of traditional Chinese culture, breaking apart from CCP’s path, which had often attacked it.^[297] He has called traditional culture the “soul” of the nation and the “foundation” of the CCP’s culture.^[298] Hanfu, the traditional dress of Han Chinese, has seen a revival under him.^[299]

Xi Jinping Thought[edit source]

Main article: Xi Jinping Thought A billboard promoting Xi Jinping Thought in Shenzhen

In September 2017, the Communist Party Central Committee decided that Xi’s political philosophies, generally referred to as “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era”, would become part of the Party Constitution.^[300]^[301] Xi first made mention of the “Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” in his opening day speech delivered to the 19th Party Congress in October 2017. His Politburo Standing Committee colleagues, in their own reviews of Xi’s keynote address at the Congress, prepended the name “Xi Jinping” in front of “Thought”.^[302] On 24 October 2017, at its closing session, the 19th Party Congress approved the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought into the Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party.^[136]

Xi himself has described the Thought as part of the broad framework created around Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, a term coined by Deng Xiaoping that places China in the “primary stage of socialism“. In official party documentation and pronouncements by Xi’s colleagues, the Thought is said to be a continuation of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the “Three Represents”, and the Scientific Development Perspective, as part of a series of guiding ideologies that embody “Marxism adopted to Chinese conditions” and contemporary considerations.^[302]The Governance of China in different languages presented at Shanghai Library

The concepts and context behind Xi Jinping Thought are elaborated in Xi’s The Governance of China book series, published by the Foreign Languages Press for an international audience. Volume one was published in September 2014, followed by volume two in November 2017.^[303]

An app for teaching “Xi Jinping Thought” had become the most popular smartphone app in China in 2019, as the country’s ruling Communist Party launched a new campaign that calls on its cadres to immerse themselves in the political doctrine every day. Xuexi Qiangguo, which translates to “Study powerful country”, is now the most downloaded item on Apple’s domestic App Store, surpassing in demand social media apps such as WeChat and TikTok – known as Weixin and Douyin, respectively, in mainland China.^[304] Privately expressed pushback was occurring in 2021 as the Xi Jinping political philosophy curriculum was rolled out to students from primary schools to university. For much of the preceding 30 years, the political ideology and communist doctrine were not a standard taught in Chinese schools until middle school, and textbooks featured a wider set of Chinese leaders with less emphasis on a single leader like Xi.^[305]

Role of the Communist Party[edit source]

Hong Kong and Taiwan[edit source]

Hong Kong protesters throw eggs at Xi Jinping’s portrait on National Day

Hong Kong[edit source]

Xi has supported and pursued a greater economic integration of Hong Kong to mainland China through projects such as the Hong Kong–Zhuhai–Macau Bridge.^[310] He has pushed for the Greater Bay Area project, which aims to integrate Hong Kong, Macau, and nine other cities in Guangdong.^[310] Xi’s push for greater integration has created fears of decreasing freedoms in Hong Kong.^[311]

Xi has supported the Hong Kong Government and incumbent Chief Executive Carrie Lam against the protesters in the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests.^[312] He has defended the Hong Kong police’s use of force, saying that “We sternly support the Hong Kong police to take forceful actions in enforcing the law, and the Hong Kong judiciary to punish in accordance with the law those who have committed violent crimes.”^[313] While visiting Macau on 20 December 2019 as part of the 20th anniversary of its return to China, Xi warned of “foreign forces” interfering in Hong Kong and Macau,^[314] while also hinting that Macau could be a model for Hong Kong to follow.^[315]

Taiwan[edit source]

Xi Jinping met with then-Taiwanese president Ma Ying-jeou in November 2015 in their capacity as the leader of mainland China and Taiwan respectively.

The 2015 meeting between Xi and Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou marked the first time the political leaders of both sides of the Taiwan Strait have met since the end of the Chinese Civil War in Mainland China in 1950.^[316] Xi said that China and Taiwan are “one family” that cannot be pulled apart.^[317]

In the 19th Party Congress held in 2017, Xi reaffirmed six of the nine principles that had been affirmed continuously since the 16th Party Congress in 2002, with the notable exception of “Placing hopes on the Taiwan people as a force to help bring about unification“.^[318] According to the Brookings Institution, Xi used stronger language on potential Taiwan independence than his predecessors towards previous DPP governments in Taiwan.^[318] In March 2018, Xi said that Taiwan would face the “punishment of history” for any attempts at separatism.^[319]

In January 2019, Xi Jinping called on Taiwan to reject its formal independence from China, saying: “We make no promise to renounce the use of force and reserve the option of taking all necessary means.” Those options, he said, could be used against “external interference”. Xi also said that they “are willing to create broad space for peaceful reunification, but will leave no room for any form of separatist activities.”^[320]^[321] The Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-Wen responded to the speech by saying Taiwan would not accept a one country, two systems arrangement with the mainland, while stressing the need for all cross-strait negotiations to be on a government-to-government basis.^[322]

Personal life[edit source]

Family[edit source]

Xi Jinping, Peng Liyuan and U.S. President Barack Obama in the Lincoln Bedroom

Xi was initially married to Ke Lingling, the daughter of Ke Hua, China’s ambassador to the United Kingdom in the early 1980s. They divorced within a few years.^[323] The two were said to fight “almost every day”, and after the divorce Ke moved to England.^[46]

In 1987, Xi married the prominent Chinese folk singer Peng Liyuan.^[324] Xi and Peng were introduced by friends as many Chinese couples were in the 1980s. Xi was reputedly academic during their courtship, inquiring about singing techniques.^[325] Peng Liyuan, a household name in China, was better known to the public than Xi until his political elevation. The couple frequently lived apart due largely to their separate professional lives. Peng has played a much more visible role as China’s “first lady” compared to her predecessors; for example, Peng hosted U.S. First Lady Michelle Obama on her high-profile visit to China in March 2014.^[326]

Xi and Peng have a daughter named Xi Mingze, who graduated from Harvard University in the spring of 2015. While at Harvard, she used a pseudonym and studied Psychology and English.^[327] Xi’s family has a home in Jade Spring Hill, a garden and residential area in north-western Beijing run by the Central Military Commission.^[328]

In June 2012, Bloomberg News reported that members of Xi’s extended family have substantial business interests, although there was no evidence he had intervened to assist them.^[329] The Bloomberg website was blocked in mainland China in response to the article.^[330] Since Xi embarked on an anti-corruption campaign, The New York Times reported members of his family were selling their corporate and real estate investments beginning in 2012.^[331]

Relatives of highly placed Chinese officials, including seven current and former senior leaders of the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party, have been named in the Panama Papers, including Deng Jiagui,^[332] Xi’s brother-in-law. Deng had two shell companies in the British Virgin Islands while Xi was a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, but they were dormant by the time Xi became general secretary of the Communist Party in November 2012.^[333]

Personality[edit source]

Peng described Xi as hardworking and down-to-earth: “When he comes home, I’ve never felt as if there’s some leader in the house. In my eyes, he’s just my husband.”^[334] Xi was described in a 2011 The Washington Post article by those who know him as “pragmatic, serious, cautious, hard-working, down to earth and low-key”. He was described as a good hand at problem solving and “seemingly uninterested in the trappings of high office”.^[335] He is known to love U.S. films such as Saving Private Ryan, The Departed and The Godfather.^[336]^[337] He is also a fan of HBO television series Game of Thrones, watching a condensed version due to tight schedules.^[338] Xi furthermore praised the independent film-maker Jia Zhangke.^[339] His favourite philosopher and political thinker is Han Fei.^[340] Among his other favourites are Mao Zedong, Karl Marx and Carl Schmitt.^[340] His favourite American author is Jack London.^[341] He also likes playing football, mountain climbing, walking, volleyball and swimming,^[342]^[343] as well as winter sports.^[343]^[344] He once said that he would swim one kilometre and walk every day as long as there was time.^[342]^[343]

Public image[edit source]

Xi Jinping is widely popular in China.^[345]^[346] According to a 2014 poll co-sponsored by the Harvard Kennedy School’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation, Xi ranked 9 out of 10 in domestic approval ratings.^[347] A YouGov poll released in July 2019 found that 22% of Chinese people list Xi as the person they admire the most.^[348]

In 2017, The Economist named him the most powerful person in the world.^[349] In 2018, Forbes ranked him as the most powerful and influential person in the world, replacing Russian President Vladimir Putin, who had been ranked so for five consecutive years.^[350]

Honours[edit source]

Foreign Honours

International Olympic Committee: The Golden Olympic order (19 November 2013)^[351]
Belgium: Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold (30 March 2014)^[352]
Venezuela: Grand Cordon of the Order of the Liberator (20 July 2014)^[353]
Cuba: Order of José Martí (22 July 2014)^[354]
Pakistan: Nishan-e-Pakistan (21 April 2015)^[355]
Saudi Arabia: Order of Abdulaziz al Saud (19 January 2016)^[356]
Serbia: Collar of the Order of the Republic of Serbia (18 June 2016)^[357]
Belarus: Order for Promotion of Peace and Friendship (29 September 2016)^[358]
Peru: Grand Cross Medal of Honor (21 November 2016)^[359]
Palestine: Grand Collar of the State of Palestine (18 July 2017)^[360]
Russia: Knight of the Order of Saint Andrew (3 July 2017)^[361]
United Arab Emirates: Order of Zayed (20 July 2018)^[362]
Argentina: Collar of the Order of the Liberator General San Martin (2 December 2018)^[363]
Kyrgyzstan: Order of Manas (13 June 2019)^[364]^[365]
Tajikistan: Order of the Crown (15 June 2019)^[366]

Key to the City

Muscatine, Iowa, U.S. (26 April 1985)^[367]^[368]
Muscatine, Iowa, U.S. (14 February 2012)^[367]
Montego Bay, Jamaica (13 February 2009)^[75]
San José, Costa Rica (3 June 2013)^[369]
Mexico City, Mexico (5 June 2013)^[370]
Buenos Aires, Argentina (19 July 2014)^[371]
Prague, Czech Republic (29 March 2016)^[372]
Madrid, Spain (28 November 2018)^[373]

Works[edit source]

Xi, Jinping (1999). Theory and Practice on Modern Agriculture. Fuzhou: Fujian Education Press.
Xi, Jinping (2001). A Tentative Study on China’s Rural Marketization (PDF). Beijing: Tsinghua University (Doctoral Dissertation). Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 January 2013.
Xi, Jinping (2007). Zhijiang Xinyu. Hangzhou: Zhengjiang People’s Publishing House. ISBN 9787213035081.
Xi, Jinping (2014). The Governance of China. Vol. I. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 9787119090573.
Xi, Jinping (2014). General Secretary Xi Jinping important speech series. Vol. I. Beijing: People’s Publishing House & Study Publishing House. ISBN 9787119090573.
Xi, Jinping (2016). General Secretary Xi Jinping important speech series. Vol. II. Beijing: People’s Publishing House & Study Publishing House. ISBN 9787514706284.
Xi, Jinping (2017). The Governance of China. Vol. II. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 9787119111643.
Xi, Jinping (2018). Quotations from Chairman Xi Jinping. Some units of the PLA.
Xi, Jinping (2019). The Belt And Road Initiative. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 978-7119119960.
Xi, Jinping (2020). The Governance of China. Vol. III. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. ISBN 9787119124117.
Xi, Jinping (2020). On Propaganda and Ideological Work of Communist Party. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press. ISBN 9787507347791.
Xi, Jinping (2021). On History of the Communist Party of China. Beijing: Central Party Literature Press. ISBN 9787507348033.

Notes[edit source]

^ The bachelor degree offered in Tsinghua University on chemical engineering is a Bachelor of Engineering but not a B.Sc., which is attained in some universities.
^ In this Chinese name, the family name is Xi.
^ Liu Yandong, Wang Qishan, and Deng Pufang (Deng Xiaoping’s son) all placed among the bottom of the alternate member list. Like Xi, all three were seen as “princelings”. Bo Xilai was not elected to the Central Committee at all; that is, Bo placed lower in the vote count than Xi.
^ Original simplified Chinese: 在国际金融风暴中，中国能基本解决13亿人口吃饭的问题，已经是对全人类最伟大的贡献; traditional Chinese: 在國際金融風暴中，中國能基本解決13億人口吃飯的問題，已經是對全人類最偉大的貢獻
^ Original: simplified Chinese: 有些吃饱没事干的外国人，对我们的事情指手画脚。中国一不输出革命，二不输出饥饿和贫困，三不折腾你们，还有什么好说的？; traditional Chinese: 有些吃飽沒事干的外國人，對我們的事情指手畫腳。中國一不輸出革命，二不輸出飢餓和貧困，三不折騰你們，還有什麽好說的？
^ Chinese: 中华民族伟大复兴, which can also be translated as the “Great Renaissance of the Chinese nation” or the “Great revival of the Chinese people”.

^ Sources calling Xi Jinping a “dictator”.^[11]^[12]^[13]^[14]^[15]^[16]^[17]^[18]^[19]^[20]^[21]^[22] ^[23] ^[24]

References[edit source]

Citations[edit source]

^ “Xi Jinping 习近平” (PDF). Brookings Institution.
^ “Association for Conversation of Hong Kong Indigenous Languages Online Dictionary”. hkilang.org. 1 July 2015. Archived from the original on 1 July 2015. Retrieved 12 September 2019.
^ Brady, Anne-Marie (2015). “China’s Foreign Propaganda Machine”. Journal of Democracy. 26 (4): 51–59. doi:10.1353/jod.2015.0056. ISSN 1086-3214. S2CID 146531927.
^ Amako, Satoshi (2 January 2018). “China’s authoritarian path to development: is democratization possible?, by Liang Tang, Abingdon, Routledge, 2017, 263pp., ISBN: 978-1-138-01647-7”. Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies. 7 (1): 81–83. doi:10.1080/24761028.2018.1483700. ISSN 2476-1028.
^ Tung, Hans H. (2019). Economic Growth and Endogenous Authoritarian Institutions in Post-Reform China. Palgrave Macmillan.
^ Howell, Jude; Pringle, Tim (2019). “Shades of Authoritarianism and State–Labour Relations in China” (PDF). British Journal of Industrial Relations. 57 (2): 223–246. doi:10.1111/bjir.12436. ISSN 1467-8543. S2CID 158485609.
^ Düben, Björn Alexander (3 March 2020). “Xi Jinping and the End of Chinese Exceptionalism”. Problems of Post-Communism. 67 (2): 111–128. doi:10.1080/10758216.2018.1535274. ISSN 1075-8216. S2CID 158657283.
^ Tung, Hans H. (2019). Economic Growth and Endogenous Authoritarian Institutions in Post-Reform China. Palgrave Macmillan.
^ ^[3]^[4]^[5]^[6]^[7]^[8]
^ Seib, Gerald F. (12 July 2021). “Cuba’s Unrest Frames World’s Big Struggle: Dictators vs. Democracies”. The Wall Street Journal. In China, President Xi Jinping has been running the show for a mere nine years, yet he has developed a cult of personality and engineered a removal of term limits, thereby allowing him to become ruler for life.
^ Phillips, Tom (26 February 2018). “‘Dictator for life’: Xi Jinping’s power grab condemned as step towards tyranny”. The Guardian. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
^ Anderlini, Jamil (11 October 2017). “Under Xi Jinping, China is turning back to dictatorship”. Financial Times. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
^ Radchenko, Sergey (5 March 2018). “Dictatorship nearly destroyed China once. Will it do so again?”. The Washington Post. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
^ Carrico, Kevin (2 April 2018). “A deepening dictatorship promises a grim future for China”. East Asia Forum. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
^ Stelzer, Irwin (4 March 2018). “Emasculate America: The dictator’s plan for world domination”. The Times. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
^ “Kim Jong Un entertains Xi Jinping at home”. The Economist. 21 June 2019. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 17 August 2019. It was Mr Xi’s first visit to North Korea since he and Mr Kim took the helm of their respective countries… It is not known what precisely the two dictators discussed once they retired to a guest house for talks.
^ Mair, Victor H. (28 February 2018). “China’s war on words show Xi Jinping is a dictator for life | Opinion”. Newsweek. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
^ Hein, Matthias (26 February 2018). “Opinion: Xi Jinping – Today’s chairman, tomorrow’s dictator?”. Deutsche Welle. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
^ Cohen, Jerome A. (28 February 2018). “China Is Likely to Enter Another Long Period of Severe Dictatorship”. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
^ Patten, Chris (30 July 2019). “Great Countries, Bad Leaders”. Project Syndicate. Retrieved 17 August 2019. Moreover, Xi is deploying cutting-edge technology to reinforce his dictatorship.
^ Feldman, Noah (27 February 2018). “China Now Faces the Downsides of Dictatorship”. Bloomberg. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
^ Tisdall, Simon (23 November 2018). “The Chinese export we really should be worried about: repression”. The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 17 August 2019. What is different, and underappreciated in the west, is the way Xi is inexorably and single-mindedly expanding draconian systems of social control centred on the Communist party and the de facto dictatorship of one man: himself.
^ Bolt, Andrew (5 July 2021). “Chinese dictator pushing the same buttons Hitler did”. Herald Sun. Retrieved 15 July 2021.
^ Gueorguiev, Dimitar (4 December 2019). “Is China a dictatorship?”. The Washington Post. Retrieved 14 July 2021. Yes, Xi Jinping is a dictator.
^ Choi, Chi-yuk; Jun, Mai (18 September 2017). “Xi Jinping’s political thought will be added to Chinese Communist Party constitution, but will his name be next to it?”. South China Morning Post. Retrieved 22 September 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “The power of Xi Jinping”. The Economist. 18 September 2014. Archived from the original on 7 November 2017. Retrieved 20 September 2017.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Jiayang, Fan; Taisu, Zhang; Ying, Zhu (8 March 2016). “Behind the Personality Cult of Xi Jinping”. Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 26 July 2019. Retrieved 26 July 2019.
^ “Journal of Current Chinese Affairs” (PDF). giga-hamburg.de. May 2009. Archived (PDF) from the original on 17 February 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2010.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b “China’s Communist Party, with eye on history, gives Xi Jinping the same status as Mao”. NPR. 11 November 2021.
^ “Profile: Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping”. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 7 November 2012. Archived from the original on 19 October 2013. Retrieved 26 August 2013.
^ 與丈夫習仲勛相伴58年齊心：這輩子無比幸福 [With her husband Xi Zhongxun for 58 years: very happy in this life] (in Traditional Chinese). Xinhua News Agency. 28 April 2009. Archived from the original on 28 January 2013. Retrieved 18 March 2013.
^ Xu, Xinyi (27 May 2013). 習近平”家風”揭秘齊心自述與習仲勛婚姻往事 [Xi Jinping’s “family traditions” are unmasked: Qi Xin’s autobiographical account of her marriage to Xi Zhongxun]. People’s Daily (in Traditional Chinese). Archived from the original on 28 April 2017. Retrieved 27 April 2017.
^ Fangqin, Sun (16 November 2012). 本報獨家探訪河南鄧州習營村 [This Newspaper’s Exclusive Visit To Xiying Village, Dengzhou County, Henan]. Wen Wei Po (in Traditional Chinese). Archived from the original on 23 January 2013. Retrieved 15 November 2012.
^ Li, Cheng. “Xi Jinping’s Inner Circle (Part 2: Friends from Xi’s Formative Years)” (PDF). Hoover Institution. pp. 6–22. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
^ Takahashi, Tetsushi (1 June 2002). “Connecting the dots of the Hong Kong law and veneration of Xi”. Nikkei Shimbun. Retrieved 23 October 2020.
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Works cited[edit source]

Bouée, Charles-Edouard (2010). China’s Management Revolution: Spirit, Land, Energy. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-28545-3.
Simon, Denis Fred; Cong, Cao (2009). China’s Emerging Technological Edge: Assessing the Role of High-End Talent. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-88513-3.
Lam, Willy (2015). Chinese Politics in the Era of Xi Jinping: Renaissance, Reform, or Retrogression?. Routledge. ISBN 978-0765642097.
Heilmann, Sebastian (2017). China’s Political System. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1442277342.
Bougon, François (2018). Inside the Mind of Xi Jinping. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 9781849049849.
Goodman, David S. G. (2015). Handbook of the Politics of China. Edward Elga. ISBN 9781782544371.
Economy, Elizabeth C. (2018). The Third Revolution: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese State. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190866075.

External links[edit source]

Library resources about
Xi Jinping

Resources in your library Resources in other libraries

Biography at Chinavitae.com
Appearances on C-SPAN
Xi Jinping collected news and commentary at the China Digital Times
Xi Jinping collected news and commentary at The Guardian
“Xi Jinping collected news and commentary”. The New York Times.
Works by or about Xi Jinping in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
U.S. Embassy Beijing, Portrait of Xi Jinping, via United States diplomatic cables leak
Xi Jinping 2012 profile on BBC Radio Four

Political offices
Preceded byHe Guoqiang	Governor of Fujian Province 1999–2002	Succeeded byLu Zhangong
Preceded byChai Songyue	Governor of Zhejiang Province 2002–2003	Succeeded byLü Zushan
Preceded byLi Zemin	Chairman of the People’s Congress Standing Committee of Zhejiang 2003–2007	Succeeded byYu Guoxing
Preceded byZeng Qinghong	Vice President of the People’s Republic of China 2008–2013	Succeeded byLi Yuanchao
Preceded byXu Caihou Guo Boxiong	Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission 2010–2013	Succeeded byFan Changlong Xu Qiliang
Preceded byHu Jintao	President of the People’s Republic of China 2013–present	Incumbent
Chairman of the Central Military Commission 2013–present
Party political offices
Preceded byZhang Dejiang	Party Committee Secretary of Zhejiang 2002–2007	Succeeded byZhao Hongzhu
Preceded byHan Zheng	Party Committee Secretary of Shanghai 2007	Succeeded byYu Zhengsheng
Preceded byZeng Qinghong	First Secretary of the CCP 2007–2012	Succeeded byLiu Yunshan
Preceded byHu Jintao	General Secretary of the Communist Party 2012–present	Incumbent
Chairman of the Central Military Commission 2012–present
Leader of the Foreign Affairs Leading Small Group 2012–present
Leader of the Leading Group for Financial and Economic Affairs 2013–present
New office	Leader of the Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms 2013–present
Chairman of the Central National Security Commission 2014–present
Diplomatic posts
Preceded bySusilo Bambang Yudhoyono	Chairperson of APEC 2014	Succeeded byBenigno Aquino III
Preceded byRecep Tayyip Erdoğan	Chairperson of the Group of 20 2016	Succeeded byAngela Merkel
Military offices
Preceded byZhu De	Commander-in-Chief of the People’s Liberation Army 2016–present	Incumbent
Academic offices
Preceded byZeng Qinghong	President of the Central Party School 2007–2013	Succeeded byLiu Yunshan
Order of precedence
First	Rank of the Chinese Communist Party 18th Politburo Standing Committee	Succeeded byLi Keqiangas Premier of the State Council

15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Joe Biden

Joseph Robinette Biden Jr. (/ˈbaɪdən/ BY-dən; born November 20, 1942) is an American politician who is the 46th and current president of the United States. A member of the Democratic Party, he served as the 47th vice president from 2009 to 2017 under Barack Obama and represented Delaware in the United States Senate from 1973 to 2009.

Biden was born and raised in Scranton, Pennsylvania, moving with his family to New Castle County, Delaware, in 1953 when he was ten. He studied at the University of Delaware before earning his law degree from Syracuse University in 1968. He was elected to the New Castle County Council in 1970 and became the sixth-youngest senator in U.S. history after he was elected to the United States Senate from Delaware in 1972, at age 29. Biden was the chair or ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for 12 years and was influential in foreign affairs during Obama’s presidency. He also chaired the Senate Judiciary Committee from 1987 to 1995, dealing with drug policy, crime prevention, and civil liberties issues; led the effort to pass the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act and the Violence Against Women Act; and oversaw six U.S. Supreme Court confirmation hearings, including the contentious hearings for Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas. He ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1988 and 2008. Biden was reelected to the Senate six times and was the fourth-most senior sitting senator at the time when he became Obama’s vice president after they won the 2008 presidential election, defeating John McCain and his running mate Sarah Palin. Obama and Biden were reelected in 2012, defeating Mitt Romney and his running mate Paul Ryan.

During eight years as vice president, Biden leaned on his Senate experience and frequently represented the administration in negotiations with congressional Republicans, including on the Budget Control Act of 2011, which resolved a debt ceiling crisis, and the American Taxpayer Relief Act of 2012, which addressed the impending “fiscal cliff“. He also oversaw infrastructure spending in 2009 to counteract the Great Recession. On foreign policy, Biden was a close counselor to the president and took a leading role in designing the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq in 2011. In 2017, Obama awarded Biden the Presidential Medal of Freedom with Distinction.

Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris defeated incumbent president Donald Trump and vice president Mike Pence in the 2020 presidential election. He is the oldest president and the first to have a female vice president. His early presidential activity centered around proposing, lobbying for, and signing into law the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 to help the United States recover from the COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing recession, as well as a series of executive orders. Biden’s orders addressed the pandemic and reversed several Trump administration policies, including rejoining the Paris Agreement on climate change and accepting new applications for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients, although a federal judge blocked the latter. He completed the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan by September 2021. During the withdrawal, the Afghan government collapsed and the Taliban seized control. Biden proposed the Build Back Better Plan, aspects of which were incorporated into the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, which Biden signed into law in November 2021.

Early life (1942–1965)

Main article: Early life and career of Joe BidenSee also: Family of Joe Biden Biden at Archmere Academy in the 1950s

Joseph Robinette Biden Jr. was born on November 20, 1942,^[1] at St. Mary’s Hospital in Scranton, Pennsylvania,^[2] to Catherine Eugenia “Jean” Biden (née Finnegan) and Joseph Robinette Biden Sr.^[3]^[4] The oldest child in a Catholic family, he has a sister, Valerie, and two brothers, Francis and James.^[5] Jean was of Irish descent,^[6]^[7]^[8] while Joseph Sr. had English, French, and Irish ancestry.^[9]^[8]

Biden’s father had been wealthy, but suffered financial setbacks around the time Biden was born,^[10]^[11]^[12] and for several years the family lived with Biden’s maternal grandparents.^[13] Scranton fell into economic decline during the 1950s and Biden’s father could not find steady work.^[14] Beginning in 1953 when Biden was ten,^[15] the family lived in an apartment in Claymont, Delaware, before moving to a house in nearby Mayfield.^[16]^[17]^[11]^[13] Biden Sr. later became a successful used-car salesman, maintaining the family in a middle-class lifestyle.^[13]^[14]^[18]

At Archmere Academy in Claymont,^[19] Biden played baseball and was a standout halfback and wide receiver on the high school football team.^[13]^[20] Though a poor student, he was class president in his junior and senior years.^[21]^[22] He graduated in 1961.^[21] At the University of Delaware in Newark, Biden briefly played freshman football^[23]^[24] and, as an unexceptional student,^[25] earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965 with a double major in history and political science, and a minor in English.^[26]^[27]

Biden has a stutter, which has improved since his early twenties.^[28] He says he reduced it by reciting poetry before a mirror,^[22]^[29] but some observers suggested it affected his performance in the 2020 Democratic Party presidential debates.^[30]^[31]^[32]

Marriages, law school, and early career (1966–1973)

Main article: Early career of Joe Biden

On August 27, 1966, Biden married Neilia Hunter (1942–1972), a student at Syracuse University,^[26] after overcoming her parents’ reluctance for her to wed a Roman Catholic. Their wedding was held in a Catholic church in Skaneateles, New York.^[33] They had three children: Joseph R. “Beau” Biden III (1969–2015), Robert Hunter Biden (born 1970), and Naomi Christina “Amy” Biden (1971–1972).^[26]Biden in the Syracuse 1968 yearbook

In 1968, Biden earned a Juris Doctor from Syracuse University College of Law, ranked 76th in his class of 85, after failing a course due to an acknowledged “mistake” when he plagiarized a law review article for a paper he wrote in his first year at law school.^[25] He was admitted to the Delaware bar in 1969.^[1]

Biden had not openly supported or opposed the Vietnam War until he ran for Senate and opposed Nixon’s conduct of the war.^[34] While studying at the University of Delaware and Syracuse University, Biden obtained five student draft deferments, at a time when most draftees were sent to the Vietnam War. In 1968, based on a physical examination, he was given a conditional medical deferment; in 2008, a spokesperson for Biden said his having had “asthma as a teenager” was the reason for the deferment.^[35]

In 1968, Biden clerked at a Wilmington law firm headed by prominent local Republican William Prickett and, he later said, “thought of myself as a Republican”.^[36]^[37] He disliked incumbent Democratic Delaware governor Charles L. Terry‘s conservative racial politics and supported a more liberal Republican, Russell W. Peterson, who defeated Terry in 1968.^[36] Biden was recruited by local Republicans but registered as an Independent because of his distaste for Republican presidential candidate Richard Nixon.^[36]

In 1969, Biden practiced law first as a public defender and then at a firm headed by a locally active Democrat^[38]^[36] who named him to the Democratic Forum, a group trying to reform and revitalize the state party;^[39] Biden subsequently reregistered as a Democrat.^[36] He and another attorney also formed a law firm.^[38] Corporate law, however, did not appeal to him, and criminal law did not pay well.^[13] He supplemented his income by managing properties.^[40]

In 1970, Biden ran for the 4th district seat on the New Castle County Council on a liberal platform that included support for public housing in the suburbs.^[41]^[38]^[42] The seat had been held by Republican Henry R. Folsom, who was running in the 5th District following a reapportionment of council districts.^[43]^[44]^[45] Biden won the general election by defeating Republican Lawrence T. Messick, and took office on January 5, 1971.^[46]^[47] He served until January 1, 1973, and was succeeded by Democrat Francis R. Swift.^[48]^[49]^[50]^[51] During his time on the county council, Biden opposed large highway projects, which he argued might disrupt Wilmington neighborhoods.^[52]

1972 U.S. Senate campaign in Delaware

Main article: 1972 United States Senate election in Delaware Results of the 1972 U.S. Senate election in Delaware

In 1972, Biden defeated Republican incumbent J. Caleb Boggs to become the junior U.S. senator from Delaware. He was the only Democrat willing to challenge Boggs.^[38] With minimal campaign funds, he was given no chance of winning.^[13] Family members managed and staffed the campaign, which relied on meeting voters face-to-face and hand-distributing position papers,^[53] an approach made feasible by Delaware’s small size.^[40] He received help from the AFL–CIO and Democratic pollster Patrick Caddell.^[38] His platform focused on the environment, withdrawal from Vietnam, civil rights, mass transit, equitable taxation, health care, and public dissatisfaction with “politics as usual”.^[38]^[53] A few months before the election, Biden trailed Boggs by almost thirty percentage points,^[38] but his energy, attractive young family, and ability to connect with voters’ emotions worked to his advantage,^[18] and he won with 50.5 percent of the vote.^[53] At the time of his election, he was still 29 years old, but reached the constitutionally required age of 30 before he was sworn in as Senator.^[54]

Death of wife and daughter

On December 18, 1972, a few weeks after the election, Biden’s wife Neilia and one-year-old daughter Naomi were killed in an automobile accident while Christmas shopping in Hockessin, Delaware.^[26]^[55] Neilia’s station wagon was hit by a semi-trailer truck as she pulled out from an intersection. Their sons Beau (aged 3) and Hunter (aged 2) survived the accident and were taken to the hospital in fair condition, Beau with a broken leg and other wounds and Hunter with a minor skull fracture and other head injuries.^[56] Biden considered resigning to care for them,^[18] but Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield persuaded him not to.^[57]

Years later, Biden said he had heard that the truck driver allegedly drank alcohol before the collision. The driver’s family denied that claim, and the police never substantiated it. Biden later apologized to the family.^[58]^[59]^[60]^[61]^[62] The accident had filled him with anger and religious doubt. He wrote that he “felt God had played a horrible trick” on him,^[63] and he had trouble focusing on work.^[64]^[65]

Second marriage

Biden and his second wife, Jill, met in 1975 and married in 1977

Biden credits his second wife, teacher Jill Tracy Jacobs, with the renewal of his interest in politics and life;^[66] they met in 1975 on a blind date^[67] and were married at the United Nations chapel in New York on June 17, 1977.^[68]^[69] They spent their honeymoon at Lake Balaton in the Hungarian People’s Republic, behind the Iron Curtain.^[70]^[71] They are Roman Catholics and attend Mass at St. Joseph’s on the Brandywine in Greenville, Delaware.^[72] Their daughter Ashley Biden (born 1981)^[26] is a social worker. She is married to physician Howard Krein.^[73] Beau Biden became an Army Judge Advocate in Iraq and later Delaware Attorney General;^[74] he died of brain cancer in 2015.^[75]^[76] Hunter Biden is a Washington lobbyist and investment adviser.^[77]

Teaching

From 1991 to 2008, as an adjunct professor, Biden co-taught a seminar on constitutional law at Widener University School of Law.^[78]^[79] The seminar often had a waiting list. Biden sometimes flew back from overseas to teach the class.^[80]^[81]^[82]^[83]

U.S. Senate (1973–2009)

Main article: United States Senate career of Joe Biden

Senate activities

Biden with President Jimmy Carter, 1979

In January 1973, secretary of the Senate Francis R. Valeo swore Biden in at the Delaware Division of the Wilmington Medical Center.^[84]^[56] Present were his sons Beau (whose leg was still in traction from the automobile accident) and Hunter and other family members.^[84]^[56] At 30, he was the sixth-youngest senator in U.S. history.^[85]^[86]

To see his sons, Biden traveled by train between his Delaware home and D.C.^[87]—74 minutes each way—and maintained this habit throughout his 36 years in the Senate.^[18]

During his early years in the Senate, Biden focused on consumer protection and environmental issues and called for greater government accountability.^[88] In a 1974 interview, he described himself as liberal on civil rights and liberties, senior citizens’ concerns and healthcare but conservative on other issues, including abortion and military conscription.^[89]

In his first decade in the Senate, Biden focused on arms control.^[90]^[91] After Congress failed to ratify the SALT II Treaty signed in 1979 by Soviet general secretary Leonid Brezhnev and President Jimmy Carter, Biden met with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko to communicate American concerns and secured changes that addressed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee’s objections.^[92] When the Reagan administration wanted to interpret the 1972 SALT I treaty loosely to allow development of the Strategic Defense Initiative, Biden argued for strict adherence to the treaty.^[90] He received considerable attention when he excoriated Secretary of State George Shultz at a Senate hearing for the Reagan administration’s support of South Africa despite its continued policy of apartheid.^[36]Biden shaking hands with President Ronald Reagan, 1984

Biden became ranking minority member of the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1981. In 1984, he was a Democratic floor manager for the successful passage of the Comprehensive Crime Control Act. His supporters praised him for modifying some of the law’s worst provisions, and it was his most important legislative accomplishment to that time.^[93] In 1994, Biden helped pass the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, also known as the Biden Crime Law, which included a ban on assault weapons,^[94]^[95] and the Violence Against Women Act,^[96] which he has called his most significant legislation.^[97] The 1994 crime law was unpopular among progressives and criticized for resulting in mass incarceration;^[98]^[99] in 2019, Biden called his role in passing the bill a “big mistake”, citing its policy on crack cocaine and saying that the bill “trapped an entire generation”.^[100]

In 1993, Biden voted for a provision that deemed homosexuality incompatible with military life, thereby banning gays from serving in the armed forces.^[101]^[102]^[103] In 1996, he voted for the Defense of Marriage Act, which prohibited the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages, thereby barring individuals in such marriages from equal protection under federal law and allowing states to do the same.^[104] In 2015, the act was ruled unconstitutional in Obergefell v. Hodges.^[105]

Elected to the Senate in 1972, Biden was reelected in 1978, 1984, 1990, 1996, 2002, and 2008, regularly receiving about 60% of the vote.^[106] He was junior senator to William Roth, who was first elected in 1970, until Roth was defeated in 2000.^[107] As of 2020, he was the 18th-longest-serving senator in U.S. history.^[108]

Opposition to busing

In the mid-1970s, Biden was one of the Senate’s strongest opponents of race-integration busing. His Delaware constituents strongly opposed it, and such opposition nationwide later led his party to mostly abandon school integration policies.^[109] In his first Senate campaign, Biden had expressed support for busing to remedy de jure segregation, as in the South, but opposed its use to remedy de facto segregation arising from racial patterns of neighborhood residency, as in Delaware; he opposed a proposed constitutional amendment banning busing entirely.^[110]

In May 1974, Biden voted to table a proposal containing anti-busing and anti-desegregation clauses but later voted for a modified version containing a qualification that it was not intended to weaken the judiciary’s power to enforce the 5th Amendment and 14th Amendment.^[111] In 1975, he supported a proposal that would have prevented the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare from cutting federal funds to districts that refused to integrate;^[112] he said busing was a “bankrupt idea [violating] the cardinal rule of common sense” and that his opposition would make it easier for other liberals to follow suit.^[93] At the same time he supported initiatives on housing, job opportunities and voting rights.^[111] Biden supported a measure^[when?] forbidding the use of federal funds for transporting students beyond the school closest to them. In 1977, he co-sponsored an amendment closing loopholes in that measure, which President Carter signed into law in 1978.^[113]

Brain surgeries

In February 1988, after several episodes of increasingly severe neck pain, Biden was taken by ambulance to Walter Reed Army Medical Center for surgery to correct a leaking intracranial berry aneurysm.^[114]^[115] While recuperating, he suffered a pulmonary embolism, a serious complication.^[115] After a second aneurysm was surgically repaired in May,^[115]^[116] Biden’s recuperation kept him away from the Senate for seven months.^[117]

Senate Judiciary Committee

See also: Robert Bork Supreme Court nomination and Clarence Thomas Supreme Court nomination Biden speaking at the signing of the 1994 Crime Bill with President Bill Clinton in 1994

Biden was a longtime member of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary. He chaired it from 1987 to 1995 and was a ranking minority member from 1981 to 1987 and again from 1995 to 1997.

As chair, Biden presided over two highly contentious U.S. Supreme Court confirmation hearings.^[18] When Robert Bork was nominated in 1988, Biden reversed his approval‍—‌given in an interview the previous year‍—‌of a hypothetical Bork nomination. Conservatives were angered,^[118] but at the hearings’ close Biden was praised for his fairness, humor, and courage.^[118]^[119] Rejecting the arguments of some Bork opponents,^[18] Biden framed his objections to Bork in terms of the conflict between Bork’s strong originalism and the view that the U.S. Constitution provides rights to liberty and privacy beyond those explicitly enumerated in its text.^[119] Bork’s nomination was rejected in the committee by a 9–5 vote^[119] and then in the full Senate, 58–42.^[120]

During Clarence Thomas’s nomination hearings in 1991, Biden’s questions on constitutional issues were often convoluted to the point that Thomas sometimes lost track of them,^[121] and Thomas later wrote that Biden’s questions were akin to “beanballs“.^[122] After the committee hearing closed, the public learned that Anita Hill, a University of Oklahoma law school professor, had accused Thomas of making unwelcome sexual comments when they had worked together.^[123]^[124] Biden had known of some of these charges, but initially shared them only with the committee because Hill was then unwilling to testify.^[18] The committee hearing was reopened and Hill testified, but Biden did not permit testimony from other witnesses, such as a woman who had made similar charges and experts on harassment,^[125] saying he wanted to preserve Thomas’s privacy and the hearings’ decency.^[121]^[125] The full Senate confirmed Thomas by a 52–48 vote, with Biden opposed.^[18] Liberal legal advocates and women’s groups felt strongly that Biden had mishandled the hearings and not done enough to support Hill.^[125] Biden later sought out women to serve on the Judiciary Committee and emphasized women’s issues in the committee’s legislative agenda.^[18] In 2019, he told Hill he regretted his treatment of her, but Hill said afterward she remained unsatisfied.^[126]

Biden was critical of Independent Counsel Ken Starr during the 1990s Whitewater controversy and Lewinsky scandal investigations, saying “it’s going to be a cold day in hell” before another independent counsel would be granted similar powers.^[127] He voted to acquit during the impeachment of President Clinton.^[128] During the 2000s, Biden sponsored bankruptcy legislation sought by credit card issuers.^[18] Clinton vetoed the bill in 2000, but it passed in 2005 as the Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act,^[18] with Biden one of only 18 Democrats to vote for it, while leading Democrats and consumer rights organizations opposed it.^[129] As a senator, Biden strongly supported increased Amtrak funding and rail security.^[106]^[130]Senator Biden accompanies President Clinton and other officials to Bosnia and Herzegovina in December 1997

Senate Foreign Relations Committee

Biden was a longtime member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He became its ranking minority member in 1997 and chaired it from June 2001 to 2003 and 2007 to 2009.^[131] His positions were generally liberal internationalist.^[90]^[132] He collaborated effectively with Republicans and sometimes went against elements of his own party.^[131]^[132] During this time he met with at least 150 leaders from 60 countries and international organizations, becoming a well-known Democratic voice on foreign policy.^[133]

Biden voted against authorization for the Gulf War in 1991,^[132] siding with 45 of the 55 Democratic senators; he said the U.S. was bearing almost all the burden in the anti-Iraq coalition.^[134]

Biden became interested in the Yugoslav Wars after hearing about Serbian abuses during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991.^[90] Once the Bosnian War broke out, Biden was among the first to call for the “lift and strike” policy of lifting the arms embargo, training Bosnian Muslims and supporting them with NATO air strikes, and investigating war crimes.^[90]^[131] The George H. W. Bush administration and Clinton administration were both reluctant to implement the policy, fearing Balkan entanglement.^[90]^[132] In April 1993, Biden spent a week in the Balkans and held a tense three-hour meeting with Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević.^[135] Biden related that he had told Milošević, “I think you’re a damn war criminal and you should be tried as one.”^[135]

Biden wrote an amendment in 1992 to compel the Bush administration to arm the Bosnian Muslims, but deferred in 1994 to a somewhat softer stance the Clinton administration preferred, before signing on the following year to a stronger measure sponsored by Bob Dole and Joe Lieberman.^[135] The engagement led to a successful NATO peacekeeping effort.^[90] Biden has called his role in affecting Balkans policy in the mid-1990s his “proudest moment in public life” related to foreign policy.^[132]

As chair, Biden contributed to successfully encouraging the Clinton administration to commit the resources and political capital to broker what became the 1998 Good Friday Agreement between the governments of Ireland and the United Kingdom through the Northern Ireland peace process.^[136]

On September 3, 1998, the resigning former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter had, according to Barton Gellman, accused the Clinton administration of obstructing weapons inspections in Iraq. Biden joined many other Senate Democrats and “amplified on the Clinton administration’s counterattack against former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter.” He questioned whether Ritter was trying to “appropriate the power ‘to decide when to pull the trigger’ of military force against Iraq”, and said that the Secretary of State would also have to consider the opinion of allies, the UNSC, and public opinion, before any intervention in Iraq.^[137]^[138] In a Washington Post op-ed later that month, Biden criticized a unilateral “confrontation-based policy” but praised the idea of asking whether intervention might be necessary at some point, though he said it was “above the pay grade” of one weapons inspector.^[139]

In 1999, during the Kosovo War, Biden supported the 1999 NATO bombing of FR Yugoslavia.^[90] He and Senator John McCain co-sponsored the McCain-Biden Kosovo Resolution, which called on Clinton to use all necessary force, including ground troops, to confront Milošević over Yugoslav actions toward ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.^[132]^[140]

Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq

Main article: War on terror Biden addresses the press after meeting with Prime Minister Ayad Allawi in Baghdad in 2004.

Biden was a strong supporter of the War in Afghanistan, saying, “Whatever it takes, we should do it.”^[141] As head of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he said in 2002 that Iraqi president Saddam Hussein was a threat to national security and there was no other option than to “eliminate” that threat.^[142] In October 2002, he voted in favor of the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq, approving the U.S. invasion of Iraq.^[132] As chair of the committee, he assembled a series of witnesses to testify in favor of the authorization. They gave testimony grossly misrepresenting the intent, history, and status of Saddam and his secular government, which was an avowed enemy of al-Qaida, and touted Iraq’s fictional possession of weapons of mass destruction.^[143] Biden eventually became a critic of the war and viewed his vote and role as a “mistake”, but did not push for withdrawal.^[132]^[135] He supported the appropriations for the occupation, but argued that the war should be internationalized, that more soldiers were needed, and that the Bush administration should “level with the American people” about its cost and length.^[131]^[140]

By late 2006, Biden’s stance had shifted considerably. He opposed the troop surge of 2007,^[132]^[135] saying General David Petraeus was “dead, flat wrong” in believing the surge could work.^[144] Biden instead advocated dividing Iraq into a loose federation of three ethnic states.^[145] In November 2006, Biden and Leslie H. Gelb, president emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, released a comprehensive strategy to end sectarian violence in Iraq.^[146] Rather than continue the existing approach or withdrawing, the plan called for “a third way”: federalizing Iraq and giving Kurds, Shiites, and Sunnis “breathing room” in their own regions.^[147] In September 2007, a non-binding resolution endorsing the plan passed the Senate,^[146] but the idea was unfamiliar, had no political constituency, and failed to gain traction.^[144] Iraq’s political leadership denounced the resolution as de facto partitioning of the country, and the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad issued a statement distancing itself from it.^[146] In May 2008, Biden sharply criticized President George W. Bush‘s speech to Israel‘s Knesset in which Bush compared some Democrats to Western leaders who appeased Hitler before World War II; Biden called the speech “bullshit”, “malarkey”, and “outrageous”. He later apologized for his language.^[148]

Presidential campaigns 1988 and 2008

Main article: Joe Biden 1988 presidential campaign

1988 campaign

Biden at the White House in 1987

Biden formally declared his candidacy for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination on June 9, 1987.^[149] He was considered a strong candidate because of his moderate image, his speaking ability, his high profile as chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee at the upcoming Robert Bork Supreme Court nomination hearings, and his appeal to Baby Boomers; he would have been the second-youngest person elected president, after John F. Kennedy.^[36]^[150]^[151] He raised more in the first quarter of 1987 than any other candidate.^[150]^[151]

By August his campaign’s messaging had become confused due to staff rivalries,^[152] and in September, he was accused of plagiarizing a speech by British Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock.^[153] Biden’s speech had similar lines about being the first person in his family to attend university. Biden had credited Kinnock with the formulation on previous occasions,^[154]^[155] but did not on two occasions in late August.^[156]^{: 230–232}^[155] Kinnock himself was more forgiving; the two men met in 1988, forming an enduring friendship.^[157]

Earlier that year he had also used passages from a 1967 speech by Robert F. Kennedy (for which his aides took blame) and a short phrase from John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address; two years earlier he had used a 1976 passage by Hubert Humphrey.^[158] Biden responded that politicians often borrow from one another without giving credit, and that one of his rivals for the nomination, Jesse Jackson, had called him to point out that he (Jackson) had used the same material by Humphrey that Biden had used.^[18]^[25]

A few days later, an incident in law school in which Biden drew text from a Fordham Law Review article with inadequate citations was publicized.^[25] He was required to repeat the course and passed with high marks.^[159] At Biden’s request the Delaware Supreme Court’s Board of Professional Responsibility reviewed the incident and concluded that he had violated no rules.^[160]

Biden has made several false or exaggerated claims about his early life: that he had earned three degrees in college, that he attended law school on a full scholarship, that he had graduated in the top half of his class,^[161]^[162] and that he had marched in the civil rights movement.^[163] The limited amount of other news about the presidential race amplified these disclosures^[164] and on September 23, 1987, Biden withdrew his candidacy, saying it had been overrun by “the exaggerated shadow” of his past mistakes.^[165]

2008 campaign

Main article: Joe Biden 2008 presidential campaign Biden campaigns at a house party in Creston, Iowa, July 2007

After exploring the possibility of a run in several previous cycles, in January 2007, Biden declared his candidacy in the 2008 elections.^[106]^[166]^[167] During his campaign, Biden focused on the Iraq War, his record as chairman of major Senate committees, and his foreign-policy experience. In mid-2007, Biden stressed his foreign policy expertise compared to Obama’s.^[168] Biden was noted for his one-liners during the campaign; in one debate he said of Republican candidate Rudy Giuliani: “There’s only three things he mentions in a sentence: a noun, and a verb and 9/11.”^[169]

Biden had difficulty raising funds, struggled to draw people to his rallies, and failed to gain traction against the high-profile candidacies of Obama and Senator Hillary Clinton.^[170] He never rose above single digits in national polls of the Democratic candidates. In the first contest on January 3, 2008, Biden placed fifth in the Iowa caucuses, garnering slightly less than one percent of the state delegates.^[171] He withdrew from the race that evening.^[172]

Despite its lack of success, Biden’s 2008 campaign raised his stature in the political world.^[173]^: 336 In particular, it changed the relationship between Biden and Obama. Although they had served together on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, they had not been close: Biden resented Obama’s quick rise to political stardom,^[144]^[174] while Obama viewed Biden as garrulous and patronizing.^[173]^{: 28, 337–338} Having gotten to know each other during 2007, Obama appreciated Biden’s campaign style and appeal to working-class voters, and Biden said he became convinced Obama was “the real deal”.^[174]^[173]^{: 28, 337–338}

2008 vice-presidential campaign

Main articles: Barack Obama 2008 presidential campaign and 2008 Democratic Party vice presidential candidate selection Biden speaks at the August 23, 2008, vice presidential announcement at the Old State Capitol in Springfield, Illinois

Shortly after Biden withdrew from the presidential race, Obama privately told him he was interested in finding an important place for Biden in his administration.^[175] Biden declined Obama’s first request to vet him for the vice-presidential slot, fearing the vice presidency would represent a loss in status and voice from his Senate position, but he later changed his mind.^[144]^[176] In early August, Obama and Biden met in secret to discuss the possibility,^[175] and developed a strong personal rapport.^[174] On August 22, 2008, Obama announced that Biden would be his running mate.^[177] The New York Times reported that the strategy behind the choice reflected a desire to fill out the ticket with someone with foreign policy and national security experience—and not to help the ticket win a swing state or to emphasize Obama’s “change” message.^[178] Others pointed out Biden’s appeal to middle-class and blue-collar voters, as well as his willingness to aggressively challenge Republican nominee John McCain in a way that Obama seemed uncomfortable doing at times.^[179]^[180] In accepting Obama’s offer, Biden ruled out running for president again in 2016,^[175] but his comments in later years seemed to back off that stance, as he did not want to diminish his political power by appearing uninterested in advancement.^[181]^[182]^[183] Biden was officially nominated for vice president on August 27 by voice vote at the 2008 Democratic National Convention in Denver.^[184]

Biden’s vice-presidential campaigning gained little media visibility, as far greater press attention was focused on the Republican running mate, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin.^[185]^[186] During one week in September 2008, for instance, the Pew Research Center‘s Project for Excellence in Journalism found that Biden was included in only five percent of coverage of the race, far less than the other three candidates on the tickets received.^[187] Biden nevertheless focused on campaigning in economically challenged areas of swing states and trying to win over blue-collar Democrats, especially those who had supported Hillary Clinton.^[144]^[185] Biden attacked McCain heavily despite a long-standing personal friendship.^{[n 2]} He said, “That guy I used to know, he’s gone. It literally saddens me.”^[185] As the financial crisis of 2007–2010 reached a peak with the liquidity crisis of September 2008 and the proposed bailout of the United States financial system became a major factor in the campaign, Biden voted in favor of the $700 billion Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008, which went on to pass in the Senate 74–25.^[189]

On October 2, 2008, Biden participated in the vice-presidential debate with Palin at Washington University in St. Louis. Post-debate polls found that while Palin exceeded many voters’ expectations, Biden had won the debate overall.^[190] During the campaign’s final days, he focused on less populated, older, less well-off areas of battleground states, especially Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, where polling indicated he was popular and where Obama had not campaigned or performed well in the Democratic primaries.^[191]^[192]^[193] He also campaigned in some normally Republican states, as well as in areas with large Catholic populations.^[193]

Under instructions from the campaign, Biden kept his speeches succinct and tried to avoid offhand remarks, such as one he made about Obama’s being tested by a foreign power soon after taking office, which had attracted negative attention.^[191]^[192] Privately, Biden’s remarks frustrated Obama. “How many times is Biden gonna say something stupid?” he asked.^[173]^{: 411–414, 419} Obama campaign staffers referred to Biden blunders as “Joe bombs” and kept Biden uninformed about strategy discussions, which in turn irked Biden.^[183] Relations between the two campaigns became strained for a month, until Biden apologized on a call to Obama and the two built a stronger partnership.^[173]^{: 411–414} Publicly, Obama strategist David Axelrod said Biden’s high popularity ratings had outweighed any unexpected comments.^[194] Nationally, Biden had a 60% favorability rating in a Pew Research Center poll, compared to Palin’s 44%.^[191]

On November 4, 2008, Obama and Biden were elected with 53% of the popular vote and 365 electoral votes to McCain–Palin’s 173.^[195]^[196]^[197]

At the same time Biden was running for vice president he was also running for reelection to the Senate,^[198] as permitted by Delaware law.^[106] On November 4, he was reelected to the Senate, defeating Republican Christine O’Donnell.^[199] Having won both races, Biden made a point of waiting to resign from the Senate until he was sworn in for his seventh term on January 6, 2009.^[200] He became the youngest senator ever to start a seventh full term, and said, “In all my life, the greatest honor bestowed upon me has been serving the people of Delaware as their United States senator.”^[200] Biden cast his last Senate vote on January 15, supporting the release of the second $350 billion for the Troubled Asset Relief Program,^[201] and resigned from the Senate later that day.^{[n 3]} In an emotional farewell, Biden told the Senate: “Every good thing I have seen happen here, every bold step taken in the 36-plus years I have been here, came not from the application of pressure by interest groups, but through the maturation of personal relationships.”^[205] Delaware Governor Ruth Ann Minner appointed longtime Biden adviser Ted Kaufman to fill Biden’s vacated Senate seat.^[206]

Vice presidency (2009–2017)

See also: Presidency of Barack Obama Biden being sworn in as vice president on January 20, 2009

First term, 2009–2013

Biden said he intended to eliminate some explicit roles assumed by George W. Bush’s vice president, Dick Cheney, and did not intend to emulate any previous vice presidency.^[207] He chaired Obama’s transition team^[208] and headed an initiative to improve middle-class economic well-being.^[209] In early January 2009, in his last act as chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, he visited the leaders of Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan,^[210] and on January 20 he was sworn in as the 47th vice president of the United States^[211]‍—‌the first vice president from Delaware^[212] and the first Roman Catholic vice president.^[213]^[214]

Obama was soon comparing Biden to a basketball player “who does a bunch of things that don’t show up in the stat sheet”.^[215] In May, Biden visited Kosovo and affirmed the U.S. position that its “independence is irreversible”.^[216] Biden lost an internal debate to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton about sending 21,000 new troops to Afghanistan,^[217]^[218] but his skepticism was valued,^[176] and in 2009, Biden’s views gained more influence as Obama reconsidered his Afghanistan strategy.^[219] Biden visited Iraq about every two months,^[144] becoming the administration’s point man in delivering messages to Iraqi leadership about expected progress there.^[176] More generally, overseeing Iraq policy became Biden’s responsibility: Obama was said to have said, “Joe, you do Iraq.”^[220] Biden said Iraq “could be one of the great achievements of this administration”.^[221] His January 2010 visit to Iraq in the midst of turmoil over banned candidates from the upcoming Iraqi parliamentary election resulted in 59 of the several hundred candidates being reinstated by the Iraqi government two days later.^[222] By 2012, Biden had made eight trips there, but his oversight of U.S. policy in Iraq receded with the exit of U.S. troops in 2011.^[223]^[224]President Obama congratulates Biden for his role in shaping the debt ceiling deal which led to the Budget Control Act of 2011.

Biden oversaw infrastructure spending from the Obama stimulus package intended to help counteract the ongoing recession.^[225] During this period, Biden was satisfied that no major instances of waste or corruption had occurred,^[176] and when he completed that role in February 2011, he said the number of fraud incidents with stimulus monies had been less than one percent.^[226]

In late April 2009, Biden’s off-message response to a question during the beginning of the swine flu outbreak, that he would advise family members against traveling on airplanes or subways, led to a swift retraction by the White House.^[227] The remark revived Biden’s reputation for gaffes.^[228]^[219]^[229] Confronted with rising unemployment through July 2009, Biden acknowledged that the administration had “misread how bad the economy was” but maintained confidence the stimulus package would create many more jobs once the pace of expenditures picked up.^[230] On March 23, 2010, a microphone picked up Biden telling the president that his signing the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act was “a big fucking deal” during live national news telecasts. Despite their different personalities, Obama and Biden formed a friendship, partly based around Obama’s daughter Sasha and Biden’s granddaughter Maisy, who attended Sidwell Friends School together.^[183]Biden during a visit to Baghdad

Members of the Obama administration said Biden’s role in the White House was to be a contrarian and force others to defend their positions.^[231] Rahm Emanuel, White House chief of staff, said that Biden helped counter groupthink.^[215] White House press secretary Jay Carney, Biden’s former communications director, said Biden played the role of “the bad guy in the Situation Room”.^[231] Another senior Obama advisor said Biden “is always prepared to be the skunk at the family picnic to make sure we are as intellectually honest as possible.”^[176] Obama said, “The best thing about Joe is that when we get everybody together, he really forces people to think and defend their positions, to look at things from every angle, and that is very valuable for me.”^[176] The Bidens maintained a relaxed atmosphere at their official residence in Washington, often entertaining their grandchildren, and regularly returned to their home in Delaware.^[232]

Biden campaigned heavily for Democrats in the 2010 midterm elections, maintaining an attitude of optimism in the face of predictions of large-scale losses for the party.^[233] Following big Republican gains in the elections and the departure of White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel, Biden’s past relationships with Republicans in Congress became more important.^[234]^[235] He led the successful administration effort to gain Senate approval for the New START treaty.^[234]^[235] In December 2010, Biden’s advocacy for a middle ground, followed by his negotiations with Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell, were instrumental in producing the administration’s compromise tax package that included a temporary extension of the Bush tax cuts.^[235]^[236] Biden then took the lead in trying to sell the agreement to a reluctant Democratic caucus in Congress.^[235]^[237] The package passed as the Tax Relief, Unemployment Insurance Reauthorization, and Job Creation Act of 2010.

In March 2011, Obama delegated Biden to lead negotiations with Congress to resolve federal spending levels for the rest of the year and avoid a government shutdown.^[238] By May 2011, a “Biden panel” with six congressional members was trying to reach a bipartisan deal on raising the U.S. debt ceiling as part of an overall deficit reduction plan.^[239]^[240] The U.S. debt ceiling crisis developed over the next few months, but Biden’s relationship with McConnell again proved key in breaking a deadlock and bringing about a deal to resolve it, in the form of the Budget Control Act of 2011, signed on August 2, 2011, the same day an unprecedented U.S. default had loomed.^[241]^[242]^[243] Biden had spent the most time of anyone in the administration bargaining with Congress on the debt question,^[242] and one Republican staffer said, “Biden’s the only guy with real negotiating authority, and [McConnell] knows that his word is good. He was a key to the deal.”^[241]Biden, Obama and the national security team gathered in the White House Situation Room to monitor the progress of the May 2011 mission to kill Osama bin Laden

Some reports suggest that Biden opposed proceeding with the May 2011 U.S. mission to kill Osama bin Laden,^[223]^[244] lest failure adversely affect Obama’s reelection prospects.^[245]^[246] He took the lead in notifying Congressional leaders of the successful outcome.^[247]

Reelection

Main article: Barack Obama 2012 presidential campaign

In October 2010, Biden said Obama had asked him to remain as his running mate for the 2012 presidential election,^[233] but with Obama’s popularity on the decline, White House Chief of Staff William M. Daley conducted some secret polling and focus group research in late 2011 on the idea of replacing Biden on the ticket with Hillary Clinton.^[248] The notion was dropped when the results showed no appreciable improvement for Obama,^[248] and White House officials later said Obama had never entertained the idea.^[249]Biden and Obama, July 2012

Biden’s May 2012 statement that he was “absolutely comfortable” with same-sex marriage gained considerable public attention in comparison to Obama’s position, which had been described as “evolving”.^[250] Biden made his statement without administration consent, and Obama and his aides were quite irked, since Obama had planned to shift position several months later, in the build-up to the party convention, and since Biden had previously counseled the president to avoid the issue lest key Catholic voters be offended.^[183]^[251]^[252]^[253] Gay rights advocates seized upon Biden’s statement,^[251] and within days, Obama announced that he too supported same-sex marriage, an action in part forced by Biden’s remarks.^[254] Biden apologized to Obama in private for having spoken out,^[252]^[255] while Obama acknowledged publicly it had been done from the heart.^[251] The incident showed that Biden still struggled at times with message discipline,^[183] as Time wrote, “Everyone knows Biden’s greatest strength is also his greatest weakness.”^[223] Relations were also strained between the vice presidential and presidential campaigns when Biden appeared to use his position to bolster fundraising contacts for a possible run for president in 2016, and he ended up being excluded from Obama campaign strategy meetings.^[248]

The Obama campaign nevertheless valued Biden as a retail-level politician who could connect with disaffected blue-collar workers and rural residents, and he had a heavy schedule of appearances in swing states as the reelection campaign began in earnest in spring 2012.^[256]^[223] An August 2012 remark before a mixed-race audience that Republican proposals to relax Wall Street regulations would “put y’all back in chains” led to a similar analysis of Biden’s face-to-face campaigning abilities versus his tendency to go off track.^[256]^[257]^[258] The Los Angeles Times wrote, “Most candidates give the same stump speech over and over, putting reporters if not the audience to sleep. But during any Biden speech, there might be a dozen moments to make press handlers cringe, and prompt reporters to turn to each other with amusement and confusion.”^[257] Time magazine wrote that Biden often went too far and “Along with the familiar Washington mix of neediness and overconfidence, Biden’s brain is wired for more than the usual amount of goofiness.”^[256]

Biden was nominated for a second term as vice president at the 2012 Democratic National Convention in September.^[259] Debating his Republican counterpart, Representative Paul Ryan, in the vice-presidential debate on October 11 he made a spirited and emotional defense of the Obama administration’s record and energetically attacked the Republican ticket.^[260]^[261] On November 6, Obama and Biden won reelection^[262] over Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan with 332 of 538 Electoral College votes and 51% of the popular vote.^[263]

In December 2012, Obama named Biden to head the Gun Violence Task Force, created to address the causes of gun violence in the United States in the aftermath of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting.^[264] Later that month, during the final days before the United States fell off the “fiscal cliff“, Biden’s relationship with McConnell again proved important as the two negotiated a deal that led to the American Taxpayer Relief Act of 2012 being passed at the start of 2013.^[265]^[266] It made many of the Bush tax cuts permanent but raised rates on upper income levels.^[266]

Second term, 2013–2017

Official vice president portrait, 2013

Biden was inaugurated to a second term on January 20, 2013, at a small ceremony at Number One Observatory Circle, his official residence, with Justice Sonia Sotomayor presiding (a public ceremony took place on January 21).^[267]

Biden played little part in discussions that led to the October 2013 passage of the Continuing Appropriations Act, 2014, which resolved the federal government shutdown of 2013 and the debt-ceiling crisis of 2013. This was because Senate majority leader Harry Reid and other Democratic leaders cut him out of any direct talks with Congress, feeling Biden had given too much away during previous negotiations.^[268]^[269]^[270]

Biden’s Violence Against Women Act was reauthorized again in 2013. The act led to related developments, such as the White House Council on Women and Girls, begun in the first term, as well as the White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault, begun in January 2014 with Biden and Valerie Jarrett as co-chairs.^[271]^[272] Biden discussed federal guidelines on sexual assault on university campuses while giving a speech at the University of New Hampshire. He said, “No means no, if you’re drunk or you’re sober. No means no if you’re in bed, in a dorm or on the street. No means no even if you said yes at first and you changed your mind. No means no.”^[273]^[274]^[275]

Biden favored arming Syria’s rebel fighters.^[276] As Iraq fell apart during 2014, renewed attention was paid to the Biden-Gelb Iraqi federalization plan of 2006, with some observers suggesting Biden had been right all along.^[277]^[278] Biden himself said the U.S. would follow ISIL “to the gates of hell”.^[279] Biden had close relationships with several Latin American leaders and was assigned a focus on the region during the administration; he visited the region 16 times during his vice presidency, the most of any president or vice president.^[280]Biden with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem, March 9, 2016

In 2015, Speaker of the House John Boehner and Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell invited Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu to address a joint session of Congress without notifying the Obama administration. This defiance of protocol led Biden and more than 50 congressional Democrats to skip Netanyahu’s speech.^[281] In August 2016, Biden visited Serbia, where he met with Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić and expressed his condolences for civilian victims of the bombing campaign during the Kosovo War.^[282] In Kosovo, he attended a ceremony renaming a highway after his son Beau, in honor of Beau’s service to Kosovo in training its judges and prosecutors.^[283]^[284]^[285]

Biden never cast a tie-breaking vote in the Senate, making him the longest-serving vice president with this distinction.^[286]Biden with Vice President-elect Mike Pence on November 10, 2016

Role in the 2016 presidential campaign

During his second term, Biden was often said to be preparing for a possible bid for the 2016 Democratic presidential nomination.^[287] With his family, many friends, and donors encouraging him in mid-2015 to enter the race, and with Hillary Clinton‘s favorability ratings in decline at that time, Biden was reported to again be seriously considering the prospect and a “Draft Biden 2016″ PAC was established.^[287]^[288]^[289]

As of September 11, 2015, Biden was still uncertain about running. He felt his son’s recent death had largely drained his emotional energy, and said, “nobody has a right … to seek that office unless they’re willing to give it 110% of who they are.”^[290] On October 21, speaking from a podium in the Rose Garden with his wife and Obama by his side, Biden announced his decision not to run for president in 2016.^[291]^[292]^[293] In January 2016, Biden affirmed that it was the right decision, but admitted to regretting not running for president “every day”.^[294]

After Obama endorsed Hillary Clinton on June 9, 2016, Biden endorsed her later that day.^[295] Throughout the 2016 election, Biden strongly criticized Clinton’s opponent, Donald Trump, in often colorful terms.^[296]^[297]

Subsequent activities (2017–2019)

Biden with Barack Obama and Donald Trump, at the latter’s inauguration on January 20, 2017

After leaving the vice presidency, Biden became a professor at the University of Pennsylvania, while continuing to lead efforts to find treatments for cancer.^[298] In 2017 he wrote a memoir, Promise Me, Dad, and went on a book tour.^[299] Biden earned $15.6 million in 2017–2018.^[300] In 2018, he gave a eulogy for Senator John McCain, praising McCain’s embrace of American ideals and bipartisan friendships.^[301]

Biden remained in the public eye, endorsing candidates while continuing to comment on politics, climate change, and the presidency of Donald Trump.^[302]^[303]^[304] He also continued to speak out in favor of LGBT rights, continuing advocacy on an issue he had become more closely associated with during his vice presidency.^[305]^[306] In 2019, Biden criticized Brunei for its intention to implement Islamic laws that would allow death by stoning for adultery and homosexuality, calling it “appalling and immoral” and saying, “There is no excuse—not culture, not tradition—for this kind of hate and inhumanity.”^[307] By 2019, Biden and his wife reported that their assets had increased to between $2.2 million and $8 million from speaking engagements and a contract to write a set of books.^[308]

2020 presidential campaign

Main article: Joe Biden 2020 presidential campaignSee also: 2020 Democratic Party presidential primaries and 2020 United States presidential election

Speculation and announcement

Biden at his presidential kickoff rally in Philadelphia, May 2019

Between 2016 and 2019, media outlets often mentioned Biden as a likely candidate for president in 2020.^[309] When asked if he would run, he gave varied and ambivalent answers, saying “never say never”.^[310] At one point he suggested he did not see a scenario where he would run again,^[311]^[312] but a few days later, he said, “I’ll run if I can walk.”^[313] A political action committee known as Time for Biden was formed in January 2018, seeking Biden’s entry into the race.^[314] He finally launched his campaign on April 25, 2019,^[315] saying he was prompted to run, among other reasons, by his “sense of duty.”^[316]

Campaign

In September 2019, it was reported that Trump had pressured Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate alleged wrongdoing by Biden and his son Hunter Biden.^[317] Despite the allegations, no evidence was produced of any wrongdoing by the Bidens.^[318]^[319]^[320] The media widely interpreted this pressure to investigate the Bidens as trying to hurt Biden’s chances of winning the presidency, resulting in a political scandal^[321]^[322] and Trump’s impeachment by the House of Representatives.

Beginning in 2019, Trump and his allies falsely accused Biden of getting the Ukrainian prosecutor general Viktor Shokin fired because he was supposedly pursuing an investigation into Burisma Holdings, which employed Hunter Biden. Biden was accused of withholding $1 billion in aid from Ukraine in this effort. In 2015, Biden pressured the Ukrainian parliament to remove Shokin because the United States, the European Union and other international organizations considered Shokin corrupt and ineffective, and in particular because Shokin was not assertively investigating Burisma. The withholding of the $1 billion in aid was part of this official policy.^[323]^[324]^[325]^[326] The Senate Homeland Security Committee and Senate Finance Committee, led by Republicans, investigated allegations of wrongdoing by the Bidens in Ukraine, ultimately releasing a report in September 2020 that detailed no evidence of wrongdoing by Joe Biden, and concluded that it was “not clear” whether Hunter Biden’s role in Burisma “affected U.S. policy toward Ukraine”.^[327]^[328]

In March 2019 and April 2019, Biden was accused by eight women of previous instances of inappropriate physical contact, such as embracing, touching or kissing.^[329] Biden had previously described himself as a “tactile politician” and admitted this behavior has caused trouble for him.^[330] In April 2019, Biden pledged to be more “respectful of people’s personal space”.^[331]

Throughout 2019, Biden stayed generally ahead of other Democrats in national polls.^[332]^[333] Despite this, he finished fourth in the Iowa caucuses, and eight days later, fifth in the New Hampshire primary.^[334]^[335] He performed better in the Nevada caucuses, reaching the 15% required for delegates, but still was behind Bernie Sanders by 21.6 percentage points.^[336] Making strong appeals to Black voters on the campaign trail and in the South Carolina debate, Biden won the South Carolina primary by more than 28 points.^[337] After the withdrawals and subsequent endorsements of candidates Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar, he made large gains in the March 3 Super Tuesday primary elections. Biden won 18 of the next 26 contests, including Alabama, Arkansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia, putting him in the lead overall.^[338] Elizabeth Warren and Mike Bloomberg soon dropped out, and Biden expanded his lead with victories over Sanders in four states (Idaho, Michigan, Mississippi, and Missouri) on March 10.^[339]

In late March 2020, Tara Reade, one of the eight women who in 2019 had accused Biden of inappropriate physical contact, accused Biden of having sexually assaulted her in 1993.^[340] There were inconsistencies between Reade’s 2019 and 2020 allegations.^[340]^[341] Biden and his campaign denied the sexual assault allegation.^[342]^[343]

When Sanders suspended his campaign on April 8, 2020, Biden became the Democratic Party’s presumptive nominee for president.^[344] On April 13, Sanders endorsed Biden in a live-streamed discussion from their homes.^[345] Former President Barack Obama endorsed Biden the next day.^[346] In March 2020, Biden committed to choosing a woman as his running mate.^[347] In June, Biden met the 1,991-delegate threshold needed to secure the party’s presidential nomination.^[348] On August 11, he announced U.S. Senator Kamala Harris of California as his running mate, making her the first African American and first South Asian American vice-presidential nominee on a major-party ticket.^[349]

On August 18, 2020, Biden was officially nominated at the 2020 Democratic National Convention as the Democratic Party nominee for president in the 2020 election.^[350]^[351]^[352]

Presidential transition

Main article: Presidential transition of Joe Biden

Biden was elected the 46th president of the United States in November 2020. He defeated the incumbent, Donald Trump, becoming the first candidate to defeat a sitting president since Bill Clinton defeated George H. W. Bush in 1992. Trump refused to concede, insisting the election had been “stolen” from him through “voter fraud”, challenging the results in court and promoting numerous conspiracy theories about the voting and vote-counting processes, in an attempt to overturn the election results.^[353] Biden’s transition was delayed by several weeks as the White House ordered federal agencies not to cooperate.^[354] On November 23, General Services Administrator Emily W. Murphy formally recognized Biden as the apparent winner of the 2020 election and authorized the start of a transition process to the Biden administration.^[355]

On January 6, 2021, during Congress’s electoral vote count, Trump told supporters gathered in front of the White House to march to the Capitol, saying, “We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved.”^[356] Soon after, they attacked the Capitol. During the insurrection at the Capitol, Biden addressed the nation, calling the events “an unprecedented assault unlike anything we’ve seen in modern times.” He specifically called on Trump to “go on national television now to fulfill his oath and defend the Constitution and demand an end to this siege”, adding, “it must end now.”^[357]^[358] After the Capitol was cleared, Congress resumed its joint session and officially certified the election results with Pence declaring Biden and Harris the winners.^[359]

In December 2020, Biden received his first dose of the Pfizer–BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine at the Christiana Hospital in Delaware, publicly taking the vaccine on live television to build trust in the vaccine and to encourage Americans to get inoculated.^[360]^[361] He returned for his second dose in January 2021.^[362]

Presidency (2021–present)

Main article: Presidency of Joe BidenFor a chronological guide to this subject, see Timeline of the Joe Biden presidency.See also: Cabinet of Joe Biden Biden takes the oath of office administered by Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. at the Capitol, January 20, 2021

Inauguration

Main article: Inauguration of Joe Biden

Biden was inaugurated as the 46th president of the United States on January 20, 2021.^[363] At 78, he is the oldest person to have assumed the office.^[363] He is the second Catholic president (after John F. Kennedy)^[364] and the first president whose home state is Delaware.^[365] He is the second non-incumbent vice president (after Richard Nixon in 1968) to be elected president.^[366] He is also the first president from the Silent Generation.^[367]

Biden’s inauguration was “a muted affair unlike any previous inauguration” due to COVID-19 precautions as well as massively increased security measures because of a threat of widespread civil unrest. Biden took the oath of office on the Capitol’s west steps and gave an inaugural address, but there were no spectators on the Mall and no in-person parades or inaugural balls. Trump did not attend, becoming the first outgoing president since 1869 to not attend his successor’s inauguration.^[368]

First 100 days

In his first two days as president, Biden signed 17 executive orders, more than most recent presidents did in their first 100 days. By his third day, orders had included rejoining the Paris Climate Agreement, ending the state of national emergency at the border with Mexico, directing the government to rejoin the World Health Organization, face mask requirements on federal property, measures to combat hunger in the United States,^[369]^[370]^[371]^[372] and revoking permits for the construction of the Keystone XL pipeline.^[373]^[374]^[375] In his first two weeks in office, Biden signed more executive orders than any other president since Franklin D. Roosevelt had in their first month in office.^[376]

On February 4, 2021, the Biden administration announced that the United States was ending its support for the Saudi-led bombing campaign in Yemen. In his first visit to the State Department as president, Biden said “this war has to end” and that the conflict had created a “humanitarian and strategic catastrophe.”^[377] On February 25, the Biden administration “struck a site in Syria used by two Iranian-backed militia groups in response to rocket attacks on American forces.” This marked the first known action by the military under Biden.^[378]Biden with his Cabinet, July 2021

On March 11, the first anniversary of COVID-19 being declared a global pandemic by the World Health Organization, Biden signed into law the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021, a $1.9 trillion economic stimulus relief package he proposed and lobbied for that aimed to speed up the United States’ recovery from the economic and health effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing recession.^[379] The package included direct payments to most Americans, an extension of increased unemployment benefits, funds for vaccine distribution and school reopenings, support for small businesses and state and local governments, and expansions of health insurance subsidies and the child tax credit. Biden’s initial proposal included an increase of the federal minimum wage to $15 per hour, but after Senate parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough determined that including the increase in a budget reconciliation bill would violate Senate rules, Democrats declined to pursue overruling her and removed the increase from the package.^[380]^[381]^[382]

Also in March, amid a rise in migrants entering the U.S. from Mexico, Biden told migrants, “Don’t come over.” He said that the U.S. was arranging a plan for migrants to “apply for asylum in place”, without leaving their original locations. In the meantime, migrant adults “are being sent back”, Biden said, in reference to the continuation of the Trump administration’s Title 42 policy for quick deportations.^[383] Biden earlier announced that his administration would not deport unaccompanied migrant children; the rise in arrivals of such children exceeded the capacity of facilities meant to shelter them (before they were sent to sponsors), leading the Biden administration in March to direct the Federal Emergency Management Agency to help manage these children.^[384]

On April 14, Biden announced that the United States would delay the withdrawal of all troops from the war in Afghanistan until September 11, signalling an end to the country’s direct military involvement in Afghanistan after nearly 20 years.^[385] In February 2020, the Trump administration had made a deal with the Taliban to completely withdraw U.S. forces by May 1, 2021.^[386] Biden’s decision met with a wide range of reactions, from support and relief to trepidation at the possible collapse of the Afghan government without American support.^[387] On April 22–23, Biden held an international climate summit at which he announced that the U.S. would cut its greenhouse gas emissions by 50%–52% by 2030 compared to 2005 levels. Other countries also increased their pledges. If the pledges made at the summit are met, they will cut global greenhouse gas emissions by 2.6–3.7 GtCO₂e by 2030.^[388]^[389] On April 28, the eve of his 100th day in office, Biden delivered his first address to a joint session of Congress, in which he highlighted the effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccines and addressed withdrawing troops from Afghanistan, the murder of George Floyd, and the U.S. Capitol attack while urging Congress to pass comprehensive immigration, gun, and health care reform.^[390]

Rest of 2021

Biden meeting with Secretary General of NATO Jens Stoltenberg in the Oval Office, June 7, 2021 Biden meeting with Israeli President Reuven Rivlin, June 28, 2021

In May 2021, during a flareup in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Biden expressed his support for Israel, saying “my party still supports Israel” amid disagreement from some Democrats.^[391] In June 2021, Biden took his first trip abroad as president. In eight days he visited Belgium, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. He attended a G7 summit, a NATO summit, and an EU summit, and held one-on-one talks with Russian president Vladimir Putin.^[392]

On June 17, Biden signed the Juneteenth National Independence Day Act, which officially declared Juneteenth a federal holiday.^[393] Juneteenth is the first new federal holiday since Martin Luther King Jr. Day was declared a holiday in 1986.^[394] In July 2021, amid a slowing of the COVID-19 vaccination rate in the country and the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 Delta variant, Biden said that the country has “a pandemic for those who haven’t gotten the vaccination” and that it was therefore “gigantically important” for Americans to be vaccinated, touting the vaccines’ effectiveness against hospitalizations and deaths from COVID-19.^[395] He also criticized the prevalence of COVID-19 misinformation on social media, saying it was “killing people”.^[396] In September 2021, Biden announced AUKUS, a security pact between Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, to ensure “peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific over the long term”; the deal included nuclear-powered submarines built for Australia’s use.^[397]

By the end of 2021, 40 of Biden’s appointed judges to the federal judiciary had been confirmed, more than any president in their first year in office since Ronald Reagan.^[398]^[399] Biden has prioritized diversity in his judicial appointments more than any president in U.S. history, with the majority of appointments being women and people of color.^[400] Most of his appointments have been in blue states, making a limited impact since the courts in these states already traditionally lean liberal.^[401]

In the first eight months of his presidency, Biden’s approval rating, according to Morning Consult polling, remained above 50%. In August, it began to decline and lowered into the low forties by December.^[402] The decline in his approval is attributed to the Afghanistan withdrawal, increasing hospitalizations from the Delta variant, high inflation and gas prices, disarray within the Democratic Party, and a general decline in popularity customary in politics.^[403]^[404]^[405]^[406]

Withdrawal from Afghanistan

President Biden in a video conference with Vice President Harris and the U.S. National Security team, discussing the Fall of Kabul on August 15, 2021

American forces began withdrawing from Afghanistan in 2020, under the provisions of a February 2020 US-Taliban agreement that set a May 1, 2021, deadline.^[407] By April 2021, the State Department was urging American civilians in Afghanistan to leave as soon as possible.^[408]^[409] The Taliban began an offensive on May 1. As late as July, American intelligence assessments estimated Kabul would fall to the Taliban months or weeks after the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan.^[410]^[411] By early July, most American troops in Afghanistan had withdrawn.^[386] Biden addressed the withdrawal in July, saying, “The likelihood there’s going to be the Taliban overrunning everything and owning the whole country is highly unlikely.”^[386]

On August 15, the Afghan government collapsed under the Taliban offensive, and Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled the country.^[386]^[412] Biden reacted by ordering 6,000 American troops to assist in the evacuation of American personnel and Afghan allies.^[413] He was widely criticized for the manner of the withdrawal, with allegations of poor planning for the evacuation of Americans and Afghan allies, and for his silence and absence during the days before the collapse of the Afghan government.^[412]^[414]^[415]

On August 16, Biden addressed the “messy” situation, taking responsibility for it, and admitting that the situation “unfolded more quickly than we had anticipated”.^[412]^[416] He defended his decision to withdraw, saying that Americans should not be “dying in a war that Afghan forces are not willing to fight for themselves,”^[416]^[417] and blamed his predecessor Donald Trump, the Afghan president, and Afghan security forces for the speedy collapse.^[418]^[419]

On August 22, Biden said that his administration knew that ISIS-K was a “likely source” of threat.^[420] On August 26, a suicide bombing at the Kabul airport killed 13 U.S. service members and 169 Afghans. Biden declared to the attackers that the United States “will hunt you down and make you pay”.^[421] On August 27, an American drone strike killed two ISIS-K targets, who were “planners and facilitators”, according to a U.S. Army general.^[422] On August 29, another American drone strike killed 10 civilians, including seven children; the Defense Department initially claimed the strike was conducted on an Islamic State suicide bomber threatening Kabul Airport, but admitted the mistake on September 17 and apologized.^[423]

The U.S. military left Afghanistan on August 30, with Biden saying that the evacuation effort was an “extraordinary success”, by extracting over 120,000 Americans, Afghans and other allies.^[424] He acknowledged that between “100 to 200” Americans who wanted to leave were left in Afghanistan, despite his August 18 pledge to stay in Afghanistan until all Americans who wanted to leave had left.^[425] The Biden administration, joining governments of almost 100 countries, said that the Taliban had given “assurances” that anyone “with travel authorization from [these] countries” would continue to be allowed to leave Afghanistan.^[426]

Economy

Biden entered office nine months into a recovery from the COVID-19 recession and his first year in office was characterized by robust growth in real GDP, employment, wages and stock market returns, amid significantly elevated inflation. Real GDP grew 5.7%, the fastest rate in 37 years.^[427] Amid record job creation, the unemployment rate fell at the fastest pace on record during the year.^[428]^[429] By the end of 2021, inflation reached a nearly 40-year high of 7.1%, which was partially offset by the highest wage and salary growth in at least 20 years. Income growth was particularly strong at the low end of the pay scale.^[430]^[431]^[432]^[433]

Infrastructure and climate

Further information: Infrastructure policy of the Joe Biden administration and Environmental policy of the Joe Biden administration Biden, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and UN Secretary-General António Guterres at the opening ceremony of the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow on November 1, 2021

As part of Biden’s Build Back Better agenda, in late March 2021, he proposed the American Jobs Plan, a $2 trillion package addressing issues including transport infrastructure, utilities infrastructure, broadband infrastructure, housing, schools, manufacturing, research and workforce development.^[434]^[435] After months of negotiations among Biden and lawmakers, in August 2021 the Senate passed a $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill called the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act,^[436]^[437] while the House, also in a bipartisan manner, approved that bill in early November 2021, covering infrastructure related to transport, utilities, and broadband.^[438] Biden signed the bill into law in mid-November 2021.^[439]

As COP26, scheduled for October 31 to November 12, 2021, approached, Biden increased his efforts to address climate change domestically and internationally. He promoted an agreement that the U.S. and the European Union cut methane emissions by a third by 2030 and tried to add dozens of other countries to the effort.^[440] He tried to convince China^[441] and Australia^[442] to do more. He convened an online Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate Change to press other countries to strengthen their climate policy.^[443]^[444] Biden pledged to double climate funding to developing countries by 2024.^[445] Also at COP26, the U.S. and China reached a deal on greenhouse gas emission reduction. The two countries are responsible for 40% of global emissions.^[446]

2022

President Joe Biden with Olaf Scholz Chancellor of Germany, White House, February 2022

In early 2022, Biden made efforts to change his public image after entering the year with low approval ratings but these continued to fall, dipping below 40% in aggregated polls by February.^[447]^[448]

In January, Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer, a moderate liberal nominated by Bill Clinton, announced he will be retiring from the Supreme Court. Breyer’s retirement is expected to give Biden his first opportunity to nominate a Supreme Court justice. During his 2020 campaign, Biden vowed to nominate a Black woman to the court if a vacancy occurred,^[449] a promise he reiterated after the announcement of Breyer’s retirement.^[450]

Political positions

Main article: Political positions of Joe Biden

Biden is considered a moderate Democrat^[451] and a centrist,^[452]^[453] though more recently he has been seen as shifting to the left.^[454]^[455]^[456] He has a lifetime liberal 72% score from the Americans for Democratic Action through 2004, while the American Conservative Union gave him a lifetime conservative rating of 13% through 2008.^[457]

Biden supported the fiscal stimulus in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009;^[458]^[459] the Obama administration’s proposed increase in infrastructure spending;^[459] subsidies for mass transit, including Amtrak, bus, and subway;^[460] and the reduced military spending in the Obama administration’s fiscal year 2014 budget.^[461]^[462] He has proposed partially reversing the corporate tax cuts of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, saying that doing so would not hurt businesses’ ability to hire.^[463]^[464] He voted for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)^[465] and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.^[466] Biden is a staunch supporter of the Affordable Care Act (ACA).^[467]^[468] He has promoted a plan to expand and build upon it, paid for by revenue gained from reversing some Trump administration tax cuts.^[467] Biden’s plan aims to expand health insurance coverage to 97% of Americans, including by creating a public health insurance option.^[469]

Biden has supported same-sex marriage since 2012^[470]^[471] and also supports Roe v. Wade and repealing the Hyde Amendment.^[472]^[473] He opposes drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and supports governmental funding to find new energy sources.^[474] As a senator, he forged deep relationships with police groups and was a chief proponent of a Police Officer’s Bill of Rights measure that police unions supported but police chiefs opposed. As vice president, he served as a White House liaison to police.^[475]^[476]

Biden believes action must be taken on global warming. As a senator, he co-sponsored the Sense of the Senate resolution calling on the United States to take part in the United Nations climate negotiations and the Boxer–Sanders Global Warming Pollution Reduction Act, the most stringent climate bill in the United States Senate.^[477] He wants to achieve a carbon-free power sector in the U.S. by 2035 and stop emissions completely by 2050.^[478] His program includes reentering the Paris Agreement, nature conservation, and green building.^[479] Biden wants to pressure China and other countries to cut greenhouse gas emissions by carbon tariffs if necessary.^[480]^[481]President Barack Obama and Biden talk with Xi Jinping, February 14, 2012

Biden has said the U.S. needs to “get tough” on China and build “a united front of U.S. allies and partners to confront China’s abusive behaviors and human rights violations”.^[482] He has called China the “most serious competitor” that poses challenges to the United States’ “prosperity, security, and democratic values”.^[483] Biden has voiced concerns about China’s “coercive and unfair” economic practices and human rights abuses in the Xinjiang region to the Chinese Communist Party leader Xi Jinping.^[484] He also pledged to sanction and commercially restrict Chinese government officials and entities who carry out repression.^[485]

Biden has said he is against regime change, but for providing non-military support to opposition movements.^[486] He opposed direct U.S. intervention in Libya,^[487]^[231] voted against U.S. participation in the Gulf War,^[488] voted in favor of the Iraq War,^[489] and supports a two-state solution in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.^[490] Biden has pledged to end U.S. support for the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen and to reevaluate the United States’ relationship with Saudi Arabia.^[303] He has called North Korea a “paper tiger“.^[491] As vice president, Biden supported Obama’s Cuban thaw.^[492] He has said that, as president, he would restore U.S. membership in key United Nations bodies, such as the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the World Health Organization,^[493] and possibly the Human Rights Council.^[494] Biden supports extending the New START arms control treaty with Russia to limit the number of nuclear weapons deployed by both sides.^[495]^[496] In 2021, Biden recognized the Armenian genocide, becoming the first U.S. president to do so.^[497]

Reputation

Main article: Public image of Joe Biden

Biden was consistently ranked one of the least wealthy members of the Senate,^[498]^[499]^[500] which he attributed to his having been elected young.^[501] Feeling that less-wealthy public officials may be tempted to accept contributions in exchange for political favors, he proposed campaign finance reform measures during his first term.^[93] As of November 2009, Biden’s net worth was $27,012.^[502] By November 2020, the Bidens were worth $9 million, largely due to sales of Biden’s books and speaking fees after his vice presidency.^[503]^[504]^[505]^[506]

The political writer Howard Fineman has written, “Biden is not an academic, he’s not a theoretical thinker, he’s a great street pol. He comes from a long line of working people in Scranton—auto salesmen, car dealers, people who know how to make a sale. He has that great Irish gift.”^[40] Political columnist David S. Broder wrote that Biden has grown over time: “He responds to real people—that’s been consistent throughout. And his ability to understand himself and deal with other politicians has gotten much much better.”^[40] Journalist James Traub has written that “Biden is the kind of fundamentally happy person who can be as generous toward others as he is to himself.”^[144]

In recent years, especially after the 2015 death of his elder son Beau, Biden has been noted for his empathetic nature and ability to communicate about grief.^[507]^[508] In 2020, CNN wrote that his presidential campaign aimed to make him “healer-in-chief”, while The New York Times described his extensive history of being called upon to give eulogies.^[509]

Journalist and TV anchor Wolf Blitzer has described Biden as loquacious.^[510] He often deviates from prepared remarks^[511] and sometimes “puts his foot in his mouth.”^[512]^[185]^[513]^[514] The New York Times wrote that Biden’s “weak filters make him capable of blurting out pretty much anything.”^[185] In 2018, Biden called himself “a gaffe machine”.^[515] Some of his gaffes have been characterized as racially insensitive.^[516]^[517]^[518]^[519]President Obama presents Biden with the Presidential Medal of Freedom with Distinction, January 12, 2017

Electoral history

Main article: Electoral history of Joe Biden

Year	Office	Type	Party	Main opponent	Party	Votes for Biden	Result	Swing
Total	%	P.	±%
1970	Councillor	General		Democratic	Lawrence T. Messick		Republican	10,573	55.41%	1st	N/A	Won		Gain
1972	U.S. senator	General		Democratic	J. Caleb Boggs (I)		Republican	116,006	50.48%	1st	+9.59%	Won		Gain
1978	General		Democratic	James H. Baxter Jr.		Republican	93,930	57.96%	1st	+7.48%	Won		Hold
1984	General		Democratic	John M. Burris		Republican	147,831	60.11%	1st	+2.15%	Won		Hold
1988	President	Primary		Democratic	Michael Dukakis		Democratic	Withdrew	Lost	N/A
1990	U.S. senator	General		Democratic	M. Jane Brady		Republican	112,918	62.68%	1st	+2.57%	Won		Hold
1996	General		Democratic	Raymond J. Clatworthy		Republican	165,465	60.04%	1st	-2.64%	Won		Hold
2002	General		Democratic	Raymond J. Clatworthy		Republican	135,253	58.22%	1st	-1.82%	Won		Hold
2008	General		Democratic	Christine O’Donnell		Republican	257,539	64.69%	1st	+6.47%	Won		Hold
2008	President	Primary		Democratic	Barack Obama		Democratic	Withdrew	Lost	N/A
Vice president	General	Sarah Palin		Republican	69,498,516	52.93%	1st	+4.66%	Won		Gain
Electoral	365 E.V.	67.84%	1st	+21.19%
2012	General		Democratic	Paul Ryan		Republican	65,915,795	51.06%	1st	-1.87%	Won		Hold
Electoral	332 E.V.	61.71%	1st	-6.13%
2020	President	Primary		Democratic	Bernie Sanders		Democratic	19,080,152	51.68%	1st	N/A	Won	N/A
Convention	3,558 D.	74.92%	1st	N/A
General	Donald Trump (I)		Republican	81,268,924	51.31%	1st	+3.13%	Won		Gain
Electoral	306 E.V.	56.88%	1st	+14.69%

Publications

Books

Biden, Joseph R., Jr.; Helms, Jesse (April 1, 2000). Hague Convention on International Child Abduction: Applicable Law and Institutional Framework Within Certain Convention Countries Report to the Senate. Diane Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7567-2250-0.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (July 8, 2001). Putin Administration’s Policies toward Non-Russian Regions of the Russian Federation: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-7567-2624-9.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (July 24, 2001). Administration’s Missile Defense Program and the ABM Treaty: Hearing Before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-7567-1959-3. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 5, 2016.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (September 5, 2001). Threat of Bioterrorism and the Spread of Infectious Diseases: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-7567-2625-6.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (February 12, 2002). Examining The Theft Of American Intellectual Property At Home And Abroad: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-7567-4177-8.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (February 14, 2002). Halting the Spread of HIV/AIDS: Future Efforts in the U.S. Bilateral & Multilateral Response: Hearings before the Comm. on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate. Diane Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7567-3454-1.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (February 27, 2002). How Do We Promote Democratization, Poverty Alleviation, and Human Rights to Build a More Secure Future: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-7567-2478-8.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (August 1, 2002). Hearings to Examine Threats, Responses, and Regional Considerations Surrounding Iraq: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate (PDF). U.S. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-7567-2823-6.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (January 1, 2003). International Campaign Against Terrorism: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate. Diane Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7567-3041-3.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (January 1, 2003). Political Future of Afghanistan: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate. Diane Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7567-3039-0.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (September 1, 2003). Strategies for Homeland Defense: A Compilation by the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate. Diane Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7567-2623-2.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (July 31, 2007). Promises to Keep. Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6536-3. Also paperback edition, Random House 2008, ISBN 978-0-8129-7621-2.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (November 14, 2017). Promise Me, Dad: A Year of Hope, Hardship, and Purpose. Flatiron Books. ISBN 978-1-250-17167-2.

Book contributions

Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (2005). “Foreword”. In Nicholson, William C. (ed.). Homeland Security Law and Policy. C. C Thomas. ISBN 978-0-398-07583-5.
Biden, Joseph R., Jr. (2009). “Foreword.” In: Choosing Equality: Essays and Narratives on the Desegregation Experience. Edited by Robert L. Hayman, Jr. and Leland Ware. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-271-03433-1.

Pamphlets

Biden, Joseph R., Jr., and Les Aspin, William Louis Dickinson, Brent Scowcroft (1982). Arms Sales: A Useful Foreign Policy Tool? American Enterprise Institute. AEI Forum 56. Moderated by John Charles Daly.

Articles

Biden, Joseph R., Jr., and Miga Purev-Ochir (Spring 2015). “U.S.-Russian Relations in a Post-Cold War World: A Strategic Vision: Mapping a Future for U.S.-Russian Relations.” Harvard International Review, vol. 36, no. 3, pp. 72–76. JSTOR 43649299.

Notes

^ Biden held the chairmanship from January 3 to 20, then was succeeded by Jesse Helms until June 6, and thereafter held the position until 2003.
^ Biden admired McCain politically as well as personally. In May 2004, he had urged McCain to run as vice president with presumptive Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry, saying the cross-party ticket would help heal the “vicious rift” in U.S. politics.^[188]
^ Delaware’s Democratic governor, Ruth Ann Minner, announced on November 24, 2008, that she would appoint Biden’s longtime senior adviser Ted Kaufman to succeed Biden in the Senate.^[202] Kaufman said he would serve only two years, until Delaware’s special Senate election in 2010.^[202] Biden’s son Beau ruled himself out of the 2008 selection process due to his impending tour in Iraq with the Delaware Army National Guard.^[203] He was a possible candidate for the 2010 special election, but in early 2010 said he would not run for the seat.^[204]

References

Citations

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^ Sanger, David E.; Shear, Michael D. (April 14, 2021). “Biden, Setting Afghanistan Withdrawal, Says ‘It Is Time to End the Forever War’”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on December 28, 2021. Retrieved April 23, 2021.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b ^c ^d E. Sanger, David (August 15, 2021). “For Biden, Images of Defeat He Wanted to Avoid”. The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 16, 2021. Retrieved August 16, 2021.
^ Wadington, Katie (April 14, 2021). “Afghanistan withdrawal draws strong Capitol Hill reactions, making some strange alliances”. USA Today. Retrieved April 23, 2021.
^ “New momentum reduces emissions gap, but huge gap remains – analysis”. Carbon Action Tracker. climateactiontracker.org. April 23, 2021. Retrieved April 27, 2021.
^ Newburger, Emma (April 22, 2021). “Here’s what countries pledged on climate change at Biden’s global summit”. CNBC. Retrieved April 29, 2021.
^ Lemire, Jonathan; Boak, Josh (April 28, 2021). “Biden to the nation and world: ‘America is rising anew’”. Star Tribune. Archived from the original on April 29, 2021. Retrieved April 28, 2021.
^ “Remarks by President Biden and H.E. Moon Jae-in, President of the Republic of Korea at Press Conference”. whitehouse.gov. May 21, 2021. Retrieved June 23, 2021.
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^ “Most Federal Employees Will Receive Friday Off for Juneteenth”. Government Executive. June 17, 2021. Retrieved June 17, 2021.
^ Watson, Kathryn; Quinn, Melissa (June 18, 2021). “Biden signs bill making Juneteenth a federal holiday”. CBS News. Retrieved June 19, 2021.
^ Jaffe, Alexandra; Madhani, Aamer (July 22, 2021). “Biden says getting COVID-19 vaccine ‘gigantically important’”. U.S. News & World Report. Associated Press. Retrieved July 23, 2021.
^ “Covid misinformation on Facebook is killing people – Biden”. BBC News. July 17, 2021. Retrieved July 23, 2021.
^ Madhani, Aamer; Lemire, Jonathan (September 16, 2021). “Biden announces Indo-Pacific alliance with UK, Australia”. Associated Press. Retrieved October 4, 2021.
^ Wheeler, Russell (January 26, 2022). “Biden’s first-year judicial appointments—process”. Brookings. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ Raymond, Nate (December 28, 2021). “Biden finishes 2021 with most confirmed judicial picks since Reagan”. Reuters. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ “Biden had a productive year picking federal judges. The job could get tougher in 2022”. NPR.org. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ Mejía, Elena (December 7, 2021). “How Biden Is Reshaping The Courts”. FiveThirtyEight. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ Inc, Gallup (December 21, 2021). “Joe Biden’s Job Approval Rating Steady in December”. Gallup.com. Retrieved February 2, 2022.
^ Frostenson, Sarah (October 12, 2021). “Why Has Biden’s Approval Rating Gotten So Low So Quickly?”. FiveThirtyEight. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ Graham, David A. (November 19, 2021). “Six Theories of Joe Biden’s Crumbling Popularity”. The Atlantic.
^ Rupar, Aaron (September 20, 2021). “Why Biden’s approval numbers have sagged, explained by an expert”. Vox. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ Montanaro, Domenico (September 2, 2021). “Biden’s Approval Rating Hits A New Low After The Afghanistan Withdrawal”. NPR. Retrieved February 1, 2022.
^ Kiely, Eugene; Farley, Robert (August 17, 2021). “Timeline of U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan”. FactCheck.org. Retrieved February 4, 2022.
^ “Afghanistan Travel Advisory – Level 4: Do Not Travel”. U.S. Embassy in Afghanistan. April 27, 2021. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
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^ Merchant, Nomaan; Miller, Zeke (August 19, 2021). “Misread warnings helped lead to chaotic Afghan evacuation”. Associated Press. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
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^ Barrow, Bill (July 15, 2019). “Biden aggressively defends the Affordable Care Act”. PBS. Associated Press. Archived from the original on January 3, 2021. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
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^ Nagourney, Adam; Kaplan, Thomas (June 21, 2020). “Behind Joe Biden’s Evolution on L.G.B.T.Q. Rights”. The New York Times. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
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^ Siders, Dave (June 22, 2019). “Biden calls for enshrining Roe v. Wade in federal law”. Politico. Archived from the original on April 2, 2020. Retrieved April 19, 2020.
^ “Presidential Candidates views on ANWR, The Democrats”. Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Archived from the original on August 7, 2008. Retrieved August 25, 2008.
^ Kranish, Michael (June 9, 2020). “Joe Biden let police groups write his crime bill. Now, his agenda has changed”. The Washington Post. Archived from the original on November 12, 2020. Retrieved November 13, 2020.
^ McDermott, Nathan; Steck, Em (June 10, 2020). “Biden repeatedly pushed bill in Senate that critics said would have made investigating police officers for misconduct more difficult”. CNN. Archived from the original on November 16, 2020. Retrieved November 13, 2020.
^ “A look at the environmental record of Joe Biden, Barack Obama’s running mate”. Grist. January 3, 2008. Archived from the original on May 26, 2010. Retrieved May 4, 2008.
^ Carr, Bob (September 2, 2020). “Joe Biden’s bold climate policies would leave Australia behind”. The Guardian. Archived from the original on September 21, 2020. Retrieved September 21, 2020.
^ Moore, Elena (October 16, 2020). “Trump’s And Biden’s Plans For The Environment”. NPR. Archived from the original on October 30, 2020. Retrieved October 21, 2020.
^ Bade, Gavin (October 14, 2020). “How Biden would use trade agreements to fight global warming”. Politico. Archived from the original on October 21, 2020. Retrieved October 22, 2020.
^ “Biden’s hands may be tied on Trump’s China tariffs, trade experts say”. CNBC. September 8, 2020. Archived from the original on October 26, 2020. Retrieved October 22, 2020.
^ Biden, Jr., Joseph R. (January 23, 2020). “Why America Must Lead Again”. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved January 29, 2021.
^ “Remarks by President Biden on America’s Place in the World”. The White House. February 4, 2021. Retrieved February 6, 2021.
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^ “Foreign Policy, Joseph R. Biden Jr”. The New York Times. February 6, 2020. Archived from the original on August 11, 2021. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
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^ Wehner, Peter (September 4, 2008). “Biden Was Wrong On the Cold War”. The Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on October 6, 2008. Retrieved August 26, 2021.
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^ Pifer, Steven (December 1, 2020). “Reviving nuclear arms control under Biden”. Brookings Institution. Archived from the original on December 1, 2020. Retrieved January 24, 2021.
^ Liptak, Kevin (April 24, 2021). “Biden officially recognizes the massacre of Armenians in World War I as a genocide”. CNN. Retrieved April 25, 2021.
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Works cited

Barone, Michael; Cohen, Richard E. (2008). The Almanac of American Politics. National Journal. Washington. ISBN 978-0-89234-116-0.
Bronner, Ethan (1989). Battle for Justice: How the Bork Nomination Shook America. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-02690-0.
Gadsen, Brett (October 8, 2012). Between North and South: Delaware, Desegregation, and the Myth of American Sectionalism. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-0797-2.
Levingston, Steven; Dyson, Michael (2019). Barack and Joe: The Making of an Extraordinary Partnership. Hachette. ISBN 978-0-316-48788-7.
Mayer, Jane; Abramson, Jill (1994). Strange Justice: The Selling of Clarence Thomas. Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 978-0-395-63318-2.
Moritz, Charles, ed. (1987). Current Biography Yearbook 1987. New York: H. W. Wilson Company.
Wolffe, Richard (2009). Renegade: The Making of a President. New York: Crown Publishers. ISBN 978-0-307-46312-8.
Taylor, Paul (1990). See How They Run: Electing the President in an Age of Mediaocracy. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-57059-4.
Witcover, Jules (2010). Joe Biden: A Life of Trial and Redemption. New York City: William Morrow. ISBN 978-0-06-179198-7.

External links

By Joe Biden
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Appearances on C-SPAN
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“Joe Biden collected news and commentary”. The New York Times.
Joe Biden at On the Issues
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Profile at Vote Smart

hide v t e Joe Biden
46th President of the United States (2021–present)47th Vice President of the United States (2009–2017)U.S. Senator from Delaware (1973–2009)New Castle County Councilman (1971–1973)
Early career	Early life U.S. Senate career Vice presidency Classified Information Procedures Act Counterterrorism Act Violence Against Women Act Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act
Presidency	Transition Inauguration Security preparations Protests Appointments Executive Office appointments Ambassadors Agriculture Commerce Defense Education Energy HHS Homeland Security HUD Interior Justice Labor State Transportation Treasury Veterans Affairs Judicial appointments Cabinet COVID-19 pandemic COVID-19 Advisory Board White House COVID-19 Response Team Presidential Commission on the Supreme Court of the United States 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate Summit for Democracy Timeline 2021 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q42022 Q1 Policies COVID-19 American Rescue Plan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act economic Bidenomics electoral and ethical environmental foreign Afghanistan withdrawal immigration infrastructure social cannabis space Presidential trips international 2021 2022 Executive actions proclamationsOpinion polling 2021 2022 Impeachment efforts
Elections	U.S. Senate1972 1978 1984 1990 1996 2002 2008Vice presidential2008 campaign selection convention debate election transition 2012 campaign convention debate electionPresidential1988 campaign primaries 2008 campaign primaries debates 2020 campaign endorsements celebrity organizations Congress state and territorial officials municipal officials primaries endorsements debates Unity Task Forces running mate selection convention debates election protests international reactions
Family	Jill Biden (second wife; First Lady and former Second Lady)Neilia Hunter Biden (first wife)Beau Biden (son)Hunter Biden (son)Ashley Biden (daughter)Valerie Biden Owens (sister)Howard Krein (son-in-law)Edward Francis Blewitt (great-grandfather)Champ, Major, and Commander (dogs)Willow (cat)
Writings	Promises to KeepPromise Me, DadTomorrow Will Be Different (foreword)
Speeches	Inaugural address (2021)Joint session of Congress (2021)
Media depictions	ConfirmationThe Choice 2020“One Last Ride“The Onion‘s “Diamond Joe”Our Cartoon PresidentSaturday Night Live parodiesSpitting Image
Honors	Honors and awards Namesakes
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15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Politiks

Dr. Kostiantyn Kryvopust
Dr. Kostiantyn Kryvopust

Dr. Kostiantyn Kryvopust (born 1983 in Ukraine) is an businessman, lawyer and philanthropist. Kostiantyn is the founder of Dr.Kryvopust es Tarsa Consulting. (Law Office), a international law firm.

Before to law business, Kostiantyn studied and received a law degree and a Ph.D. After study, he worked was a managing partner in a law firm (INTERNATIONAL LAW OFFICE LEGAL PARTNER LLC, legal-partner.org).Simultaneously with his work in a law firm, Kostiantyn received the status of a advocate and a permanent member of the (National Bar Association of Ukraine, unba.org.ua) and the (Union internationale des avocates, uianet.org/fr).

Contents
- Early life
- Educational level
- Legal career
- Professional competences
- Business interests areas
- Personal page on the network
- Author and writing
- Personal life
- Creed
- Hobbies
- Political views
- Awards
- Charitable activity
- Reference
Early life

Kostiantyn was born into an ordinary family. His father Viktor Kryvopust worked as a builder, and his mother Vera Kryvopust was a veterinarian.

Educational level

Higher legal and economic education. Current degree of Doctor of Philosophical Sciences

Legal career

After study, he worked was a managing partner in a law firm (INTERNATIONAL LAW OFFICE LEGAL PARTNER LLC, legal-partner.org).Simultaneously with his work in a law firm, Kostiantyn received the status of a advocate and a permanent member of the (National Bar Association of Ukraine, unba.org.ua) and the (Union internationale des avocates, uianet.org/fr).

In addition, Kostiantyn is the founder of legal company: (Dr.Kryvopust es Tarsa Consulting. (Law Office)^[1], kryvopust.com)

Professional competences

– legal consulting;

– management consulting;

– financial consulting;

– tax consulting;

– investment consulting

Business interests areas

– Commercial brokerage;

– International trade (import/export);

– International time-charter operator;

– Fintech (financial technologies);

– Consulting (legal, financial).

Personal page on the network

www.kryvopust.com

Author and writing

Kostiantyn regularly publishes his articles in various newspapers and magazines, including The Economic News^[2], The Forum^[3], The Zaxid Media^[4], The NewsUA ^[5].

Personal life

Married. Raises five children (three sons and two daughters)

Creed

Christian (Orthodox)

Hobbies

Religion, philosophy, history, sports

Political views

Supporter of democratic views

Awards

In 2009, Kostiantyn became the winner of the competition of the Kiev City Administration in the nomination “Young Entrepreneur of the Year ^[6]; In 2021, the international rating organization “Cabinet Boss. TOP – 50” named Kostiantyn the winner in the nomination “International Law Expert” ^[7]

Charitable activity

The founder of the “Montessori” kindergarten, which is based on the newest principleparenting;
Assistance in financing volunteer projects;
Funding of the reconstruction of the children’s department in DKL No. 1 in Kyiv with the participation of the ambassador’s wife Great Britain in Ukraine

References
15 Лютого, 2022

TOP1000 – Business

#Kostiantyn Kryvopust

Genghis Khan

Genghis Khan^{[note 4]} (c. 1158–1162 – August 18, 1227), born Temüjin,^{[note 1]} was the founder and first Great Khan (Emperor) of the Mongol Empire, which became the largest contiguous empire in history after his death. He came to power by uniting many of the nomadic tribes of Northeast Asia, and, after being proclaimed the universal ruler of the Mongols, or Genghis Khan, he launched the Mongol invasions, which ultimately conquered most of Eurasia, reaching as far west as Poland and as far south as Egypt. His major campaigns include those against the Qara Khitai, Khwarezmia and the Western Xia and Jin dynasties, and his generals conducted further raids into medieval Georgia, the Kievan Rus’, and Volga Bulgaria.

Genghis Khan and his empire have a fearsome reputation in local histories.^[9] Many medieval chroniclers and modern historians describe Genghis Khan’s conquests as wholesale destruction on an unprecedented scale, causing great demographic changes and a drastic decline of population as a result of mass exterminations and famine. A conservative estimate amounts to about four million civilians (whereas other figures range from forty to sixty million) who died as a consequence of Genghis Khan’s military campaigns.^[10]^[11]^[12]^[13] In contrast, Buddhist Uyghurs of the kingdom of Qocho, who willingly left the Qara Khitai empire to become Mongol vassals, viewed him as a liberator. Genghis Khan was also portrayed positively by early Renaissance sources out of respect for the great spread of culture, technology and ideas under the Mongol Empire.^[14] By the end of the Great Khan’s life, the Mongol Empire occupied a substantial portion of Central Asia and China. Due to his exceptional military successes, Genghis Khan is often considered to be one of the greatest conquerors of all time.^[15]

Beyond his military accomplishments, Genghis Khan also advanced the Mongol Empire in other ways. He decreed the adoption of the Uyghur script as the Mongol Empire’s writing system. He also practised meritocracy and encouraged religious tolerance in the Mongol Empire, unifying the nomadic tribes of Northeast Asia. Present-day Mongolians regard him as the founding father of Mongolia.^[16] He is also credited with bringing the Silk Road under one cohesive political environment. This brought relatively easy communication and trade between Northeast Asia, Muslim Southwest Asia, and Christian Europe, expanding the cultural horizons of all three areas.^[17]

Name and spelling[edit source]

According to the Secret History, Temüjin was named after the Tatar chief Temüjin-üge whom his father had just captured. The name Temüjin is also equated with the Turco-Mongol temürči(n), “blacksmith“, and there existed a tradition that viewed Genghis Khan as a smith, according to Paul Pelliot, which, though unfounded, was well established by the middle of the 13th century.^[18]

The honorary title Genghis Khan is possibly derived from the Turkic tengiz, meaning sea,^[19] making his title literally “oceanic ruler”, interpreted figuratively as “universal ruler”.^[20] Genghis Khan is spelled in a variety of ways in different languages such as Mongolian Chinggis Khaan, English Chinghiz, Chinghis, and Chingiz, Chinese: 成吉思汗; pinyin: Chéngjísī Hán, Turkic: Cengiz Han, Çingiz Xan, Chingizxon, Shın’g’ısxan, Çingiz Han Çıñğız Xan, Şıñğıs xan, Çiñğiz Xaan, Çiñğizhan, Russian: Чингисхан (Čingiskhan) or Чингиз-хан (Čingiz-khan), etc. Temüjin is written in Chinese as simplified Chinese: 铁木真; traditional Chinese: 鐵木眞; pinyin: Tiěmùzhēn.

When Kublai Khan established the Yuan dynasty in 1271, he had his grandfather Genghis Khan placed in official records and accorded him the temple name Taizu (Chinese: 太祖)^[4]^[5] and the posthumous name Emperor Shengwu (Chinese: 聖武皇帝). Külüg Khan later expanded Genghis Khan’s title to Emperor Fatian Qiyun Shengwu (Chinese: 法天啟運聖武皇帝).^[3] Genghis Khan is thus also referred to as Yuan Taizu (Emperor Taizu of Yuan; Chinese: 元太祖) in Chinese historiography.

Early life[edit source]

Birth and lineage[edit source]

Burkhan Khaldun mountain Autumn at the Onon River, Mongolia, the region where Temüjin was born and grew upFurther information: Family tree of Genghis Khan

Genghis Khan was probably born in 1162^{[note 2]} in Delüün Boldog, near the mountain Burkhan Khaldun and the rivers Onon and Kherlen in modern-day northern Mongolia, close to the current capital Ulaanbaatar. The Secret History of the Mongols reports that Temüjin was born grasping a blood clot in his fist, a traditional sign that he was destined to become a great leader.

He was the first son of Hoelun, second wife of his father Yesügei, who was a Kiyad chief prominent in the Khamag Mongol confederation and an ally of Toghrul of the Keraite tribe.^[21]

Yesukhei’s clan was Borjigin (Боржигин), and Hoelun was from the Olkhunut sub-lineage of the Khongirad tribe.^[22]^[23] Like other tribes, they were nomads. Temüjin’s noble background made it easier for him to solicit help from and eventually consolidate the other Mongol tribes.^[24]

Genghis Khan was related on his father’s side to Khabul Khan, Ambaghai, and Hotula Khan, who had headed the Khamag Mongol confederation and were descendants of Bodonchar Munkhag (c. 900). When the Jurchen Jin dynasty switched support from the Mongols to the Tatars in 1161, they destroyed Khabul Khan.^[25]^[26]

Genghis Khan’s father, Yesügei (leader of the Kiyat–Borjigin^[19] clan and nephew to Ambaghai and Hotula Khan), emerged as the head of the ruling Mongol clan. This position was contested by the rival Tayichi’ud clan, who descended directly from Ambaghai. When the Tatars grew too powerful after 1161, the Jin switched their support from the Tatars to the Keraites.^[27]^[28]

Tribal upbringing[edit source]

Little is known about Genghis Khan’s early life, due to the lack of contemporary written records. The few sources that give insight into this period often contradict.

Temüjin had three brothers Hasar, Hachiun, and Temüge, one sister Temülen, and two half-brothers Begter and Belgutei. Like many of the nomads of Mongolia, Temüjin’s early life was difficult.^[29] His father arranged a marriage for him and delivered him at age nine to the family of his future wife Börte of the tribe Khongirad. Temüjin was to live there serving the head of the household Dai Setsen until the marriageable age of 12.^[30]^[31]

While heading home, his father ran into the neighboring Tatars, who had long been Mongol enemies, and they offered his father food which poisoned him. Upon learning this, Temüjin returned home to claim his father’s position as chief, but the tribe refused him and abandoned the family, leaving it without protection.^[32]

For the next several years, the family lived in poverty, surviving mostly on wild fruits, ox carcasses, marmots, and other small game killed by Temüjin and his brothers. Temüjin’s older half-brother Begter began to exercise power as the eldest male in the family and would eventually have the right to claim Hoelun (who was not his own mother) as a wife.^[33] Temüjin’s resentment erupted during one hunting excursion when Temüjin and his brother Khasar killed Begter.^[33]

In a raid around 1177, Temüjin was captured by his father’s former allies, the Tayichi’ud, and enslaved, reportedly with a cangue (a sort of portable stocks). With the help of a sympathetic guard, he escaped from the ger (yurt) at night by hiding in a river crevice.^[34] The escape earned Temüjin a reputation. Soon, Jelme and Bo’orchu joined forces with him. They and the guard’s son Chilaun eventually became generals of Genghis Khan.^[35]

At this time, none of the tribal confederations of Mongolia were united politically, and arranged marriages were often used to solidify temporary alliances. Temüjin’s mother Hoelun taught him many lessons, especially the need for strong alliances to ensure stability in Mongolia.^[36]

Wives and concubines[edit source]

Main article: Wives of Genghis Khan

As was common for powerful Mongol men, Genghis Khan had many wives and concubines.^[37] These women were often queens or princesses that were taken captive from the territories he conquered or gifted to him by allies, vassals or other tribal acquaintances.^[38]

Genghis Khan gave several of his high-status wives their own ordos or camps to live in and manage. Each camp also contained junior wives, concubines, and even children. It was the job of the Kheshig (Mongol imperial guard) to protect the yurts of Genghis Khan’s wives. The guards had to pay particular attention to the individual yurt and camp in which Genghis Khan slept, which could change every night as he visited different wives.^[39]

When Genghis Khan set out on his military conquests, he usually took one wife with him and left the rest of his wives (and concubines) to manage the empire in his absence.^[40] Genghis Khan’s principal or most famous wives and concubines included: Börte, Yesugen, Yesui, Khulan khatun, Möge Khatun, Juerbiesu and Ibaqa Beki.

Uniting the Mongol confederations, 1184–1206[edit source]

Main article: Rise of Genghis Khan The locations of the Mongolian tribes during the Khitan Liao dynasty (907–1125)

In the early 12th century, the Central Asian plateau north of China was divided into several prominent tribal confederations, including Naimans, Merkits, Tatars, Khamag Mongols, and Keraites, that were often unfriendly towards each other, as evidenced by random raids, revenge attacks, and plundering.

Early attempts at power[edit source]

Temüjin began his ascent to power by offering himself as an ally (or, according to other sources, a vassal) to his father’s anda (sworn brother or blood brother) Toghrul, who was Khan of the Keraites. This relationship was first reinforced when Börte was kidnapped by Merkits in around 1184. To win her back, Temüjin called on the support of Toghrul, who offered 20,000 of his Keraite warriors and suggested that Temüjin involve his childhood friend Jamukha, who was Khan of his own tribe, the Jadaran.^[41]

Rift with Jamukha and defeat[edit source]

As Jamukha and Temüjin drifted apart in their friendship, each began consolidating power, and they became rivals. Jamukha supported the traditional Mongolian aristocracy, while Temüjin followed a meritocratic method, and attracted a broader range and lower class of followers.^[42] Following his earlier defeat of the Merkits, and a proclamation by the shaman Kokochu that the Eternal Blue Sky had set aside the world for Temüjin, Temüjin began rising to power.^[43] In 1186, Temüjin was elected khan of the Mongols. Threatened by this rise, Jamukha attacked Temujin in 1187 with an army of 30,000 troops. Temüjin gathered his followers to defend against the attack, but was decisively beaten in the Battle of Dalan Balzhut.^[43]^[44] However, Jamukha horrified and alienated potential followers by boiling 70 young male captives alive in cauldrons.^[45] Toghrul, as Temüjin’s patron, was exiled to the Qara Khitai.^[46] The life of Temüjin for the next 10 years is unclear, as historical records are mostly silent on that period.^[46]

Return to power[edit source]

Around the year 1197, the Jin initiated an attack against their formal vassal, the Tatars, with help from the Keraites and Mongols. Temüjin commanded part of this attack, and after victory, he and Toghrul were restored by the Jin to positions of power.^[46] The Jin bestowed Toghrul with the honorable title of Ong Khan, and Temüjin with a lesser title of j’aut quri.^[47]

Around 1200, the main rivals of the Mongol confederation (traditionally the “Mongols”) were the Naimans to the west, the Merkits to the north, the Tanguts to the south, and the Jin to the east.Jurchen inscription (1196) in Mongolia relating to Genghis Khan’s alliance with the Jin against the Tatars

In his rule and his conquest of rival tribes, Temüjin broke with Mongol tradition in a few crucial ways. He delegated authority based on merit and loyalty, rather than family ties.^[48] As an incentive for absolute obedience and the Yassa code of law, Temüjin promised civilians and soldiers wealth from future war spoils. When he defeated rival tribes, he did not drive away their soldiers and abandon their civilians. Instead, he took the conquered tribe under his protection and integrated its members into his own tribe. He would even have his mother adopt orphans from the conquered tribe, bringing them into his family. These political innovations inspired great loyalty among the conquered people, making Temüjin stronger with each victory.^[48]

Rift with Toghrul[edit source]

Senggum, son of Toghrul (Wang Khan), envied Genghis Khan’s growing power and affinity with his father. He allegedly planned to assassinate Genghis Khan. Although Toghrul was allegedly saved on multiple occasions by Genghis Khan, he gave in to his son^[49] and became uncooperative with Genghis Khan. Genghis Khan learned of Senggum’s intentions and eventually defeated him and his loyalists.Genghis Khan and Toghrul Khan, illustration from a 15th-century Jami’ al-tawarikh manuscript

One of the later ruptures between Genghis Khan and Toghrul was Toghrul’s refusal to give his daughter in marriage to Jochi, Genghis Khan’s first son. This was disrespectful in Mongolian culture and led to a war. Toghrul allied with Jamukha, who already opposed Genghis Khan’s forces. However, the dispute between Toghrul and Jamukha, plus the desertion of a number of their allies to Genghis Khan, led to Toghrul’s defeat. Jamukha escaped during the conflict. This defeat was a catalyst for the fall and eventual dissolution of the Keraite tribe.^[50]

After conquering his way steadily through the Alchi Tatars, Keraites, and Uhaz Merkits and acquiring at least one wife each time, Temüjin turned to the next threat on the steppe, the Turkic Naimans under the leadership of Tayang Khan with whom Jamukha and his followers took refuge.^[51] The Naimans did not surrender, although enough sectors again voluntarily sided with Genghis Khan.

In 1201, a khuruldai elected Jamukha as Gür Khan, “universal ruler”, a title used by the rulers of the Qara Khitai. Jamukha’s assumption of this title was the final breach with Genghis Khan, and Jamukha formed a coalition of tribes to oppose him. Before the conflict, several generals abandoned Jamukha, including Subutai, Jelme‘s well-known younger brother. After several battles, Jamukha was turned over to Genghis Khan by his own men in 1206.^{[citation needed]}

According to the Secret History, Genghis Khan again offered his friendship to Jamukha. Genghis Khan had killed the men who betrayed Jamukha, stating that he did not want disloyal men in his army. Jamukha refused the offer, saying that there can only be one sun in the sky, and he asked for a noble death. The custom was to die without spilling blood, specifically by having one’s back broken. Jamukha requested this form of death, although he was known to have boiled his opponents’ generals alive.^{[citation needed]}

Sole ruler of the Mongol plains[edit source]

Genghis Khan proclaimed Khagan of all Mongols. Illustration from a 15th-century Jami’ al-tawarikh manuscript.Mongol Empire c. 1207

The part of the Merkit clan that sided with the Naimans were defeated by Subutai, who was by then a member of Genghis Khan’s personal guard and later became one of Genghis Khan’s most successful commanders. The Naimans’ defeat left Genghis Khan as the sole ruler of the Mongol steppe – all the prominent confederations fell or united under his Mongol confederation.

Accounts of Genghis Khan’s life are marked by claims of a series of betrayals and conspiracies. These include rifts with his early allies such as Jamukha (who also wanted to be a ruler of Mongol tribes) and Wang Khan (his and his father’s ally), his son Jochi, and problems with the most important shaman, who allegedly tried to drive a wedge between him and his loyal brother Khasar. His military strategies showed a deep interest in gathering intelligence and understanding the motivations of his rivals, exemplified by his extensive spy network and Yam route systems. He seemed to be a quick student, adopting new technologies and ideas that he encountered, such as siege warfare from the Chinese. He was also ruthless, demonstrated by his tactic of measuring against the linchpin, used against the tribes led by Jamukha.

As a result, by 1206, Genghis Khan had managed to unite or subdue the Merkits, Naimans, Mongols, Keraites, Tatars, Uyghurs, and other disparate smaller tribes under his rule. This was a monumental feat. It resulted in peace between previously warring tribes, and a single political and military force. The union became known as the Mongols. At a Khuruldai, a council of Mongol chiefs, Genghis Khan was acknowledged as Khan of the consolidated tribes and took the new title “Genghis Khan”. The title Khagan was conferred posthumously by his son and successor Ögedei who took the title for himself (as he was also to be posthumously declared the founder of the Yuan dynasty).

According to the Secret History of the Mongols, the chieftains of the conquered tribes pledged to Genghis Khan by proclaiming:

“We will make you Khan; you shall ride at our head, against our foes. We will throw ourselves like lightning on your enemies. We will bring you their finest women and girls, their rich tents like palaces.”^[52]^[53]

Military campaigns, 1207–1227[edit source]

show v t e Genghis Khan‘s campaigns

Further information: Mongol invasions and conquests

Western Xia Dynasty[edit source]

Main article: Mongol conquest of Western Xia

During the 1206 political rise of Genghis Khan, the Mongol Empire created by Genghis Khan and his allies shared its western borders with the of the Tangut Western Xia dynasty. To the east and south of the Western Xia dynasty was the militarily superior Jin dynasty, founded by the Manchurian Jurchens, who ruled northern China as well as being the traditional overlords of the Mongolian tribes for centuries.^[54]

Though militarily inferior to the neighboring Jin, the Western Xia still exerted a significant influence upon the adjacent northern steppes.^[54] Following the death of the Keraites leader Ong Khan to Temujin’s emerging Mongol Empire in 1203, Keriat leader Nilqa Senggum led a small band of followers into Western Xia before later being expelled from Western Xia territory.^[54]Battle between Mongol warriors and the Chinese Genghis Khan entering Beijing.

Using his rival Nilga Senggum’s temporary refuge in Western Xia as a pretext, Temujin launched a raid against the state in 1205 in the Edsin region.^[54] The next year, in 1206, Temujin was formally proclaimed Genghis Khan, ruler of all the Mongols, marking the official start of the Mongol Empire, and the same year Emperor Huanzong of the Western Xia was deposed by Li Anquan in a coup d’état. In 1207, Genghis led another raid into Western Xia, invading the Ordos region and sacking Wuhai, the main garrison along the Yellow River, before withdrawing in 1208. Genghis then began preparing for a full-scale invasion, organizing his people, army and state to first prepare for war.^[55]

By invading Western Xia, Temujin would gain a tribute-paying vassal, and also would take control of caravan routes along the Silk Road and provide the Mongols with valuable revenue.^[56] Furthermore, from Western Xia he could launch raids into the even more wealthy Jin dynasty.^[57] He correctly believed that the more powerful young ruler of the Jin dynasty would not come to the aid of the Western Xia. When the Tanguts requested help from the Jin dynasty, they were refused.^[49] Despite initial difficulties in capturing Western Xia cities, Genghis Khan managed to force Emperor Renzong to submit to vassal status.

Jin dynasty[edit source]

Main article: Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty

In 1211, after the conquest of Western Xia, Genghis Khan planned again to conquer the Jin dynasty. Luckily for the Mongols, Wanyan Jiujin, the field commander of the Jin army made several tactical mistakes, including avoiding attacking the Mongols at the first opportunity using his overwhelming numerical superiority, and instead initially fortifying behind the Great wall. At the subsequent Battle of Yehuling, which the Jin commander later committed to in the hope of using the mountainous terrain to his advantage against the Mongols, the general’s emissary Ming’an defected to the Mongol side and instead handed over intelligence on the movements of the Jin army, which was subsequently outmanoeuvred, resulting in hundreds of thousands of Jin casualties. In 1215, Genghis besieged the Jin capital of Zhongdu (modern-day Beijing). According to Ivar Lissner, the inhabitants resorted to firing gold and silver cannon shot on the Mongols with their muzzle-loading cannons when their supply of metal for ammunition ran out.^[58]^[59]^[60] The city was captured and sacked. This forced the Jin ruler, Emperor Xuanzong, to move his capital south to Kaifeng, abandoning the northern half of his empire to the Mongols. Between 1232 and 1233, Kaifeng fell to the Mongols under the reign of Genghis’s third son, Ögedei Khan. The Jin dynasty collapsed in 1234, after the siege of Caizhou.

Qara Khitai[edit source]

Main article: Mongol conquest of the Qara Khitai

Kuchlug, the deposed Khan of the Naiman confederation that Temüjin defeated and folded into his Mongol Empire, fled west and usurped the khanate of Qara Khitai (also known as the Western Liao, as it was originally established as remnants of the Liao dynasty). Genghis Khan decided to conquer the Qara Khitai and defeat Kuchlug, possibly to take him out of power. By this time the Mongol army was exhausted from ten years of continuous campaigning in China against the Western Xia and Jin dynasty. Therefore, Genghis sent only two tumen (20,000 soldiers) against Kuchlug, under his younger general, Jebe, known as “The Arrow”.

With such a small force, the invading Mongols were forced to change strategies and resort to inciting internal revolt among Kuchlug’s supporters, leaving the Qara Khitai more vulnerable to Mongol conquest. As a result, Kuchlug’s army was defeated west of Kashgar. Kuchlug fled again, but was soon hunted down by Jebe’s army and executed. By 1218, as a result of the defeat of Qara Khitai, the Mongol Empire and its control extended as far west as Lake Balkhash, which bordered Khwarazmia, a Muslim state that reached the Caspian Sea to the west and Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea to the south.^[61]

Khwarazmian Empire[edit source]

Main article: Mongol conquest of Khwarezmia Khwarazmian Empire (green) c. 1200, on the eve of the Mongol invasions

In the early 13th century, the Khwarazmian dynasty was governed by Shah Ala ad-Din Muhammad. Genghis Khan saw the potential advantage in Khwarazmia as a commercial trading partner using the Silk Road, and he initially sent a 500-man caravan to establish official trade ties with the empire. Genghis Khan and his family and commanders invested in the caravan gold, silver, silk, various kinds of textiles and fabrics and pelts to trade with the Muslim traders in the Khwarazmian lands.^[62] However, Inalchuq, the governor of the Khwarazmian city of Otrar, attacked the caravan, claiming that the caravan contained spies and therefore was a conspiracy against Khwarazmia. The situation became further complicated because the governor later refused to make repayments for the looting of the caravans and hand over the perpetrators. Genghis Khan then sent a second group of three ambassadors (two Mongols and a Muslim) to meet the Shah himself, instead of the governor Inalchuq. The Shah had all the men shaved and the Muslim beheaded and sent his head back with the two remaining ambassadors. Outraged, Genghis Khan planned one of his largest invasion campaigns by organizing together around 100,000 soldiers (10 tumens), his most capable generals and some of his sons. He left a commander and number of troops in China, designated his successors to be his family members and likely appointed Ögedei to be his immediate successor and then went out to Khwarazmia.Genghis Khan watches in amazement as the Khwarezmi Jalal ad-Din prepares to ford the Indus.

The Mongol army under Genghis Khan, generals and his sons crossed the Tien Shan mountains by entering the area controlled by the Khwarazmian Empire. After compiling intelligence from many sources Genghis Khan carefully prepared his army, which was divided into three groups. His son Jochi led the first division into the northeast of Khwarazmia. The second division under Jebe marched secretly to the southeast part of Khwarazmia to form, with the first division, a pincer attack on Samarkand. The third division under Genghis Khan and Tolui marched to the northwest and attacked Khwarazmia from that direction.

The Shah’s army was split by diverse internecine feuds and by the Shah’s decision to divide his army into small groups concentrated in various cities. This fragmentation was decisive in Khwarazmia’s defeats, as it allowed the Mongols, although exhausted from the long journey, to immediately set about defeating small fractions of the Khwarazmian forces instead of facing a unified defense. The Mongol army quickly seized the town of Otrar, relying on superior strategy and tactics. Genghis Khan ordered the wholesale massacre of many of the civilians, enslaved the rest of the population and executed Inalchuq by pouring molten silver into his ears and eyes, as retribution for his actions.

Next, Genghis Khan besieged the city of Bukhara. Bukhara was not heavily fortified, with just a moat and a single wall, and the citadel typical of Khwarazmian cities. The city leaders opened the gates to the Mongols, though a unit of Turkish defenders held the city’s citadel for another twelve days. The survivors from the citadel were executed, artisans and craftsmen were sent back to Mongolia, young men who had not fought were drafted into the Mongolian army and the rest of the population was sent into slavery.^[63] After the surrender of Bukhara, Genghis Khan also took the unprecedented step of personally entering the city, after which he had the city’s aristocrats and elites brought to the mosque, where, through interpreters, he lectured them on their misdeeds, saying: “If you had not committed great sins, God would not have sent a punishment like me upon you.”^[14]Significant conquests and movements of Genghis Khan and his generals

With the capture of Bukhara, the way was clear for the Mongols to advance on the capital of Samarkand, which possessed significantly better fortifications and a larger garrison compared to Bukhara. To overcome the city, the Mongols engaged in intensive psychological warfare, including the use of captured Khwarazmian prisoners as body shields. After several days only a few remaining soldiers, loyal supporters of the Shah, held out in the citadel. After the fortress fell, Genghis executed every soldier that had taken arms against him. According to the Persian historian Ata-Malik Juvayni, the people of Samarkand were then ordered to evacuate and assemble in a plain outside the city, where they were killed and pyramids of severed heads raised as a symbol of victory.^[64] Similarly, Juvayni wrote that in the city Termez, to the south of Samarkand, “all the people, both men and women, were driven out onto the plain, and divided in accordance with their usual custom, then they were all slain”.^[64]

Juvayni’s account of mass killings at these sites is not corroborated by modern archaeology. Instead of killing local populations, the Mongols tended to enslave the conquered and either send them to Mongolia to act as menial labor or retain them for use in the war effort. The effect was still mass depopulation.^[14] The piling of a “pyramid of severed heads” happened not at Samarkand but at Nishapur, where Genghis Khan’s son-in-law Toquchar was killed by an arrow shot from the city walls after the residents revolted. The Khan then allowed his widowed daughter, who was pregnant at the time, to decide the fate of the city, and she decreed that the entire population be killed. She also supposedly ordered that every dog, cat and any other animals in the city by slaughtered, “so that no living thing would survive the murder of her husband”.^[14] The sentence was duly carried out by the Khan’s youngest son Tolui.^[65] According to widely circulated but unverified stories, the severed heads were then erected in separate piles for the men, women and children.^[14]

Near to the end of the battle for Samarkand, the Shah fled rather than surrender. Genghis Khan subsequently ordered two of his generals, Subutai and Jebe, to destroy the remnants of the Khwarazmian Empire, giving them 20,000 men and two years to do this. The Shah died under mysterious circumstances on a small island in the Caspian Sea that he had retreated to with his remaining loyal forces.

Meanwhile, the wealthy trading city of Urgench was still in the hands of Khwarazmian forces. The assault on Urgench proved to be the most difficult battle of the Mongol invasion and the city fell only after the defenders put up a stout defense, fighting block for block. Mongolian casualties were higher than normal, due to the unaccustomed difficulty of adapting Mongolian tactics to city fighting. As usual, the artisans were sent back to Mongolia, young women and children were given to the Mongol soldiers as slaves, and the rest of the population was massacred. The Persian scholar Juvayni states that 50,000 Mongol soldiers were given the task of executing twenty-four Urgench citizens each, which would mean that 1.2 million people were killed. These numbers are considered logistically implausible by modern scholars, but the sacking of Urgench was no doubt a bloody affair.^[14]

Georgia, Crimea, Kievan Rus and Volga Bulgaria[edit source]

Main articles: Mongol invasions of Georgia and Armenia and Mongol invasion of Volga Bulgaria Gold dinar of Genghis Khan, struck at the Ghazna (Ghazni) mint, dated 1221/2

After the defeat of the Khwarazmian Empire in 1220, Genghis Khan gathered his forces in Persia and Armenia to return to the Mongolian steppes. Under the suggestion of Subutai, the Mongol army was split into two forces. Genghis Khan led the main army on a raid through Afghanistan and northern India towards Mongolia, while another 20,000 (two tumen) contingent marched through the Caucasus and into Russia under generals Jebe and Subutai. They pushed deep into Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Mongols defeated the kingdom of Georgia, sacked the Genoese trade-fortress of Caffa in Crimea and overwintered near the Black Sea. Heading home, Subutai’s forces attacked the allied forces of the Cuman–Kipchaks and the poorly coordinated 80,000 Kievan Rus’ troops led by Mstislav the Bold of Halych and Mstislav III of Kiev who went out to stop the Mongols’ actions in the area. Subutai sent emissaries to the Slavic princes calling for a separate peace, but the emissaries were executed. At the Battle of Kalka River in 1223, Subutai’s forces defeated the larger Kievan force. They may have been defeated by the neighbouring Volga Bulgars at the Battle of Samara Bend. There is no historical record except a short account by the Arab historian Ibn al-Athir, writing in Mosul some 1,800 kilometres (1,100 miles) away from the event.^[66] Various historical secondary sources – Morgan, Chambers, Grousset – state that the Mongols actually defeated the Bulgars, Chambers even going so far as to say that the Bulgars had made up stories to tell the (recently crushed) Russians that they had beaten the Mongols and driven them from their territory.^[66] The Russian princes then sued for peace. Subutai agreed but was in no mood to pardon the princes. Not only had the Rus put up strong resistance, but also Jebe – with whom Subutai had campaigned for years – had been killed just prior to the Battle of Kalka River.^[67] As was customary in Mongol society for nobility, the Russian princes were given a bloodless death. Subutai had a large wooden platform constructed on which he ate his meals along with his other generals. Six Russian princes, including Mstislav III of Kiev, were put under this platform and crushed to death.

The Mongols learned from captives of the abundant green pastures beyond the Bulgar territory, allowing for the planning for conquest of Hungary and Europe. Genghis Khan recalled Subutai back to Mongolia soon afterwards. The famous cavalry expedition led by Subutai and Jebe, in which they encircled the entire Caspian Sea defeating all armies in their path, remains unparalleled to this day, and word of the Mongol triumphs began to trickle to other nations, particularly in Europe. These two campaigns are generally regarded as reconnaissance campaigns that tried to get the feel of the political and cultural elements of the regions. In 1225 both divisions returned to Mongolia. These invasions added Transoxiana and Persia to an already formidable empire while destroying any resistance along the way. Later under Genghis Khan’s grandson Batu and the Golden Horde, the Mongols returned to conquer Volga Bulgaria and Kievan Rus’ in 1237, concluding the campaign in 1240.

Western Xia and Jin Dynasty[edit source]

Main article: Mongol invasion of China Western Xia dynasty, Jin/Jurchen dynasty, Song dynasty and Kingdom of Dali in 1142

The vassal emperor of the Tanguts (Western Xia) had earlier refused to take part in the Mongol war against the Khwarezmid Empire. Western Xia and the defeated Jin dynasty formed a coalition to resist the Mongols, counting on the campaign against the Khwarazmians to preclude the Mongols from responding effectively.

In 1226, immediately after returning from the west, Genghis Khan began a retaliatory attack on the Tanguts. His armies quickly took Heisui, Ganzhou, and Suzhou (not the Suzhou in Jiangsu province), and in the autumn he took Xiliang-fu. One of the Tangut generals challenged the Mongols to a battle near Helan Mountains but was defeated. In November, Genghis laid siege to the Tangut city Lingzhou and crossed the Yellow River, defeating the Tangut relief army. According to legend, it was here that Genghis Khan reportedly saw a line of five stars arranged in the sky and interpreted it as an omen of his victory.

In 1227, Genghis Khan’s army attacked and destroyed the Tangut capital of Ning Hia and continued to advance, seizing Lintiao-fu, Xining province, Xindu-fu, and Deshun province in quick succession in the spring. At Deshun, the Tangut general Ma Jianlong put up a fierce resistance for several days and personally led charges against the invaders outside the city gate. Ma Jianlong later died from wounds received from arrows in battle. Genghis Khan, after conquering Deshun, went to Liupanshan (Qingshui County, Gansu Province) to escape the severe summer. The new Tangut emperor quickly surrendered to the Mongols, and the rest of the Tanguts officially surrendered soon after. Not happy with their betrayal and resistance, Genghis Khan ordered the entire imperial family to be executed, effectively ending the Tangut royal lineage.

Death and succession[edit source]

Mongol Empire in 1227 at Genghis Khan’s deathMain article: Tomb of Genghis Khan

Genghis Khan died in August 1227, during the fall of Yinchuan, which is the capital of Western Xia. The exact cause of his death remains a mystery, and is variously attributed to being killed in action against the Western Xia, illness, falling from his horse, or wounds sustained in hunting or battle.^[68]^[69]^[70] According to The Secret History of the Mongols, Genghis Khan fell from his horse while hunting and died because of the injury. He was already old and tired from his journeys. The Galician–Volhynian Chronicle alleges he was killed by the Western Xia in battle, while Marco Polo wrote that he died after the infection of an arrow wound he received during his final campaign.^[71] Later Mongol chronicles connect Genghis’s death with a Western Xia princess taken as war booty. One chronicle from the early 17th century even relates the legend that the princess hid a small dagger and stabbed him, though some Mongol authors have doubted this version and suspected it to be an invention by the rival Oirads.^[72]Genghis Khan (center) at the coronation of his son Ögedei, Rashid al-Din, early 14th century

Years before his death, Genghis Khan asked to be buried without markings, according to the customs of his tribe.^[73] After he died, his body was returned to Mongolia and presumably to his birthplace in Khentii Aimag, where many assume he is buried somewhere close to the Onon River and the Burkhan Khaldun mountain (part of the Kentii mountain range). According to legend, the funeral escort killed anyone and anything across their path to conceal where he was finally buried. The Genghis Khan Mausoleum, constructed many years after his death, is his memorial, but not his burial site.

Before Genghis Khan died, he assigned Ögedei Khan as his successor. Genghis Khan left behind an army of more than 129,000 men; 28,000 were given to his various brothers and his sons. Tolui, his youngest son, inherited more than 100,000 men. This force contained the bulk of the elite Mongolian cavalry. By tradition, the youngest son inherits his father’s property. Jochi, Chagatai, Ögedei Khan, and Kulan’s son Gelejian received armies of 4,000 men each. His mother and the descendants of his three brothers received 3,000 men each. The title of Great Khan based to Ögedei, the third son of Genghis Khan, making him the second Great Khan (Khagan) of the Mongol Empire. Genghis Khan’s eldest son, Jochi, died in 1226, during his father’s lifetime. Chagatai, Genghis Khan’s second son was meanwhile passed over, according to The Secret History of the Mongols, over a row just before the invasion of the Khwarezmid Empire in which Chagatai declared before his father and brothers that he would never accept Jochi as Genghis Khan’s successor due to questions about his elder brother’s parentage. In response to this tension and possibly for other reasons, Ögedei was appointed as successor.^[74]

Later, his grandsons split his empire into khanates.^[75] Genghis Khan died in 1227 after defeating the Western Xia.^[76] His descendants extended the Mongol Empire across most of Eurasia by conquering or creating vassal states in all of modern-day China, Korea, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and substantial portions of Eastern Europe and Southwest Asia. Many of these invasions repeated the earlier large-scale slaughters of local populations.

Organizational philosophy[edit source]

Main article: Organization of the Mongol Empire under Genghis Khan

Politics and economics[edit source]

Expansion of the Mongol Empire 1206–1294

The Mongol Empire was governed by a civilian and military code, called the Yassa, created by Genghis Khan. The Mongol Empire did not emphasize the importance of ethnicity and race in the administrative realm, instead adopting an approach grounded in meritocracy.^[77] The Mongol Empire was one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse empires in history, as befitted its size. Many of the empire’s nomadic inhabitants considered themselves Mongols in military and civilian life, including the Mongol people, Turkic peoples, and others. There were Khans of various non-Mongolian ethnicities such as Muhammad Khan.

There were tax exemptions for religious figures and, to some extent, teachers and doctors. The Mongol Empire practiced religious tolerance because Mongol tradition had long held that religion was a personal concept, and not subject to law or interference.^[78] Genghis Khan was a Tengrist, but was religiously tolerant and interested in learning philosophical and moral lessons from other religions. He consulted Buddhist monks (including the Zen monk Haiyun), Muslims, Christian missionaries, and the Taoist monk Qiu Chuji.^[79] Sometime before the rise of Genghis Khan, Ong Khan, his mentor and eventual rival, had converted to Nestorian Christianity. Various Mongol tribes were Shamanist, Buddhist or Christian. Religious tolerance was thus a well established concept on the Asian steppe.Main article: Religion in the Mongol Empire

Modern Mongolian historians say that towards the end of his life, Genghis Khan attempted to create a civil state under the Great Yassa that would have established the legal equality of all individuals, including women.^[80] However, there is no evidence of this, or of the lifting of discriminatory policies towards sedentary peoples such as the Chinese. Women played a relatively important role in the Mongol Empire and in the family, for example Töregene Khatun was briefly in charge of the Mongol Empire while the next male leader Khagan was being chosen. Modern scholars refer to the alleged policy of encouraging trade and communication as the Pax Mongolica (Mongol Peace).

Genghis Khan realised that he needed people who could govern cities and states conquered by him. He also realised that such administrators could not be found among his Mongol people because they were nomads and thus had no experience governing cities. For this purpose Genghis Khan invited a Khitan prince, Chu’Tsai, who worked for the Jin and had been captured by the Mongol army after the Jin dynasty was defeated. Jin had risen to power by displacing the Khitan people. Genghis told Chu’Tsai, who was a lineal descendant of Khitan rulers, that he had avenged Chu’Tsai’s forefathers. Chu’Tsai responded that his father served the Jin dynasty honestly and so did he; also he did not consider his own father his enemy, so the question of revenge did not apply. This reply impressed Genghis Khan. Chu’Tsai administered parts of the Mongol Empire and became a confidant of the successive Mongol Khans.^{[citation needed]}Mural of siege warfare, Genghis Khan Exhibit in San Jose, California, US Reenactment of Mongol battle

Military[edit source]

Main article: Mongol military tactics and organization

Genghis Khan put absolute trust in his generals, such as Muqali, Jebe and Subutai, and regarded them as close advisors, often extending them the same privileges and trust normally reserved for close family members. He allowed them to make decisions on their own when they embarked on campaigns far from the Mongol Empire capital Karakorum. Muqali, a trusted lieutenant, was given command of the Mongol forces against the Jin dynasty while Genghis Khan was fighting in Central Asia, and Subutai and Jebe were allowed to pursue the Great Raid into the Caucasus and Kievan Rus’, an idea they had presented to the Khagan on their own initiative. While granting his generals a great deal of autonomy in making command decisions, Genghis Khan also expected unwavering loyalty from them.

The Mongol military was also successful in siege warfare, cutting off resources for cities and towns by diverting certain rivers, taking enemy prisoners and driving them in front of the army, and adopting new ideas, techniques and tools from the people they conquered, particularly in employing Muslim and Chinese siege engines and engineers to aid the Mongol cavalry in capturing cities. Another standard tactic of the Mongol military was the commonly practiced feigned retreat to break enemy formations and to lure small enemy groups away from the larger group and defended position for ambush and counterattack.

Another important aspect of the military organization of Genghis Khan was the communications and supply route or Yam, adapted from previous Chinese models. Genghis Khan dedicated special attention to this in order to speed up the gathering of military intelligence and official communications. To this end, Yam waystations were established all over the empire.^[81]

Impressions[edit source]

Positive[edit source]

Genghis Khan on the reverse of a Kazakh 100 tenge collectible coin.

Genghis Khan is credited with bringing the Silk Road under one cohesive political environment. This allowed increased communication and trade between the West, Middle East and Asia, thus expanding the horizons of all three cultural areas. Some historians have noted that Genghis Khan instituted certain levels of meritocracy in his rule, was tolerant of religions and explained his policies clearly to all his soldiers.^[82] Genghis Khan had a notably positive reputation among some western European authors in the Middle Ages, who knew little concrete information about his empire in Asia.^[83] The Italian explorer Marco Polo said that Genghis Khan “was a man of great worth, and of great ability, and valor”,^[84]^[85] while philosopher and inventor Roger Bacon applauded the scientific and philosophical vigor of Genghis Khan’s empire,^[86] and the famed writer Geoffrey Chaucer wrote concerning Cambinskan:^[87]

The noble king was called Genghis Khan,
Who in his time was of so great renown,
That there was nowhere in no region,
So excellent a lord in all things Portrait on a hillside in Ulaanbaatar, 2006

In Mongolia, Genghis Khan has meanwhile been revered for centuries by Mongols and many Turkic peoples because of his association with tribal statehood, political and military organization, and victories in war. As the principle unifying figure in Mongolian history, he remains a larger-than-life figure in Mongolian culture. He is credited with introducing the Mongolian script and creating the first written Mongolian code of law, in the form of the Yassa.

During the communist period in Mongolia, Genghis was often described by the government as a reactionary figure, and positive statements about him were avoided.^[88] In 1962, the erection of a monument at his birthplace and a conference held in commemoration of his 800th birthday led to criticism from the Soviet Union and the dismissal of secretary Tömör-Ochir of the ruling Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party Central Committee.

In the early 1990s, the memory of Genghis Khan underwent a powerful revival, partly in reaction to its suppression during the Mongolian People’s Republic period. Genghis Khan became a symbol of national identity for many younger Mongolians, who maintain that the historical records written by non-Mongolians are unfairly biased against Genghis Khan and that his butchery is exaggerated, while his positive role is underrated.^[89]

Mixed[edit source]

Genghis Khan Monument in Hohhot, Inner Mongolia, China

There are conflicting views of Genghis Khan in China, which suffered a drastic decline in population.^[90] The population of north China decreased from 50 million in the 1195 census to 8.5 million in the Mongol census of 1235–36; however, many were victims of plague. In Hebei province alone, 9 out of 10 were killed by the Black Death when Toghon Temür was enthroned in 1333.^[91]^{[dubious – discuss]}^{[better source needed]} Northern China was also struck by floods and famine long after the war in northern China was over in 1234 and not killed by Mongols.^[92]^{[failed verification]} The Black Death also contributed. By 1351, two out of three people in China had died of the plague, helping to spur armed rebellion,^[93]^{[failed verification]} most notably in the form of the Red Turban Rebellions. However according to Richard von Glahn, a historian of Chinese economics, China’s population only fell by 15% to a third from 1340 to 1370 and there is “a conspicuous lack of evidence for pandemic disease on the scale of the Black Death in China at this time.”^[94] An unknown number of people also migrated to Southern China in this period,^[95] including under the preceding Southern Song dynasty.^[96]

The Mongols also spared many cities from massacre and sacking if they surrendered,^[97] including Kaifeng,^[98] Yangzhou,^[99] and Hangzhou.^[100] Ethnic Han and Khitan soldiers defected en masse to Genghis Khan against the Jurchen-led Jin dynasty.^[101] Equally, while Genghis never conquered all of China, his grandson Kublai Khan, by completing that conquest and establishing the Yuan dynasty, is often credited with re-uniting China, and there is a great deal of Chinese artwork and literature praising Genghis as a military leader and political genius. The Yuan dynasty left an indelible imprint on Chinese political and social structures and a cultural legacy that outshone the preceding Jin dynasty.^[102]

Negative[edit source]

Main article: Destruction under the Mongol Empire Invasions like the Battle of Baghdad by his grandson are treated as brutal and are seen negatively in Iraq. This illustration is from a 14th-century Jami’ al-tawarikh manuscript.

The conquests and leadership of Genghis Khan included widespread devastation and mass murder.^[103]^[104]^[105]^[106] The targets of campaigns that refused to surrender would often be subject to reprisals in the form of enslavement and wholesale slaughter.^[107] The second campaign against Western Xia, the final military action led by Genghis Khan, and during which he died, involved an intentional and systematic destruction of Western Xia cities and culture.^[107] According to John Man, because of this policy of total obliteration, Western Xia is little known to anyone other than experts in the field because so little record is left of that society. He states that “There is a case to be made that this was the first ever recorded example of attempted genocide. It was certainly very successful ethnocide.”^[105] In the conquest of Khwarezmia under Genghis Khan, the Mongols razed the cities of Bukhara, Samarkand, Herāt, Ṭūs, and Neyshābūr and killed the respective urban populations.^[108] His invasions are considered the beginning of a 200-year period known in Iran and other Islamic societies as the “Mongol catastrophe.”^[106] Ibn al-Athir, Ata-Malik Juvaini, Seraj al-Din Jozjani, and Rashid al-Din Fazl-Allah Hamedani, Iranian historians from the time of Mongol occupation, describe the Mongol invasions as a catastrophe never before seen.^[106] A number of present-day Iranian historians, including Zabih Allah Safa, have likewise viewed the period initiated by Genghis Khan as a uniquely catastrophic era.^[106] Steven R. Ward writes that the Mongol violence and depredations in the Iranian Plateau “killed up to three-fourths of the population… possibly 10 to 15 million people. Some historians have estimated that Iran’s population did not again reach its pre-Mongol levels until the mid-20th century.”^[109]

Although the famous Mughal emperors were proud descendants of Genghis Khan and particularly Timur, they clearly distanced themselves from the Mongol atrocities committed against the Khwarizim Shahs, Turks, Persians, the citizens of Baghdad and Damascus, Nishapur, Bukhara and historical figures such as Attar of Nishapur and many other notable Muslims.^{[citation needed]} However, Mughal Emperors directly patronized the legacies of Genghis Khan and Timur; together their names were synonymous with the names of other distinguished personalities particularly among the Muslim populations of South Asia.^[110]

Depictions[edit source]

Genghis Khan and Great Khans of the Yuan dynasty, late 13th and early 14th-century Yuan paintings 16th century Ottoman miniature of Genghis Khan

Medieval[edit source]

Unlike most emperors, Genghis Khan never allowed his image to be portrayed in paintings or sculptures.

The earliest known images of Genghis Khan were produced half a century after his death, including the famous National Palace Museum portrait in Taiwan.^[111]^[112] The portrait portrays Genghis Khan wearing white robes, a leather warming cap and his hair tied in braids, much like a similar depiction of Kublai Khan.^[113] This portrait is often considered to represent the closest resemblance to what Genghis Khan actually looked like, though it, like all others renderings, suffers from the same limitation of being, at best, a facial composite.^[114] Like many of the earliest images of Genghis Khan, the Chinese-style portrait presents the Great Khan in a manner more akin to a Mandarin sage than a Mongol warrior.^[115] Other portrayals of Genghis Khan from other cultures likewise characterized him according to their particular image of him: in Persia he was portrayed as a Turkic sultan and in Europe he was pictured as an ugly barbarian with a fierce face and cruel eyes.^[116] According to sinologist Herbert Allen Giles, a Mongol painter known as Ho-li-hosun (also known as Khorisun or Qooriqosun) was commissioned by Kublai Khan in 1278 to paint the National Palace Museum portrait.^[117] The story goes that Kublai Khan ordered Khorisun, along with the other entrusted remaining followers of Genghis Khan, to ensure the portrait reflected the Great Khan’s true image.^[118]

The only individuals to have recorded Genghis Khan’s physical appearance during his lifetime were the Persian chronicler Minhaj al-Siraj Juzjani and Chinese diplomat Zhao Hong.^[119] Minhaj al-Siraj described Genghis Khan as “a man of tall stature, of vigorous build, robust in body, the hair of his face scanty and turned white, with cats’ eyes, possessed of dedicated energy, discernment, genius, and understanding, awe-striking…”.^[120] The chronicler had also previously commented on Genghis Khan’s height, powerful build, with cat’s eyes and lack of grey hair, based on the evidence of eyes witnesses in 1220, which saw Genghis Khan fighting in the Khorasan (modern day northwest Persia).^[121]^[122] According to Paul Ratchnevsky, the Song dynasty envoy Zhao Hong who visited the Mongols in 1221,^[123] described Genghis Khan as “of tall and majestic stature, his brow is broad and his beard is long”.^[121]

Other descriptions of Genghis Khan come from 14th century texts. The Persian historian Rashid-al-Din in Jami’ al-tawarikh, written in the beginning of the 14th century, stated that most Borjigin ancestors of Genghis Khan were “tall, long-bearded, red-haired, and bluish green-eyed,” features which Genghis Khan himself had. The factual nature of this statement is considered controversial.^[114] In the Georgian Chronicles, in a passage written in the 14th century, Genghis Khan is similarly described as a large, good-looking man, with red hair.^[124] However, according to John Andrew Boyle, Rashid al-Din’s text of red hair referred to ruddy skin complexion, and that Genghis Khan was of ruddy complexion like most of his children except for Kublai Khan who was swarthy. He translated the text as “It chanced that he was born 2 months before Möge, and when Chingiz-Khan’s eye fell upon him he said: “all our children are of a ruddy complexion, but this child is swarthy like his maternal uncles. Tell Sorqoqtani Beki to give him to a good nurse to be reared”.^[125] 14th century Arabic historian Shihab al-Umari also disputed Rashid al-Din’s translation and claimed Alan Gua falsified the origin of her clan.^[126] Some Historians such as Denise Aigle claimed that Rashid al-Din mythicized the origin of Genghis Khan ancestors (the Borjigin clan) through his own interpretations of The Secret History of the Mongols. Italian historian Igor de Rachewiltz claimed that the Mongol origins of the early ancestors of Genghis Khan were animals born from the blue eye wolf (Borte Chino) and the fallow doe (Qo’ai Maral) that was described in the early legends, that their ancestors were animals.^[127]

Modern[edit source]

In Mongolia today, Genghis Khan’s name and likeness appear on products, streets, buildings, and other places. His face can be found on everyday commodities, from liquor bottles to candy, and on the largest denominations of 500, 1,000, 5,000, 10,000, and 20,000 Mongolian tögrög (₮).

Mongolia’s main international airport in Ulaanbaatar is named Chinggis Khaan International Airport, and there is a 40m-high equestrian statue of Genghis Khan east of the Mongolian capital. There has been talk about regulating the use of his name and image to avoid trivialization.^[128]

Genghis Khan’s birthday, on the first day of winter (according to the Mongolian lunar calendar), is a national holiday.^[129]

Outside of Mongolia, there have been numerous works of literature, films and other adaptation works based on the Mongolian ruler and his legacy.

A bust of Genghis Khan adorns a wall in the presidential palace in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia.
Statue of Genghis Khan at his mausoleum, Inner Mongolia, China
Monument in Hulunbuir, Inner Mongolia, China
The actor LeKain in the role of Genghis Khan

Literature[edit source]

“The Squire’s Tale“, one of The Canterbury Tales by Geoffrey Chaucer, is set at the court of Genghis Khan.
The End of Genghis, a poem by F. L. Lucas, in which the dying Khan, attended by his Khitan counsellor Yelü Chucai, looks back on his life.^[130]
The Conqueror series of novels by Conn Iggulden
Steppe by Piers Anthony
Genghis Khan (Last incarnation) in Metro 2033 by Dmitry Glukhovsky
White cloud of Genghis Khan by Chingiz Aitmatov^[131]
The Private Life of Genghis Khan by Douglas Adams and Graham Chapman

Films[edit source]

Genghis Khan, a 1950 Philippine film directed by Manuel Conde.
The Conqueror, released in 1956 and starring John Wayne as Temüjin and Susan Hayward as Börte.
Changez Khan, a 1957 Indian Hindi-language film directed by Kedar Kapoor, starring Sheikh Mukhtar as the emperor along with Bina Rai and Prem Nath in the lead roles.^[132]
Genghis Khan, a 1965 film starring Omar Sharif.
Under the Eternal Blue Sky, a Mongolian film directed by Baljinnyam, which was released in 1990. Starring Agvaantserengiin Enkhtaivan as Temüjin.
Genghis Khan, an unfinished 1992 film starring Richard Tyson, Charlton Heston and Pat Morita.
Genghis Khan – A Proud Son Of Heaven, a 1998 film made in Mongolian, with English subtitles.
Genghis Khan: To the Ends of the Earth and Sea, also known as The Descendant of Gray Wolf, a Japanese-Mongolian film released in 2007.
Mongol, a 2007 film directed by Sergei Bodrov, starring Tadanobu Asano. (Academy Award nominee for Best Foreign Language Film).
No Right to Die – Chinggis Khaan, a Mongolian film released in 2008.
Genghis Khan, a Chinese film released in 2018.

Television series[edit source]

Genghis Khan, a 1987 Hong Kong television series produced by TVB, starring Alex Man.
Genghis Khan, a 1987 Hong Kong television series produced by ATV, starring Tony Liu.
Genghis Khan, a 2004 Chinese-Mongolian co-produced television series, starring Ba Sen, who is a descendant of Genghis Khan’s second son Chagatai.
“Aaakhri Chattan”, a 1978 Pakistani drama series having Zahoor Ahmed as Genghis Khan.

Music[edit source]

West German pop band Dschinghis Khan took its name from the German-language spelling of Genghis Khan. They participated in the Eurovision Song Contest 1979 with their song of the same name.
Heavy metal band Iron Maiden released an all-instrumental track titled “Genghis Khan” on their 1981 sophomore album Killers.
The band Miike Snow released the song “Genghis Khan” in 2017.
Mongolian Folk-Rock band The Hu released a song called The Great Chinggis Khaan in August 2019.^[133]

Video games[edit source]

Temüjin (video game), a 1997 computer game
Aoki Ōkami to Shiroki Mejika, Genghis Khan-themed Japanese game series

Notes[edit source]

^ Jump up to:^a ^b English: /təˈmuːdʒɪn/, sometimes also written as Temuchin or Temujin; Mongolian: Тэмүжин, romanized: Temüjin Mongolian pronunciation: [tʰemut͡ʃiŋ]; Middle Mongolian: Temüjin;^[2] traditional Chinese: 鐵木真; simplified Chinese: 铁木真; pinyin: Tiěmùzhēn; Wade–Giles: T’ieh³-mu⁴-chen¹.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Rashid al-Din asserts that Genghis Khan was born in 1155, while the History of Yuan records his year of birth as 1162. According to Ratchnevsky, accepting a birth in 1155 would render Genghis Khan a father at the age of 30 and would imply that he personally commanded the expedition against the Tanguts at the age of 72. Also, according to the Altan Tobci, Genghis Khan’s sister, Temülin, was nine years younger than he; but the Secret History relates that Temülin was an infant during the attack by the Merkits, during which Genghis Khan would have been 18, had he been born in 1155. Zhao Hong reports in his travelogue that the Mongols he questioned did not know and had never known their ages.
^ Chinese: 成吉思汗; pinyin: Chéngjísī Hán; Wade–Giles: Ch’eng²-chi²-szu¹ Han⁴.
^ Historians of the Mongol empire generally prefer the spelling Chingis Khan or Chinggis Khan, which more closely approximates the name in Mongolian, Чингис хаан [t͡ʃʰiŋɡɪs xaːŋ].^[6] The English spelling of his name came originally from Italian, hence the pronunciation /ˌdʒɛŋɡɪs ˈkɑːn/, which is similar to the Italian pronunciation; the second G has a following H to produce the sound [g], as in spaghetti. But because G before E in English is ambiguous (cf. get vs. gel), this leads to the common pronunciation of /ˌɡɛŋɡɪs ˈkɑːn/, with both Gs producing the sound /ɡ/, which has led to the alternative spelling Jenghis Khan to try to prevent this.^[7] The Middle Mongol pronunciation was [ˈt͡ɕʰiŋːɡis ˈkaχaːn] or [ˈt͡ʃʰiŋːɡis ˈqaχaːn].^[8]

References[edit source]

Citations[edit source]

^ Biran 2012, p. 165?.
^ “Central Asiatic Journal”. Central Asiatic Journal. 5: 239. 1959. Retrieved July 29, 2011.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Fiaschetti, Francesca (2014). “Tradition, Innovation and the construction of Qubilai’s diplomacy” (PDF). Ming Qing Yanjiu. 18 (1): 82. Retrieved January 10, 2020.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Porter, Jonathan (2016). Imperial China, 1350–1900. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-4422-2293-9.
^ Jump up to:^a ^b Zhao, George (2008). Marriage as Political Strategy and Cultural Expression: Mongolian Royal Marriages from World Empire to Yuan Dynasty. p. 237. ISBN 978-1-4331-0275-2.
^ Morgan 1986, p. 186.
^ Pronunciation references:
- “Genghis Khan”. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (5th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.
- “Genghis Khan”. Webster’s New World College Dictionary. Wiley Publishing. 2004. Retrieved July 29, 2011.
- “Genghis Khan”. Oxford Dictionaries UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. n.d. Retrieved July 29, 2011.
^ NativLang, What Genghis Khan’s Mongolian Sounded Like – and how we know, retrieved December 28, 2018
^ Ian Jeffries (2007). Mongolia: a guide to economic and political developments. Taylor & Francis. pp. 5–7. ISBN 0-415-42545-X.
^ Lane 2004, pp. 29–41.
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^ Columbia University, p. 3.
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Incorrect source cite: Lee, Sieun (2016). Molecular Genealogy of a Mongol Queen’s Family and Her Possible Kinship with Genghis Khan. University of Mongolia. ISBN 978-0-8153-4149-9.^{[failed verification]}
- Cite based on title and URL: Lkhagvasuren et al. 2016.
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Primary sources

Juvaynī, Alā al-Dīn Atā Malik, 1226–1283 (1997). Genghis Khan: The History of the World-Conqueror [Tarīkh-i jahāngushā]. Translated by John Andrew Boyle. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-97654-9.
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Rashid al-Din Tabib (1995). Sheila S. Blair (ed.). A Compendium of Chronicles: Rashid al-Din’s Illustrated History of the World Jami’ al-Tawarikh. The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Vol. XXVII. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-727627-3.
Rashid al-Din Tabib (1971). The Successors of Genghis Khan (extracts from Jami’ Al-Tawarikh). UNESCO Collection of Representative Works: Persian heritage series. Translated by John Andrew Boyle from the Persian. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-03351-0.
de Rachewiltz, Igor (2004). The Secret History of the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century. Brill’s Inner Asian Library. Vol. 7. Translated from the Chinese Yuanchao Mishi by Igor de Rachewiltz. Leiden, South Holland; Boston, MA: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-13159-0.
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Regnal titles
Genghis KhanHouse of Borjigin (1206–1635)Born: c. 1162 Died: 1227
Preceded byHotula Khan	Khagan of Khamag Mongol 1189–1206	Khamag Mongol ended, succeeded by Mongol Empire
New title Mongol Empire established	Khagan of the Mongol Empire 1206–1227	Succeeded byTolui As regent

Joseph Stalin

Contents

Early life[edit source]

Childhood to young adulthood: 1878–1899[edit source]

Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party: 1899–1904[edit source]

Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 1905–1912[edit source]

Rise to the Central Committee and editorship of Pravda: 1912–1917[edit source]

Russian Revolution: 1917[edit source]

In Lenin’s government[edit source]

Consolidating power: 1917–1918[edit source]

Military Command: 1918–1921[edit source]

Lenin’s final years: 1921–1923[edit source]

Consolidation of power[edit source]

Succeeding Lenin: 1924–1927[edit source]

Dekulakisation, collectivisation, and industrialisation: 1927–1931[edit source]

Economic policy[edit source]

Cultural and foreign policy[edit source]

Major crises: 1932–1939[edit source]

Famine[edit source]

Ideological and foreign affairs[edit source]

The Great Terror[edit source]

World War II[edit source]

Pact with Nazi Germany: 1939–1941[edit source]

German invasion: 1941–1942[edit source]

Soviet counter-attack: 1942–1945[edit source]

Victory: 1945[edit source]

Post-war era[edit source]

Post-war reconstruction and famine: 1945–1947[edit source]

Cold War policy: 1947–1950[edit source]

Eastern Bloc[edit source]

Asia[edit source]

Final years: 1950–1953[edit source]

Death, funeral and aftermath[edit source]

Political ideology[edit source]

Personal life and characteristics[edit source]

Personality[edit source]

Relationships and family[edit source]

Legacy[edit source]

Death toll and allegations of genocide[edit source]

In the Soviet Union and its successor states[edit source]

See also[edit source]

Notes[edit source]

References[edit source]

Citations[edit source]

Bibliography[edit source]

Academic books and journals[edit source]

Magazines, newspapers and websites[edit source]

Further reading[edit source]

External links[edit source]

Kim Jong-un

Contents

Early life[edit source]

Succession[edit source]

Pre-2010 Party Conference speculation[edit source]

Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission[edit source]

Leader of North Korea[edit source]

Assuming official titles[edit source]

Role in government[edit source]

New leadership style[edit source]

Economic policies[edit source]

Purges and executions[edit source]

Human rights violations[edit source]

Alleged assassination attempts[edit source]

Nuclear weapons development[edit source]

Diplomacy 2018–2019[edit source]

During the COVID-19 pandemic[edit source]

Personal life[edit source]

Personality[edit source]

Public image[edit source]

Wealth[edit source]

Health[edit source]

Family[edit source]

See also[edit source]

Notes[edit source]

References[edit source]

Further reading[edit source]

External links[edit source]

Margaret Thatcher

Contents